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America Needs a 13-6 Progressive SCOTUS
Solid4096
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« Reply #675 on: April 08, 2019, 11:59:01 AM »


Shoutouts to megameow for helping me with a lot of the district lines and what not

Where did MegaMeow post the 2010/2008/2006 Congressional map?

I want to see it.
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Metalhead123
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« Reply #676 on: April 08, 2019, 12:38:16 PM »


Shoutouts to megameow for helping me with a lot of the district lines and what not

Where did MegaMeow post the 2010/2008/2006 Congressional map?

I want to see it.
Megameow didnt post the maps, he just helped me work on them.
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America Needs a 13-6 Progressive SCOTUS
Solid4096
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« Reply #677 on: April 08, 2019, 01:06:49 PM »


Shoutouts to megameow for helping me with a lot of the district lines and what not

Where did MegaMeow post the 2010/2008/2006 Congressional map?

I want to see it.
Megameow didnt post the maps, he just helped me work on them.

Ugh, so does that mean that there still is no actual full large blank 2006-2008-2010 Congressional map for use as a template of sorts?
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Metalhead123
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« Reply #678 on: April 08, 2019, 01:24:27 PM »


Ugh, so does that mean that there still is no actual full large blank 2006-2008-2010 Congressional map for use as a template of sorts?
 

I'll post them in "Post Random Maps Here"
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America Needs a 13-6 Progressive SCOTUS
Solid4096
Junior Chimp
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« Reply #679 on: April 08, 2019, 02:02:52 PM »


Ugh, so does that mean that there still is no actual full large blank 2006-2008-2010 Congressional map for use as a template of sorts?
 

I'll post them in "Post Random Maps Here"

THANK YOU VERY MUCH!
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P. Clodius Pulcher did nothing wrong
razze
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« Reply #680 on: April 10, 2019, 10:10:42 PM »

Very cool!
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Metalhead123
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« Reply #681 on: April 30, 2019, 02:43:18 PM »

House election results in the Atlanta metropolitan area 1996-2018

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Some of My Best Friends Are Gay
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« Reply #682 on: May 01, 2019, 09:08:27 PM »

House election results in the Atlanta metropolitan area 1996-2018



Do you have data for prior to 1996?
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libertpaulian
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« Reply #683 on: May 02, 2019, 08:01:51 PM »

Beto beats Trump in Texas in 2020?
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Some of My Best Friends Are Gay
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« Reply #684 on: May 04, 2019, 07:03:00 PM »


I can't make a map, but Beto would flip Collin and Denton as the rural areas barely budge.
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Metalhead123
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« Reply #685 on: May 04, 2019, 07:32:09 PM »

I could probably get the data from ourcampaigns.com but I would have to draw the maps for the districts pre 96 and I don’t think I’m gonna be drawing it anytime soon.
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Calthrina950
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« Reply #686 on: August 20, 2019, 11:02:58 PM »
« Edited: September 09, 2019, 11:54:58 PM by Calthrina950 »

Here is a new scenario which I have devised, which is a departure from the Rutherford and Holland Scenarios of the past:


Edward H. Johannson (R-MN)/Neel Kashkari (R-CA)-61.05%-702 EV
John C. Dickenson (D-GA)/Chris Koster (D-MO)-38.69%-76 EV
Others-0.26%-0 EV

And the county map:



Source: https://fiction.fandom.com/wiki/File:United_States_presidential_election_results_by_county,_2016_(Atlas_Colors).png

In this alternate timeline, with a point of divergence either in the 1940s (Dewey wins the 1948 election) or the 1960s (Rockefeller becomes President in either 1960 or 1964, and takes the lead on civil rights), an incumbent Republican President, Edward H. Johannson of Minnesota, wins a landslide reelection against his Democratic opponent, Governor John C. Dickenson of Georgia. Johannson's landslide comes through a coalition that very much resembles those of Theodore Roosevelt, Warren G. Harding, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, predicated upon a thorough dominance throughout the antebellum free states and the majority of the postbellum states, in addition to the District of Columbia.

