The Gathering Storm, Redux - Gameplay Thread (WW2 - Early 1940)

[Lumine]

The Gathering Storm, Redux

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (RGM2609)
United States of America: President Franklin D. Roosevelt (NewYorkExpress)
Empire of Japan: Emperor Hirohito (Devout Centrist)
British Empire: Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald (S019)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Edouard Daladier (YPestis25)
Soviet Union: General Secretary Josef Stalin (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Mustafa Kemal (OBD)
Dominion of Canada: Prime Minister R. B. Bennett (DKrol)
Czechoslovak Republic: President Tomáš Masaryk (JacksonHitchcock)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Spanish Republic: President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora (Hijodeagua)
Kingdom of Hungary: Regent Miklós Horthy (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Kingdom of Yugoslavia: King Alexander I (Mr. X)

[Lumine]

Turn I: 1933

Economic Performance:
Republic of Turkey: High
Czechoslovak Republic: Moderate
Empire of Japan: Moderate
Soviet Union: Moderate
British Empire: Weak
Spanish Republic: Weak
Republic of France: Weak
Kingdom of Italy: Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Weak
Republic of China: Weak
Kingdom of Yugoslavia: Weak
German Reich: Very Weak
Dominion of Canada: Very Weak
United States of America: Very Weak

Popularity:
Emperor Hirohito: Very High
President Roosevelt: High
Duce Mussolini: High
President Masaryk: High
President Kemal: High
Regent Horthy: Moderate
Prime Minister Daladier: Moderate
President Alcalá-Zamora: Moderate
Prime Minister MacDonald: Moderate
General Secretary Stalin: Moderate
Chancellor Hugenberg: Low
Prime Minister Bennett: Low
King Alexander: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China
Partial Mobilization: None
Conscription: Republic of France, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Kingdom of Italy, Republic of Turkey, Czechoslovak Republic, Spanish Republic, Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Volunteer Army: United States of America, British Empire, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, German Reich (Imposed by Versailles), Kingdom of Hungary (Imposed by Trianon)
Demilitarized: None

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

Following much intrigue and jockeying behind the scenes by Franz von Papen and the conservative Herrenclub, you’ve been appointed Chancellor by President Hindenburg. Although this represents a major personal triumph after years of political setbacks, it also comes with a major challenge in terms of establishing your authority. On the bright side, you control the largest mass media empire in the Reich, and the previous Prussian coup gives you the status of Reichskommisar of the nation’s largest region. On the other hand, your DNVP barely has 50 seats in the Reichstag, dismissed Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher is likely to resent you for his sudden downfall, and perhaps most important of all, the actions of the Communist KPD and Hitler’s NSDAP make it next to impossible for any government to succeed at establishing control. How will you navigate these troubled waters?

The impact of the so called “Crash” of 1929 has hit the Reich for years without end, causing untold misery and economic strife for millions of Germans. Thus far, policies to battle the current depression have relied on austerity and fiscal responsibility, a course of action that has been only recently challenged by Schleicher after he ordered significant investment on public works projects. The economy is also pressured from demands by the agricultural sector and the landowners – who have a strong influence on Hindenburg -, demanding economic protectionism to protect them from bankruptcy. Which should be the economic strategy to follow to combat the depression? And what should be done about the landowners?

Perhaps one of the most remarkable achievements – if not recognized as such – in German foreign policy has been the suspension and reduction of war reparations owed by the Reich, agreed upon last year at the Lausanne Conference. However, lack of acceptance of the new terms by the US Congress has once again caused speculation on the issue, one of the most unpopular restrictions levied upon Germany by Versailles. Should the debt be renegotiated once again? Perhaps even repudiated?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

They say that heavy is the head that wears the crown. Since 1931, you’ve led a National Government with the Conservative Party, which upon a historic election victory now enjoys a near unprecedented parliamentary majority. However, the cost of entering a coalition government has caused your own Labour Party to bitterly repudiate you, leaving you with only a small band of followers and MP’s as Stanley Baldwin’s Conservatives control most of the key positions. While they stand behind you as Prime Minister, it is a most difficult situation for a man who led Labour for over ten years. Technically, you have a “National Labour” organization and its 13 MP’s behind you, but it has not yet developed as a political party of its own. Should the present course be maintained to preserve the stability of the National Government? Should National Labour be transformed into something else?

Although not as affected as some of the hardest hit countries, the world-wide economic crises has placed tremendous strain on the British economy, causing previous budget crises, a reduction in trade, and high unemployment in industrial areas. As a response, the government has recently dropped free trade in favor of limited protectionism favoring the Commonwealth, devalued the currency, and committed to fiscal responsibility, but it remains to be seen whether a recovery is coming or not. There have been plans to host an international economic conference in London later this year, in what could be a unique opportunity to plan a collective response to the crisis. On the hand, should the conference go forward and fail, the impact on market confidence could be devastating. What will you do?

Invoking the sheer horror of the Great War and its unmitigated carnage, pacifists have gained remarkable influence and strength in the past few years, leading to significant popular support for various degrees of pacifist policies (ranging from collective security to outright disarmament) and relative hostility to “warmongering” stances. Coupled with the effects of the economic crisis, the calls for reducing defence spending have also increased, even as the government has dropped its “Ten Year Rule” assuming Britain would fight no major wars in the coming decade. How should the issue of defence be handled?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

You’ve just recently taken office at the head of a (theoretically) majority coalition, the third premier in only six months since the 1932 General Election. In it, your Radical Socialist Party won a resounding victory alongside the Socialists, but the impossibility to agree to a common program has forced the Radicals to govern instead with centrists, independent leftists and even moderate right-wingers. As a result, and despite having a parliamentary majority, the government remains unstable and prone to sudden changes, a most inauspicious position for a Prime Minister to be in. To make matters worse, the effects of the economic crisis have strengthened political extremists, particularly when it comes to the anti-parliamentary French far-right. Facing such difficult terrain, how will you ensure you last longer in office than your past two colleagues?

Regrettably, the French Republic is among those nations that the economic crisis has hit the hardest, leading to bankruptcy, the collapse of small farmers, and, perhaps most dangerous from the political point of view, mass unemployment. Sadly, fighting the crisis has been made extra difficult due to the enormous French deficit, preventing the government from being able to take much action at a time in which the nation is also heavily in debt with the United States as a result of the Great War. With your own party and most of its allies pushing for fiscal responsibility and austerity – the same policies that prevent an agreement with the Socialists – what direction will you take on the economic front?