Johannson wins the election by more than 30.5 million popular votes, the largest margin of any presidential candidate in history. He obtains 61.05% of the popular vote, versus 38.69% for Dickenson, beating him by 22.36%. Of the 3,144 counties making returns, Johannson wins in 2,371 (75.41%), while Dickenson carries 773 (24.59%). Outside of the antebellum slave states and Oklahoma, the Republican dominance would be virtually total. In only four non-Southern states does Johannson lose a single county-Alaska, Arizona, Indiana, and New Mexico. In 30 other states, the Dickenson-Koster ticket does not win a single county, and outside of the South, carries only 17.

Johannson's dominance would extend across rural, suburban, and urban areas. Of the 100 largest counties in the United States, he would carry 95, with Dickenson winning only Collin County, Texas, Davidson County, Tennessee, Fulton County, Georgia, Gwinnett County, Georgia, and Montgomery County, Maryland.

Johannson would win a majority of counties in 43 states; Dickenson in 7. Dickenson would win the majority of counties in the Johannson states of Oklahoma and Tennessee (with an edge of 1 county in each), while Johannson would win a majority in the Dickenson state of South Carolina (with an edge of 4 counties).

When comparing this election to the actual OTL 2016 election, several interesting things can be observed:

1. As shown by this table (https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/574654036805156865/610625048977342464/unknown.png), Johannson wins a majority of every racial group, obtaining 63% of the white vote, 59% of the Other vote, 58% of the Asian vote, 57% of the Hispanic vote, and 53% of the black vote. The implications of this can be observed at the county level, with Johannson's victories in diverse urban and suburban centers, along with his strong performance in much of the African-American Black Belt and his carriage of all the majority-minority counties outside of the South. These are much higher than Trump's 2016 totals in OTL (58% of whites, 37% of Others, 29% of Asians, 29% of Hispanics, and 8% of blacks), reflecting the fact that in this timeline, Republicans have better minority outreach, did not pursue the Southern Strategy, and took a more proactive role with civil rights.

2. Johannson's top 10 best states include a mixture of Clinton's best states (Illinois, Massachusetts, Vermont), Trump's best states (North Dakota, Wyoming), and states that were close wins for either Trump or Clinton (Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin), as well a state with a comfortable Trump victory (Iowa). They would be spread across the Northeast and Midwest, with one (Wyoming) in the Mountain West.

3. All 20 of Clinton's states and the District of Columbia vote for Johannson, along with 24 of the 30 Trump states. Alabama, which was one of Trump's best states, is among Dickenson's best states as well. All of Dickenson's best states would be in the South-the six that he wins (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina), as well as Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and Missouri.

4. Johannson obtains a higher percentage of the vote than Trump in 39 states, and a lower percentage in 11. Notable among the Johannson overperformances are California (66.33% for Johannson compared to 31.49% for Trump), Illinois (67.81% for Johannson compared to 38.36% for Trump), Massachusetts (68.55% for Johannson compared to 32.81% for Trump), New York (64.56% for Johannson compared to 36.51% for Trump), Oregon (64.14% for Johannson compared to 39.09% for Trump), and Washington (67.06% for Johannson compared to 36.83% for Trump). Johannson also runs far ahead of Trump in D.C. (58.65% compared to just 4.09% for Trump).

5. Johannson receives more than 70% of the vote in Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Michigan, North Dakota, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Again, Johannson's totals would be far higher than Trump's (Trump's percentage in parentheses): IA-70.91% (51.15%), ME-72.03% (44.87%), MN-73.98% (44.93%), MI-72.76% (47.25%), ND-75.12% (62.96%), VT-78.22% (30.27%), and WI-71.10% (47.22%).

6. Outside of the top ten, there would be six other states where Johannson would receive more than 65% of the votes cast: Washington (67.06%), California (66.33%), New Hampshire (66.18%), Pennsylvania (65.76%), Idaho (65.60%), and Delaware (65.03%). These would be a mixture of Northeastern and Western states, again reflecting the "ancestral" orientation of Johannson's Republican coalition. Ohio (64.89%), Kansas (64.75%), Colorado (64.72%), New York (64.56%), Oregon (64.14%), Rhode Island (63.97%), Connecticut (63.76%), Nebraska (63.19%), and Montana (61.13%) would be the remaining states where Johannson's share of the vote would be higher than his national average. The first list would include a mixture of Clinton states and Trump states, including two of that election's closest (New Hampshire and Pennsylvania), where Dickenson would lose by more than 30%. And the second list would be a mixture of some strong Trump (Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska, and Montana) and strong Clinton states (the remainder).