After establishing a series of alliances, and undertaking a series of measures to cement French security which recently culminated on a controversial non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, recent trends raise the question of how France should handle foreign policy. On one side, the elevation of a hardline nationalist as Chancellor raises the question of the Franco-German relationship after a limited and short-lived rapprochement achieved under the moderate Weimar politicians. On the other, the lack of appetite for any potential conflict – or outright pacifism – visible both in France and the UK appear to limit the Republic’s room to maneuver. There’s also the issue of the “Little Entente” in the Balkans, which, while successful thus far under French guidance, may not necessarily last forever. What – if anything at all – should be done about foreign policy?

United States of America

Mr. President,

You’ve taken office after a resounding triumph against the unpopular Herbert Hoover, a landslide victory that comes at one of the most difficult moments ever experienced by America. Thanks to the 1930 and 1932 Elections the Democratic Party enjoys thumping majorities in both the Senate and the House, and your personal mandate gives you relative freedom to act in your first few weeks in office. However, the challenges ahead are enormous. A wide feeling of despair across the nation – beyond scarred after three years of untold suffering – has created intense fear of anarchy, revolution and/or violence in Washington D.C., and it is felt only unprecedented action can stave off disaster. With the public demanding action – of any kind -, how will you handle your first year in office?

It’s a self-evident fact that the number one concern for the public – other than the promised repeal of Prohibition, which falls on you to either drive home or reverse - is the dismal state of the economy, which appears to have reached rock bottom. You have famously promised a “new deal” for the people of America, but the concept itself has been notoriously devoid of details. And although your closest advisers certainly have ideas on what to do, these are not necessarily consensual in nature. Among others, topics such as banking and preventing further bank runs, whether to have a balance budget, how much to intervene the economy, whether to liberalize trade or not, and, of course, whether to abide by the gold standard, will require answers.

Strictly speaking, foreign policy is far from a concern for most Americans, to the point that isolationism appears stronger than ever across the nation. This, in turn, is likely to have consequences on the foreign policy you wish to pursue, whether it is to ride said wave of isolationism or to actively engage with the rest of the world despite the domestic risks. Whatever course you follow, the Pacific and Latin America are likely to be affected the most, with the United States currently occupying Haiti – having done so for the past twenty years, basically controlling the Cuban government, and having just recently promised the Philippines independence within ten years.

Soviet Union

Comrade General Secretary,

After many years of struggles, intrigues and political battles, your personal control over the party appears to be consolidated, at least for the time being. The exiled Trotsky spends his days wandering across Europe in search of sanctuary, and your previous rivals have all been demoted or expelled from the party. As a result, the question now arises as to how lenient or how strict to be with those foes. Bukharin, while still in the party, has been excluded from the party. Kamenev and Zinoviev have been expelled. And those of Trotsky’s followers who have refused to repent remain languishing in exile, unwilling to give up. How should them be treated? Is it time to liberalize, or to sweep aside the remnants of the old Soviet Union?

According to most officials in the party, the Five Year Plan has been a resounding success, drastically increasing the industrial output of the Soviet Union at a time in which the decadent, capitalist West appears doomed to stagnate. On the other hand, the drastic increase of forced collectivization of farms has coincided with a drastic famine all across the Soviet Union – particularly grim and horrifying within the Ukraine -, the recent winter bringing thousands (if not millions) of deaths through starvation. Frustrated party officials blame hoarding peasants for the famine, and, whilst managing to keep the news of the famine hidden from the West thus far, they have advocated both for taking advance of the famine to target “class enemies”, and for harsh measures to keep it contained, including preventing famine refugees from leaving affected areas. How should this crisis be handled?

Although most nations still view the Soviet Union with suspicion, if not with hostility, the days in which the emerging new power was an international pariah are increasingly over. Out of the major world powers, only the United States is yet to recognize the Soviet government, and, while thus far not a member of it, some Soviet diplomats suspect the Soviet Union could very well enter the League of Nations should it wish to make a serious push for it. Still, it is by no means certain that this relative improvement in foreign relationships is to be a permanent one, just as, while recent developments raise the prospect of long-term partnerships with nations such as France, the international situation remains fluid. How will you conduct Soviet foreign policy moving forward?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

After endless years of guerrilla warfare and bloodshed, the Libyan territories have finally been pacified thanks to the ceaseless struggle of Field Marshal Badoglio and General Graziani. Omar Mukhtar is dead, and so are his lieutenants. The remnants of his people lie by the thousands in concentration camps across Cyrenaica, their fate yet to be decided upon. With this victory, the Italian colonial empire takes another step towards success. It is now up to you to decide how the Libyan colonies should be administered, what rights – if any – should the local population receive, and, of course, whether to attempt to push for Italian emigration to the region, invoking the relatively successful precedent of Italian Eritrea (in sharp contrast to the under colonized Somaliland).

The widespread collapse of banking as part of the international economic crisis showcases, perhaps, the ultimate folly of capitalism and the free market. At least, that’s your instinct, which appears to be finally proven right. Italy has been hit hard by this depression, crippling the banks, driving businesses to bankruptcy, and posing a major question over Italian economic policy. Whereas a minority would seek the policies of austerity and fiscal responsibility tried elsewhere, other comrades egg you to double down on government intervention of the economy, perhaps going as far as to nationalize most businesses or, at the very least, to place them under state control. And other still pressure you to protect what industry Italy has by driving up tariffs, even at the cost of causing issues with your neighbors. What should be done?

The arrival of a new German government and the recent changes in leadership in Europe and North America bring the issue of foreign policy back into the forefront, opening up some interesting questions about the future. Many wonder whether Italy should rethink its past approach and seek stronger ties with one – or several – of the European powers, or to finally reopen the issue of Versailles and its demeaning treatment of Italy as a formally victorious power. Others, perhaps more imaginative, raise the prospect of previously unthinkable alliances, and even of warfare itself. What should Italy do on the foreign stage?

Empire of Japan

Your Majesty,

Despite the relative consolidation of semi-parliamentary government – if under guidance from the steadily declining Genro – during the past decade, said form of government has been steadily deteriorating under pressure from military officers and extremist groups. This has culminated on the assassination of the Prime Minister himself – the late Inukai - last May, an act which the courts only punished lightly. With his replacement as PM, Admiral Saito, leading a mixed military-civilian cabinet without much effective power, your influence may prove decisive to solve the political deadlock. Should you side with the political parties? With the military, currently divided between hardliners (Kodoha faction) and moderates (Toseiha faction)? Perhaps even consider direct imperial rule?

A year after the sudden invasion of Manchuria on the behalf of the Kwantung Army, organized armed resistance is seemingly over, but there are still major spots of resistance via guerrilla warfare or by pro-Chinese militias, all of which remain loyal to ousted warlord Zhang Xueliang. It is the belief of the Kwantung Army that the best way to crush any remaining resistance and end any support for Zhang would be to march south and invade Rehe, which is currently housing Zhang and his remaining forces. By overrunning the province, they argue, it would be possible to cement Japanese control over Manchuria, increasingly seen within Japan proper as an economic lifeline due to its natural resources. On the other hand, current operations have already earned Japan a stern rebuke from the League of Nations, leading to calls to abandon this organization. Should this operation be authorized?

The islands have been hit yet again by a natural disaster, with the foreseeable consequences for local inhabitants and the economy. The Sanriku earthquake and the subsequent tsunami may have killed as many as 3,000 people, and completely destroyed several towns in the Northeast. And though nowhere near as disastrous as the 1923 calamity, the damage is very much significant and long lasting, particularly to the already limited regional infrastructure. How should the government handle the aftermath of the earthquake?

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

Despite being forced to relinquish the formal leadership over the Nationalist government and only holding on to the title of “Chairman of the Military Affairs Commission”, it is clear to most people that you remain leader of the government, and that your plans for an era of “political tutelage” in order to achieve democracy remain in place. Still, the road to political supremacy remains long and hard. On the home front, you have to contend with Premier Wang Jingwei to your left, an advocate for avoiding conflict with Japan. To your right there’s Hu Hanmin, closely linked to the semi-autonomous warlords in the south, and a strong advocate of expelling the Japanese from China. And outside from the areas under Kuomintang (KMT) dominance, scores of warlords recognize your rule only nominally, and remain an obstacle towards true reunification. How will you handle the political situation?

Five years after launching a surprise attack against the Communists, the struggle between your KMT and the CCP continues unabated, with previous campaigns having been unable to dislodge the Communists from their eastern stronghold at Jiangxi Province (the so-called Jiangxi Soviet). Though there are many reasons for this, it appears evident that the lack of control over the warlord armies and the relative lack of quality and organization of the National Revolutionary Army have been a crucial factor. Despite your distrust of foreign powers, there has been talk of enlisting support from a European power to train the Nationalist armies, although past overtures directed at the Weimar Republic have failed due to their caution. How will you conduct the struggle against the Communists, and will you seek foreign assistance of any kind?

Distracted by the internal struggles, it proved impossible for you to prevent the Japanese from invading and occupying most of Manchuria in order to establish a puppet state, as well as from forcing you to demilitarize the city of Shanghai. And, despite strong and ceaseless complains to the League of Nations, it does not appear like the organization will be able to force the Japanese to withdraw. To make matters worse, the Kwantung Army may not even be satisfied with Manchuria proper, raising the prospect of a campaign down south and of all-out war. Placed at a disadvantage due to the current situation, how should Japan be handled? Should they be confronted once and for all? Should a truce be sought?

[Lumine]

Republic of Turkey

Your Excellency,

Yen years after taking office as President, the new state of Turkey is almost unrecognizable compared to the old days of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, you are personally credited with launching a strong agenda of social, economic and political reform, leading to sweeping social changes. Recently the issue of social and national cohesion has gained prominence within the political discourse, with it being argued that Turkey must do more to assimilate minorities and secure the full “Turkification” of the country. As a result, proposals have been raised from the legislature to restrict languages other than Turkish, and to forcibly relocate minorities to Turkish speaking villages to accelerate assimilation. How will you handle this issue?

One of the consequences of the Treaty of Lausanne has been the demilitarization of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, as well as the obligation to allow for unrestricted naval traffic. A humiliating imposition, the rising tension within the European continent has led military officers to express their concern, suggesting that Turkey must regain sovereign control over the Straits in order to effectively protect itself against any foe. However, barring unilateral action that could cause a crisis, the only way to address the issue would be to renegotiate Lausanne and/or receive the support of the leading European powers, including nations with a strategic interest like the British or the Soviet Union. Will you seek the remilitarization of the Straits and the revision of Lausanne? 

Czechoslovak Republic

Mr. President,

Fifteen years as the first and only President of Czechoslovakia have made you, in many ways, an unofficial father of the new nation. Despite its glaring ethnic imbalances, including the presence of over 3 million Germans and the disparity between Czechs and Slovaks, you have managed to keep the Republic together thus far. Although the Constitution only gives you limited powers, years of service have enabled you to build a large reserve of goodwill and unofficial power, allowing you to wield more power than you technically have. Still, your rapidly advancing age means you must also think about the future. How will you deal with the unfinished cohesion of the Czechoslovak state, and will you seek to expand the powers of Presidency in your final years in office?

Although the Czechoslovak state is not interventionist by nature in foreign policy, an unexpected opportunity has arisen in Latin America. Previously strong ties built with Bolivia have been invoked by La Paz due to their recent invasion of Paraguay – in the so-called “Chaco War” -, which has stalled due to logistical difficulties and poor leadership. With a number of Czechoslovak Great War veterans already serving as advisors in the Bolivian Army, the Bolivian government has requested military assistance and support in its war, which might allow Prague an unusual chance at building up influence outside of Europe.  Will you support Bolivia in any degree, or will Czechoslovakia stay away from the Chaco War?

Spanish Republic

Excelencia,

Though the new Spanish Republic is young, it cannot be denied it has taken decisive steps in a short period of months, to the point in which the memory of the deposed and exiled King is increasingly forgotten and sidelined. As President, and despite your party having only a few seats at the Cortes, you hold significant influence despite not presiding over the government, which is now being tested due to your increasingly strained relationship with Prime Minister Manuel Azaña. Having forced you to sign a number of secularization laws, the initially popular Azaña is starting to lose steam due to political missteps and the highly controversial execution of Anarchist militants at Casas Viejas. As the right-wing opposition calls for Azaña’s dismissal and new elections, can you navigate the political crisis to your own advantage?