TOP TEN STATES-2016

         JOHANNSON               DICKENSON
1.    Vermont-78.22            Mississippi-60.44
2.    North Dakota-75.12     Arkansas-58.49
3.    Minnesota-73.98         Georgia-56.56
4.    Michigan-72.76           Louisiana-52.92
5.    Maine-72.03               Alabama-51.33
6.    Wisconsin-71.10         South Carolina-50.72
7.    Iowa-70.91                Tennessee-48.19
8.    Massachusetts-68.55  Virginia-45.81
9.    Wyoming-68.49          Texas-45.69
10.  Illinois-67.81              Missouri-45.44
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morgankingsley
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« Reply #687 on: August 21, 2019, 01:37:26 AM »

Here is a new scenario which I have devised, which is a departure from the Rutherford and Holland Scenarios of the past:


Edward H. Johannson (R-MN)/Neel Kashkari (R-CA)-61.05%-702 EV
John C. Dickenson (D-GA)/Chris Koster (D-MO)-38.69%-76 EV
Others-0.26%-0 EV

And the county map:


Source: https://fiction.fandom.com/wiki/File:United_States_presidential_election_results_by_county,_2016_(New_Johannson_Scenario-Coded_Map).png

In this alternate timeline, with a point of divergence either in the 1940s (Dewey wins the 1948 election) or the 1960s (Rockefeller becomes President in either 1960 or 1964, and takes the lead on civil rights), an incumbent Republican President, Edward H. Johannson of Minnesota, wins a landslide reelection against his Democratic opponent, Governor John C. Dickenson of Georgia. Johannson's landslide comes through a coalition that very much resembles those of Theodore Roosevelt, Warren G. Harding, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, predicated upon a thorough dominance throughout the antebellum free states and the majority of the postbellum states, in addition to the District of Columbia.

Johannson wins the election by more than 30.5 million popular votes, the largest margin of any presidential candidate in history. He obtains 61.05% of the popular vote, versus 38.69% for Dickenson, beating him by 22.36%. Of the 3,144 counties making returns, Johannson wins in 2,388 (75.95%), while Dickenson carries 756 (24.05%). Outside of the antebellum slave states and Oklahoma, the Republican dominance would be virtually total. In only four non-Southern states does Johannson lose a single county-Alaska, Arizona, Indiana, and New Mexico. In 30 other states, the Dickenson-Koster ticket does not win a single county, and outside of the South, carries only 17.

Johannson's dominance would extend across rural, suburban, and urban areas. Of the 100 largest counties in the United States, he would carry 95, with Dickenson winning only Collin County, Texas, Davidson County, Tennessee, Fulton County, Georgia, Gwinnett County, Georgia, and Montgomery County, Maryland.

When comparing this election to the actual OTL 2016 election, several interesting things can be observed:

1. As shown by this table (https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/574654036805156865/610625048977342464/unknown.png), Johannson wins a majority of every racial group, obtaining 63% of the white vote, 59% of the Other vote, 58% of the Asian vote, 57% of the Hispanic vote, and 53% of the black vote. The implications of this can be observed at the county level, with Johannson's victories in diverse urban and suburban centers, along with his strong performance in much of the African-American Black Belt and his carriage of all the majority-minority counties outside of the South. These are much higher than Trump's 2016 totals in OTL (58% of whites, 37% of Others, 29% of Asians, 29% of Hispanics, and 8% of blacks), reflecting the fact that in this timeline, Republicans have better minority outreach, did not pursue the Southern Strategy, and took a more proactive role with civil rights.

2. Johannson's top 10 best states include a mixture of Clinton's best states (Illinois, Massachusetts, Vermont), Trump's best states (North Dakota, Wyoming), and states that were close wins for either Trump or Clinton (Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin), as well a state with a comfortable Trump victory (Iowa). They would be spread across the Northeast and Midwest, with one (Wyoming) in the Mountain West.