As a part of Azaña’s pro-secular and/or anti-clerical legislative agenda, his government and the Cortes has just approved the so-called “Confession and Congregations Law”, which details how the Constitutional articles that harshly limit and regulate the activities of the Catholic Church should be applied. These developments, coupled with previous political and public attacks on the Church, have sparked outrage within pro-religion Spaniards, leading to the creation of several new Catholic political parties and organizations, and even a strongly worded protest by the Pope himself. As the Constitution forces you to sign the bill, this places you in an awkward position due to your known opposition to anti-clericalism. What will you do? Should the bill be signed to cut your losses for now? Should you delay signing until the last possible moment, and/or force the Cortes to vote it again? Or, perhaps, something more dramatic?

Kingdom of Hungary

Regent,

In many ways, the constitutional situation of Hungary is very much ambiguous, an unanswered question that has remained open for the past decade. Despite being the Regent, Hungary has no King since the Hapsburgs were expelled and failed – twice – to regain power. Thus, Hungary is a Kingdom without a King, a situation that has extended far beyond it was intended due to repeated Allied threats to go to war should the Hapsburgs ever be restored, leading to a political deadlock. But after so long, many wonder whether this situation is desirable, particularly as the Hapsburg claimant – Archduke Otto – has finally come of age. Should the present deadlock be maintained and your rule as Regent continue? Or should the possibility of a restoration be explored?

Although Germany is often presented as the victim of Versailles, Hungarians firmly believe they suffered far more as a result of the crushing Treaty of Trianon, which split Hungary across its neighbors and led to well over 70% of the country being separated from its current remnants. Forever unwilling to accept it, calls to revise Trianon and reverse the territorial losses have been constant, but unrealistic thus far. But with recent shifts in foreign policy, nationalist Prime Minister Gyula Gombos wonders if it’s not time to actively pursue the revision of Trianon, enlisting foreign support to correct what the nation considers a terrible injustice. Will you attempt to revise Trianon?

Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Your Majesty,

Over the past few years you have done your best to preserve the unity of your Kingdom by pushing for a strong, centralized government. The bitter opposition of Yugoslavia’s minorities – Croats, Slovenes, Bosnians, Magyars, and so on – has forced you to undertake increasingly harsh measures, including a Royal dictatorship, and recently, the drafting of a new Constitution to establish the Monarch as having executive power. Although the Serbs more or less stand behind you, said minorities have grown bolder and bolder on their demands – all while the Croat Ustashe engages in terrorist activities -, to the point in which Croat leader Vladko Macek has come out to demand immediate federalism for Yugoslavia, threatening to pursue independence if refused. As other ethnic leaders make similar demands, officers wonder whether you’ll negotiate with Macek, or whether royal authority should be reestablished, by force if need be.

The last decade featured a familiar, constant theme in Yugoslav foreign policy, that of France being the country’s main benefactor, and Italy being its biggest foe due to Mussolini’s claims on current Yugoslav territory. Still, there are signs that said dynamics may be changing. For one, French politicians have been increasingly dismayed at the Royal push for a centralized Yugoslavia, fear of losing their support forcing you to enact a new Constitution and reduce some of your powers. For another, the rise of a nationalist government in Germany raises questions as to whether Italy could ever be a partner, if only out of a common foe. On the other hand, Berlin could well be an unexpected ally against the Duce. With the strategic balance hanging on the air, how will you align Yugoslavia?

Dominion of Canada

Prime Minister,

With the economic crisis having already sunk – at least temporarily - your predecessor and rival Mackenzie King three years ago, the economy has very much not improved despite delivering on promises of higher tariffs and higher spending. Even worse, unemployment has skyrocketed to almost 30%, an unsustainable record that has millions of Canadians without the means to survive and wholly dependent on the limited – if at all existing – financial aid coming from the federal government or the provincial administrations. With an election coming in two years, and the Conservative Party divided between non-interventionists who want to stay the course, and interventionists who demand radical action to salvage the economy, the road ahead appears to be very hard indeed. Can you save the Canadian economy, and your government with it?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

One of the biggest disappointments arising from the fallout of the Great War was the refusal of the League of Nations to award German South West Africa to the Union for its formal annexation. Instead, the region was granted only as a temporary mandate, with the implicit goal of having the Union of South Africa to merely administer the vast territory until its inhabitants were ready for self-government and independence. This has proven frustrating, as although the mandate has not prevented South Africa from ruling these territories, it opens the uncomfortable question of having to part from it one day, and lose its vast resources. As talk of revising the post-war settlements emerges in Europe, should South Africa also seek a revision? Should the annexation of South West Africa be sought?

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Political strife in Germany

Paramilitaries smashed, Reichstag passes VONC on Hugenberg

FOR: GERMAN REICH

Newly appointed Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg wasted little time in trying to address the political deadlock that continues to paralyze the German Reich, forming a minority government - after extensive talks - with parliamentary support from the DNVP and the DVP (with 62 out of 584 seats in the Reichstag), in which new Vice Chancellor and Prussian Reichskommissar Franz von Papen and the retained Reichswehr Minister Werner von Blomberg appeared to fill crucial roles. Determined to re-establish order in the streets, Chancellor Hugenberg decreed a full ban on all paramilitary organizations within the Reich, whilst also ordering a crackdown in order to disarm and/or arrest their members.

In this, the Chancellor received full support from President Hindenburg and the active assistance of the Reichswehr, which alongside the police forces moved against the now recently banned SA and Reichsbanner - as well as the Red Front, which had been formally banned back in 1929 -, with only Der Stahlhelm spared as an unofficial pro-government militia. Street battles immediately flared up across Germany as combinations of government units took on the paramilitaries. Despite their numerical superiority, an unwillingness between the rival fronts to collaborate has made resistance to the government difficult, particularly due to its firm control over the Prussian police. Despite some reluctance in enforcing the ban in behalf of some of the Länder, the Bavarian government enthusiastically embraced the crackdown, placing emphasis on bringing the SA under control.

After a few days of infighting, and despite the climate of violence, the government appears to be prevailing for the most part due to superior resources, the three targeted paramilitaries being under heavy pressure - and, in the Reichsbanner's case, actively retreating instead of doubling down -. Political reactions have been immediate, with the SPD accusing Hugenberg of planning a dictatorship and an irate Adolf Hitler accusing the Hugenberg cabinet of being "run by Jews". As a result, a Vote of No Confidence was put before the Reichstag, with the following results:

VOTE OF NO CONFIDENCE ON CHANCELLOR HUGENBERG

YES: 379
NO: 76
ABSTAIN: 119

Despite unexpected abstentions from the Zentrum, BVP and other minor parties - signalling an apparent willingness to work with the Chancellor - as well as by a handful of NSDAP rebels, the SPD, KPD and NSDAP commanded an unassailable majority, a repeat of the successful VONC against Von Papen back in September 1932. Thus, the Reichstag has chosen to throw down the gauntlet at Hugenberg, leaving him - as well as other interested parties - with a crucial decision. Should the Reichstag be dissolved and new elections called? Or, perhaps, more drastic measures should be enacted?

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"Political tension within the German Reich rises, as the opposition controlled Reichstag - led by the NSDAP, SPD and KPD - now vow to immediately reject any emergency decrees issued by the Hugenberg government via invoking Article 48..."

"Despite the successful passage of landmark pieces of legislation as part of the "New Deal", the United States is reeling hard after a two-month bank closing, which had drastic effects on the public. After nationwide inspections, the recent re-openings have seen Americans rushing to withdraw funds, and a general unwillingness to deposit what was previously withdrawn in previous bank runs..."

"Following a heated parliamentary session in Vienna, Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss - bolstered by a recent state visit by Benito Mussolini - has stunned observers by indefinitely suspending Parliament and starting rule by decree, a move which the opposition has criticized as the start of a personal dictatorship..."

"Central-European capitals in a state of alert after a recent address by Hungarian Regent Horthy, which denounced the French Republic and the previous territorial dismemberment of the Kingdom of Hungary. Thousands have taken to the streets in Budapest to cheer on Horthy, whilst the Kingdom of Romania has already lodged an immediate protest..."

"A sudden political intervention by Emperor Hirohito in the form of a new Imperial Rescript has caused a notorious stir within the Japanese Empire, with unconfirmed reports of significant discontent within the military establishment..."

"Amidst grumblings by isolationist Democrats, the US Congress narrowly approves a foreign aid package for Yugoslavia, earthquake aid to Japan passes by a more significant margin. Senator William Borah (R-ID), criticized the move, questioning the wisdom of such foreign expenditures at a time of great hardship..."

[Lumine]

CRISIS

War breaks out in the Balkans!

Accusing Hungary of hostility, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia stage surprise invasion

FOR: EUROPEAN PLAYERS

Despite a few years of relative calm across the Balkans, the historically complex neighborhood saw a steady rise in tensions all the way into the autumn of 1933, partly fueled by Hungarian Regent Miklós Horthy's denunciation of the Treaty of Trianon and the post-Great War dismemberment of the Kingdom. With said comments badly received by Hungary's neighbors - particularly the French-aligned Little Entente -, the growth of aggressive rhetoric has culminated in a most unexpected outcome: the start of war in the middle of a continent-wide Depression.

With border garrisons not yet in a state of full alert, Europe woke up to the surprising news - delivered by Belgrade - that Hungarian troops had attacked a number of border posts across the border, an act which King Alexander immediately denounced as an unprovoked act of aggression. A few hours later, and amidst protests from Budapest claiming innocence, the Yugoslav Royal Army crossed the border into Hungary in full force, seizing the border cities of Pecs and Szeged in what they have described to foreign diplomats as a defensive act. The matter, however, was far from limited to those two nations, with the Czechoslovak Army joining in the invasion from the North in a clear, urgent threat to Budapest itself.

An already stunned Hungarian public was enraged to extremes when the Yugoslav-Czech declaration of war arrived hours after "Allied" troops had crossed the border. With the Royal Hungarian Army kept limited due to Trianon - and international monitors having only left the country a years ago -, the Hungarian forces have been unable to mount a firm resistance thus far, placed at a disadvantage by the twin invasion and by a Yugoslavian military seemingly flush with resources. However, as the Allies advance deeper, it remains unclear just how effective Hungarian resistance will be in the end.

[Lumine]

End of 1933

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: Admiral Miklós Horthy

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Sir Norman Angell

The German Winter of Violence

Reichstag burned down, Hugenberg leads crackdown on NSDAP,
Hitler commits suicide, Germany rocked by street fighting

After spending the first half of 1933 wielding the Reichswehr and conservative militias as an instrument to smash the paramilitary organizations responsible for much of Germany’s political violence, Chancellor Hugenberg’s authority was significantly weakened by the reaction from the Reichstag. Lacking a majority, the conservative deputies were consistently outmatched by a hostile – if completely disunited – KDP-SDP-NSDAP majority, which paralyzed the government and overturned all attempts by the Chancellor to invoke Article 48 and govern by Presidential decree. With the “negative majority” in the Reichstag fully intending to pressure Hugenberg into an election, the three parties held their ground. Hugenberg, for his part, made significant moves in terms of strengthening his party and his own position, but remained unable to pass his agenda and deliver on some of the promises made to would-be allies.

All of this changed on November 15th, 1933. That night, the people of Berlin woke up to a horrifying and unforgettable sight: The Reichstag building, a symbol of the Reich, was going down in flames. Despite the bravery of the firemen, almost the entire building was consumed by the fire, which, as it immediately became evident, was intentional. With the nation utterly shocked by this act of political violence, a few hours of tension and uncertainty were broken when the Prussian police arrested a handful of SA members, which were subsequently charged with setting fire to the building. Although the SA professed its innocence, Chancellor Hugenberg was quick to denounce the fire as a failed plot to elevate NSDAP leader Adolf Hitler into power, and immediately asked the Reichstag permission to invoke Article 48 to take action.

This, at last, broke through the parliamentary deadlock, as the KPD and SPD temporarily dropped their anti-Hugenberg stance and did not block the Chancellor from acting. With the party about to be outlawed, NSDAP dissident Gregor Strasser led a few dozen deputies in breaking out of the party to form the Social Revolutionary Front (SF), whose existence was not only allowed, but, in the eyes of observers, was even actively encouraged. Subsequently, the Chancellor prevailed upon the President to order the banning of the NSDAP and the arrest of its deputies and leaders, a harsh measure that the Reichstag – perhaps opportunistically so – declined to block. A few days of violence ensued, with the remnants of the SA and pro-Hitler civilians rising in revolt in major cities to take on the police and the Reichswehr.