3. All 20 of Clinton's states and the District of Columbia vote for Johannson, along with 24 of the 30 Trump states. Alabama, which was one of Trump's best states, is among Dickenson's best states as well. All of Dickenson's best states would be in the South-the six that he wins (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina), as well as Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and North Carolina.

4. Johannson obtains a higher percentage of the vote than Trump in 39 states, and a lower percentage in 11. Notable among the Johannson overperformances are California (66.33% for Johannson compared to 31.49% for Trump), Illinois (67.81% for Johannson compared to 38.36% for Trump), Massachusetts (68.55% for Johannson compared to 32.81% for Trump), New York (64.56% for Johannson compared to 36.51% for Trump), Oregon (64.14% for Johannson compared to 39.09% for Trump), and Washington (67.06% for Johannson compared to 36.83% for Trump). Johannson also runs far ahead of Trump in D.C. (58.65% compared to just 4.09% for Trump).

5. Johannson receives more than 70% of the vote in Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Michigan, North Dakota, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Again, Johannson's totals would be far higher than Trump's (Trump's percentage in parentheses): IA-70.91% (51.15%), ME-72.03% (44.87%), MN-73.98% (44.93%), MI-72.76% (47.25%), ND-75.12% (62.96%), VT-78.22% (30.27%), and WI-71.10% (47.22%).

6. Outside of the top ten, there would be six other states where Johannson would receive more than 65% of the votes cast: Washington (67.06%), California (66.33%), New Hampshire (66.18%), Pennsylvania (65.76%), Idaho (65.60%), and Delaware (65.03%). These would be a mixture of Northeastern and Western states, again reflecting the "ancestral" orientation of Johannson's Republican coalition. Ohio (64.89%), Kansas (64.75%), Colorado (64.72%), New York (64.56%), Oregon (64.14%), Rhode Island (63.97%), Connecticut (63.76%), Nebraska (63.19%), and Montana (61.13%) would be the remaining states where Johannson's share of the vote would be higher than his national average. The first list would include a mixture of Clinton states and Trump states, including two of that election's closest (New Hampshire and Pennsylvania), where Dickenson would lose by more than 30%. And the second list would be a mixture of some strong Trump (Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska, and Montana) and strong Clinton states (the remainder).

Brah I thought you quit
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Calthrina950
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« Reply #688 on: August 21, 2019, 02:02:14 AM »

Here is a new scenario which I have devised, which is a departure from the Rutherford and Holland Scenarios of the past:


Edward H. Johannson (R-MN)/Neel Kashkari (R-CA)-61.05%-702 EV
John C. Dickenson (D-GA)/Chris Koster (D-MO)-38.69%-76 EV
Others-0.26%-0 EV

And the county map:


Source: https://fiction.fandom.com/wiki/File:United_States_presidential_election_results_by_county,_2016_(New_Johannson_Scenario-Coded_Map).png

In this alternate timeline, with a point of divergence either in the 1940s (Dewey wins the 1948 election) or the 1960s (Rockefeller becomes President in either 1960 or 1964, and takes the lead on civil rights), an incumbent Republican President, Edward H. Johannson of Minnesota, wins a landslide reelection against his Democratic opponent, Governor John C. Dickenson of Georgia. Johannson's landslide comes through a coalition that very much resembles those of Theodore Roosevelt, Warren G. Harding, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, predicated upon a thorough dominance throughout the antebellum free states and the majority of the postbellum states, in addition to the District of Columbia.

Johannson wins the election by more than 30.5 million popular votes, the largest margin of any presidential candidate in history. He obtains 61.05% of the popular vote, versus 38.69% for Dickenson, beating him by 22.36%. Of the 3,144 counties making returns, Johannson wins in 2,388 (75.95%), while Dickenson carries 756 (24.05%). Outside of the antebellum slave states and Oklahoma, the Republican dominance would be virtually total. In only four non-Southern states does Johannson lose a single county-Alaska, Arizona, Indiana, and New Mexico. In 30 other states, the Dickenson-Koster ticket does not win a single county, and outside of the South, carries only 17.