It soon became clear that months of crackdown – as well as mounting financial troubles – had left the NSDAP too weakened to attempt an actual coup, culminating in a failed and costly attempt to seize Berlin. In the aftermath, and with his forces crumbling, a desperate Adolf Hitler committed suicide, allegedly stating: “It’s over. Germany is doomed.” His surviving followers have split and continued their resistance in hopes of sparking a civil war, with Ernst Röhm’s SA making a last stand in Nuremberg, Joseph Goebbels trying to raise a popular militia in Pomerania, and Hermann Goering flying to the demilitarized Rhineland. It is perhaps Goering – who, after seizing Cologne, has taken its mayor hostage – who poses the most complex challenge, having purposely fled into an area in which the Reichswehr – at least technically - cannot follow.

Whatever sense of calm may have been achieved following the news of Hitler’s death, however, has been undermined by the government’s decision to also redouble the crackdown on the Reichsbanner and the Red Front, reigniting the left-wing opposition to Hugenberg. The SPD has already called for a General Strike to bring down the government, and the KPD is said to be preparing for armed struggle as well.

Third Balkan War

Romania joins Yugoslav-Czech coalition, Budapest nearly surrounded,
Ethnic strife undermines the Little Entente, pacifist protests in Europe

What initially started as a joint Yugoslav-Czech operation to rapidly subdue Admiral Horty’s regime in Hungary has rapidly escalated during the last weeks of 1933, becoming a fully-fledged war – already described by many as a “Third Balkan War” – which threatens to spiral out of control as unforeseen events and consequences take place. Ill-prepared for war due to the limitations imposed by the Treaty of Trianon, Hungary nonetheless experienced a groundswell of patriotic feeling and support for the Admiral, the local population being outraged at what they considered to be an unprovoked aggression. It has become common for volunteers and militias to march across the streets of Budapest and other major cities, arguing that Hungary must never surrender lest it be wiped out of the map for good.

In the military front, the Yugoslav military – flush with resources due to French support and a major American aid package – made a strong, concerted push towards Budapest, successfully overrunning most of southern Hungary. Dreams of immediate conquest, however, were shattered due to a violent Hungarian counterattack, which temporarily stopped the Yugoslav forces partly due to their poor morale and rising internal strife. To the east, the Kingdom of Romania held extensive discussions regarding participation in the war, having to contend with different sets of outside guarantees encouraging different courses of action. In the end, the Cabinet voted narrowly – allegedly, by a single vote – to go to war, enabling the Romanian military to cross into Hungary and occupy Debrecen in the last week of December.

However, it was the Czech military – enjoying far greater morale and a shorter supply route – that accomplished the most, breaking through the small Hungarian military and, save for a route to the south, almost encircling Budapest itself. An attempt to close the siege, however, was defeated on Christmas Day by Hungarian volunteers, which were reported to be inexplicably better armed than in previous days. Also aiding the beleaguered Hungarian cause was the reaction of the Hungarian minorities living in the Little Entente, with protests, defiance and outright sabotage breaking out in Slovakia, Transylvania and the Banat, compromising the Entente supply lines into occupied territory. Still, with the bulk of Hungary already under Entente control, many wonder just how long can Admiral Horthy hold out.

The war has also had unexpected consequences despite having only recently started. For once, the enormous economic cost associated with warfare in the middle of the depression threatens to cripple not only Hungary, but most of the Entente itself (with the notable exception of Yugoslavia, with the US aid package being equivalent to 20% of its annual GDP). For another, it has sparked continent-wide fears of another Great War, causing panic and uncertainty. Whilst the European Stock Exchanges reel and take losses, the first pacifist and anti-war protests have already broken out in cities such as London and Paris, redoubling calls for disarmament and to prevent a new Great War.

Chinese Civil War reignited

Nationwide backlash against Sino-Japanese Treaty, Chiang rebuked by Allies,
Despite success in Xinjiang and Jiangxi, KMT threatened by Hu and Zhang

The signing of the Sino-Japanese Treaty, providing an apparent end to Sino-Japanese hostilities that had grown increasingly violent over the past few years, came as a surprise to the Kuomintang, the Chinese warlords, and indeed, for the Chinese people itself. With the feeling of national humiliation over the Shanghai incident and the occupation of Manchuria still high, the treaty sparked immediate backlash and condemnation towards Generalissimo Chiang, who was widely perceived to have accepted a disadvantageous position. Indeed, uneasy allies such as Hu Hanmin did not waste time in proclaiming the treaty to be “the ultimate humiliation, and an act of treason”, and young warlord Zhang Xueliang – the most personally affected one – accused Chiang of “spineless bowing down to Tokyo”. Unexpectedly, Chiang found vital support from previous rivals such as Wang Jingwei and his left-faction, which believed the Republic of China could not risk full-scale war with the Japanese.

Still, the damage was done. Not only did Zhang and Hu refuse to accept or acknowledge the validity of the treaty, they outright revolted against the KMT, dragging Guangdong and Shanxi provinces with them. Chiang, for his part, resolved to consolidate his power and put down his largest enemies, starting a drive to sway local warlords and moving the National Revolutionary Army into action, assisted by a recent treaty that signaled the arrival of French military advisors. For all purposes, the Chinese Civil War had restarted in spectacular fashion. Chiang’s efforts in the latter half of 1933 would bring decidedly mixed success. On the brighter side, an expedition into Xinjiang successfully restored order in much of the province, driving local warlord Sheng Shicai – recently elevated in a provincial coup - to the verge of collapse. A number of minor warlords also chose to remain loyal and to accept de jure control by the KMT.

On the other, attempts to arrest Zhang and his loyalists in the Manchukuo border failed, allowing the warlord to continue resisting the Japanese and defying the treaty. Matters were made worse by a refusal by northern warlord Feng Yuxiang to cooperate with Chiang, and by Hu Hanmin’s defiant stance from Guangdong. In the end, the main KMT offensive took place in the south against Hu, a major effort that, in spite of early victories, collapsed into an attritional standstill when the elite 19th Route Army, a key KMT formation, revolted against the treaty as well and joined forced with Hu. As a result, and while Chiang retains control over the Nanjing government and the bulk of the NRA, it appears it will take a major effort to counter the latest threats to his dreams of unification.

The December 2nd Incident

Major discontent within the Japanese military despite diplomatic success,
Prime Minister Saito shot dead by Army cadets, Kwantung Army takes the initiative

Perhaps ironically, the fact that the Sino-Japanese treaty was far better received – if not outright celebrated – across Japan was not in itself a guarantee of stability or an antidote against political strife, as later events showed. Although most of Japan’s apparent goals were fulfilled by the treaty, seemingly securing Manchukuo as a vital satellite and a source of economic gains, many officers in the Army resented not only the end of hostilities, but also the controversial Imperial Rescript that seemingly condemned their past military adventures, and which many believed – or chose to believe – had been dictated to the Emperor by the navy or by the politicians. In Manchukuo proper, the Kwantung Army abided by the Sino-Japanese Treaty only in terms of pursuing Zhang Xueliang’s loyalists and enforcing the demilitarized zone against the Chinese, going as far as to launch minor expeditions to establish said zone by force whilst maintaining their own fortifications. Not only that, bureaucrats by Nanjing have reported that the share of profits has been unusually low, leading Kwantung Army officers to accuse the Chinese of embezzling them and trying to blame Japan.

In Japan proper, efficient and competent action by the government seemingly prevented the worst – or the better coordinated - outbreaks of military discontent and violence, but could not foresee the actions of junior officers. During a visit to Kyoto, Prime Minister Saito Makoto was accosted by half a dozen military cadets and stabbed to death on December 2nd, the cadets – seemingly unaligned with the major army factions – proclaiming they had killed the traitor who had “imposed the shameful rescript” on His Majesty. Arrested, they are expected to face trial during the first few months of 1934. Despite the cadet’s calls for the army to rise up and support the Emperor against the “decadent politicians” in what has been described as the “December 2nd Incident”, there has been no seemingly coordinate action after Saito’s murder, but a number of Navy officers and democratic politicians have been targeted in separate attacks, harassment or threats of various kinds.

A New Deal for America?

FDR’s ambitious agenda earns plaudits, but is overshadowed by controversies,
Isolationists rally against White House, demanding resignation of War Secretary Dern

Having despaired over the last four years, American voters elected Franklin D. Roosevelt under the hope of his “New Deal”, an undefined agenda that would allegedly lift the United States out of the depression and back into prosperity. The President certainly wasted little time in getting to work, asking Congress – in which the Democratic Party holds large majorities – to pass what can only be described as historic, if not outright unprecedented legislation that places the new President firmly in the progressive side of the political aisle. Despite a major banking fiasco whose effects continue to undermine confidence in a recovery, massively popular social programs were authorized by Congress, including health insurance, free trade, work programs for the unemployed, a minimum wage, benefits for various groups, regulation of Wall Street, and even expansion of labor rights.

Passing such bills, however, has not come without opposition. Various pro-business groups have denounced many of FDR’s New Deal reforms as unaffordable, extreme or harmful to economic growth, and the economy has suffered due to the resulting lack of confidence. It is not entirely clear how many of these programs will be paid for, with Congress and many Democrats still reluctant to engage in mass deficit spending. More importantly, the conservative-leaning Supreme Court has taken issue with some of the new legislation, particularly with a minimum wage that, according to its critics, may be constitutionally dubious. Cases against the New Deal are expected to be heard as soon as 1934, in what could constitute a major challenge – or vindication – to the President’s agenda.

And whereas many believe such reforms would be enough to maintain FDR’s record popularity at the start of its tenure, observers believe the administration has lost significant popularity and support due to a number of controversial decisions, many of which have alienated specific groups. The Yugoslav aid package, for example, has become a symbol for isolationists of the need to keep America away from European problems, and it has become a rallying cry for the Republican Party – seemingly on its terminal stages – to try and dig itself out of its current hole. Senator William Borah, already ambivalent towards the administration, has turned into a bitter and persistent critic following a failed and unconsented appointment to be “Ambassador to Manchukuo”, which the Senator angrily rejected. Isolationists, while supportive of the Haiti withdrawal, have rallied – alongside German-Americans – against the highly controversial remarks of War Secretary Dern, who suggested the Administration would intervene in Central Europe if it could, and argued Germany should have been treated more harshly by the Treaty of Versailles. Dern has been called a "warmonger", with critics arguing he intends to push President Roosevelt to intervene in Europe.

With the 1934 Midterms coming, and with the President facing increased pressure from the right and now, from the left due to a recent a public feud with Senator Huey Long (D-LA), many wonder if FDR and his New Deal will truly be able to change America for good… and for the better.

[Lumine]

The Croatian Crisis

Ethnic minorities rally against Balkan War, open defiance in Croatia,
Armed intervention against Ustashe reveals foreign support for Pavelic

Already unpopular outside of Serbia due to his personal dictatorship over the country and the unstable nature of the Yugoslavian state, King Alexander I attracted enormous controversy during 1933 due to his actions, which have, in a somewhat contradictory way, left Yugoslavia more unstable whilst increasing his personal power. The arrival of US economic aid enabled the Monarchy to start funding a safety net for the population, an act which, combined with the creation of an Advisory Council with participation of political leaders from the Kingdom’s ethnic minorities – though not the most important ones, who refused to join – seemed to go a long way into lowering the political and social tension across the country. This promising start, however, was quickly undermined by the sudden invasion of Hungary, an act that, while very popular across Serbia, has proved to be politically toxic in the other parts of the Kingdom.

In Slovenia and Bosnia, this opposition was relatively more muted, limited to resignations from the Advisory Council, a passive resistance to the draft, anti-war rallies and protests, and the occasional act of violence. In Croatia, however, the war was far more bitterly resisted, resulting in a minority of Croatian troops and military officers actually defying orders or taking stances against the invasion. Croatian leader Vladko Macek went as far as to assert the need for Croatian independence in a public speech, calling on Croatians to oppose the war and to continue pressuring Belgrade, a call that Ustashe leader Ante Pavelic – from his exile in Italy – upped by calling for open revolt and civil war. Having already taken notice of the Ustashe, King Alexander ordered a military operation in Croatia to smash the organization. Carefully planned to avoid an escalation of violence, the Yugoslavia military mostly succeeded in destroying a number of Ustashe cells without provoking outright civil war.

However, an unexpected twist took place when a Ustashe warehouse was captured in a raid, in which Yugoslav officers found what they described as evidence of foreign material support for the Ustashe, including high-quality weaponry.

Trade Controversies

Whilst Free Trade proves increasingly popular in the US and Japan,
British and French trade deals cause domestic dissent

Already an issue of controversy and public debate, trade has re-emerged as one of the most politically divisive issues regarding the world-wide depression and the ways to contain it.