Johannson's dominance would extend across rural, suburban, and urban areas. Of the 100 largest counties in the United States, he would carry 95, with Dickenson winning only Collin County, Texas, Davidson County, Tennessee, Fulton County, Georgia, Gwinnett County, Georgia, and Montgomery County, Maryland.

When comparing this election to the actual OTL 2016 election, several interesting things can be observed:

1. As shown by this table (https://cdn.discordapp.com/attachments/574654036805156865/610625048977342464/unknown.png), Johannson wins a majority of every racial group, obtaining 63% of the white vote, 59% of the Other vote, 58% of the Asian vote, 57% of the Hispanic vote, and 53% of the black vote. The implications of this can be observed at the county level, with Johannson's victories in diverse urban and suburban centers, along with his strong performance in much of the African-American Black Belt and his carriage of all the majority-minority counties outside of the South. These are much higher than Trump's 2016 totals in OTL (58% of whites, 37% of Others, 29% of Asians, 29% of Hispanics, and 8% of blacks), reflecting the fact that in this timeline, Republicans have better minority outreach, did not pursue the Southern Strategy, and took a more proactive role with civil rights.

2. Johannson's top 10 best states include a mixture of Clinton's best states (Illinois, Massachusetts, Vermont), Trump's best states (North Dakota, Wyoming), and states that were close wins for either Trump or Clinton (Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin), as well a state with a comfortable Trump victory (Iowa). They would be spread across the Northeast and Midwest, with one (Wyoming) in the Mountain West.

3. All 20 of Clinton's states and the District of Columbia vote for Johannson, along with 24 of the 30 Trump states. Alabama, which was one of Trump's best states, is among Dickenson's best states as well. All of Dickenson's best states would be in the South-the six that he wins (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina), as well as Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and North Carolina.

4. Johannson obtains a higher percentage of the vote than Trump in 39 states, and a lower percentage in 11. Notable among the Johannson overperformances are California (66.33% for Johannson compared to 31.49% for Trump), Illinois (67.81% for Johannson compared to 38.36% for Trump), Massachusetts (68.55% for Johannson compared to 32.81% for Trump), New York (64.56% for Johannson compared to 36.51% for Trump), Oregon (64.14% for Johannson compared to 39.09% for Trump), and Washington (67.06% for Johannson compared to 36.83% for Trump). Johannson also runs far ahead of Trump in D.C. (58.65% compared to just 4.09% for Trump).

5. Johannson receives more than 70% of the vote in Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Michigan, North Dakota, Vermont, and Wisconsin. Again, Johannson's totals would be far higher than Trump's (Trump's percentage in parentheses): IA-70.91% (51.15%), ME-72.03% (44.87%), MN-73.98% (44.93%), MI-72.76% (47.25%), ND-75.12% (62.96%), VT-78.22% (30.27%), and WI-71.10% (47.22%).

6. Outside of the top ten, there would be six other states where Johannson would receive more than 65% of the votes cast: Washington (67.06%), California (66.33%), New Hampshire (66.18%), Pennsylvania (65.76%), Idaho (65.60%), and Delaware (65.03%). These would be a mixture of Northeastern and Western states, again reflecting the "ancestral" orientation of Johannson's Republican coalition. Ohio (64.89%), Kansas (64.75%), Colorado (64.72%), New York (64.56%), Oregon (64.14%), Rhode Island (63.97%), Connecticut (63.76%), Nebraska (63.19%), and Montana (61.13%) would be the remaining states where Johannson's share of the vote would be higher than his national average. The first list would include a mixture of Clinton states and Trump states, including two of that election's closest (New Hampshire and Pennsylvania), where Dickenson would lose by more than 30%. And the second list would be a mixture of some strong Trump (Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska, and Montana) and strong Clinton states (the remainder).

Brah I thought you quit

I've decided to come back here, though I'm going to try to keep my contributions to U.S. General Discussion to a minimum. I've remained active on the Atlas Right Discord Chat channel over the past few months, and that's what got me to come back here.
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