Due to the signing of recent economic treaties involving some of the world’s largest economies, economic consequences are already starting to be felt, but they have been pushed into the background due to the more glaring and short-term political implications, which wary from country to country. Japan has perhaps been the nation that has benefited the most, with recent treaties with Britain, France, Italy and the United States easing up importation of goods, and measures to protect farmers protecting the government from major backlash to what promises to be a profitable enterprise. The United States has seemingly also benefited partly due to the unpopularity of the now repealed Smoot-Hawley tariff, with President Roosevelt’s embrace of free trade and low tariffs being one of his better received initiatives.

On the other hand, France and Britain have suffered their most over the trade arrangements signed in 1933, if for different reasons. In the United Kingdom, Prime Minister MacDonald has come under fire by pro-tariff members of the Conservative Party, including key members of the National Government and even the Cabinet – who, nonetheless, have kept disagreements private due to collective responsibility -. More worryingly for the Prime Minister, the Commonwealth has reacted badly to trade arrangements between Britain, Japan and France, arguing they breach a recent commitment by the UK to put the Commonwealth first in terms of tariffs. With Australia taking the lead in terms of criticism, many will look towards South Africa and Canada for their reaction. And, in France, Prime Minister Daladier’s arrangements with Japan, China and Britain have also sparked condemnation from various sectors, including farmers, trade unions, and the far-right, all of which – for very different reasons – call for higher tariffs to protect France from foreign competition.

Daladier’s Balancing Act

French PM battles complex domestic policies, faces coalition dilemma,
Corruption scandals and Balkan War raise political tension

Recent French Prime Ministers have not lasted long while in office, and Edouard Daladier can be satisfied up to a point after managing to celebrate his first year in office, surpassing many of his unsuccessful predecessors. However, it is also clear to observers that the political climate in France is growing more and more unstable, with both domestic politics and the international situation making matters difficult for the wily political operator. Having chosen to resume courting of the SFIO, the ever elusive would-be partner for the Radicals in a proper center-left government, Daladier made headlines by taking on a somewhat populist approach, denouncing the so-called “200 families” that, he alleges, control the wealth of France. This immediately caught the attention of the SFIO, whilst causing immediate tension with the right and constant threats by the AD that the government could be brought down at any moment.

Daladier redoubled his bet, providing the SFIO with a bold offer that, despite being seen as significant progress, SFIO leader Leon Blum has taken his time to examine, refusing to quickly commit to a deal. The PM also made further inroads with the French left after supporting the Soviet Union’s attempt to attain membership of the League of Nations, a goal that was finally achieved near the end of the year. However, matters were made more urgent with the break out of war in the Balkans and French involvement supporting Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. While the French public is not the least bit favorable to Horthy, fears of another war have given renewed strength to the pacifist movement and fueled anti-war protests, forcing Blum, in turn, to up the ante and raise his demands on Daladier. This instability was further fueled on December by the uncovering of a major corruption scandal surrounding the extremely well-connected embezzler Alexandre Stavisky, who was accused by the police of printing an endless stream of fake bonds supposedly worth millions of Francs, subsequently sold to prominent companies on the advice of politicians and media figures close to Stavisky.

Rather than risk arrest, Stavisky has fled, and the exposure of the scandal by the media has sparked major outrage due to the major names associated with Stavisky, as well as fuel anti-Semitism due to his ethnic origin. Although Daladier has in no way been associated himself, the so called “Stavisky-affair” and the Balkan War further complicate his path, leaving many to question just what the French government will look like in the next couple of months.

Smuts’ Power Play

South Africans stage surprise referendum in South West Africa,
Pro-Annexation victory after campaign dash by PM Smuts

Unsatisfied with the vague status quo of South West Africa, a League of Nations temporary mandate granted to the Union of South Africa, Prime Minister Jan Smuts decided the time was right for decisive action to secure the vast territory for his own nation. Rather than seek international arbitration, Smuts surprised the League of Nations by announcing a referendum was to be held at the end of the year, allowing the inhabitants of the territory to decide between independence or full annexation by South Africa. Smuts himself campaigned hard for annexation, skillfully exploiting the fears of the white population – the only ones with the right to vote – regarding future domination by the black majority. As a result, the Annexation side won with over 80% of the vote, a resounding victory for Smuts that appears to strengthen his case for the League to relent and grant South Africa full control over the region. Thus far, the main dissident voices have come from Ethiopian representatives at the League, who claim that, with the white population being around 7-8%, only a very small minority voted at all.

[Lumine]

Turn II: 1934

Economic Performance:
Empire of Japan: High
Republic of Turkey: High
Soviet Union: Moderate
Czechoslovak Republic: Weak
British Empire: Weak
Republic of France: Weak
Kingdom of Italy: Weak
Republic of China: Weak
Kingdom of Yugoslavia: Weak
Dominion of Canada: Weak
Commonwealth of Australia: Weak
German Reich: Very Weak
United States of America: Very Weak
Polish Republic: Very Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:

Emperor Hirohito: High
Regent Horthy: High
Duce Mussolini: High
President Masaryk: High
President Kemal: High
President Roosevelt: Moderate
General Inspector Koc: Moderate
Prime Minister MacDonald: Moderate
General Secretary Stalin: Moderate
Prime Minister Lang: Moderate
Prime Minister Daladier: Low
Chancellor Hugenberg: Low
Prime Minister Bennett: Low
King Alexander: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Very Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Kingdom of Hungary, Czechoslovak Republic, Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Republic of Turkey
Partial Mobilization: None
Conscription: Republic of France, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Kingdom of Italy, Polish Republic
Volunteer Army: United States of America, British Empire, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, German Reich (Imposed by Versailles), Commonwealth of Australia
Demilitarized: None

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

Several weeks of violence following the Reichstag Fire have extended themselves into the winter and your second year as Chancellor, increasingly taking on the outlook of a civil war. While, on the bright side, Herr Hitler is now dead, his followers continue to resist in separate regions and/or cities, and Goering’s escape into the demilitarized Rhineland poses quite a dilemma in terms of his suppression. And, though somewhat defanged after the Reichwehr smashed the paramilitaries, the KPD and SPD pose a vital threat, both in Parliamentary terms, and in their most recent actions: a call for a General Strike by the latter, and the prospect of armed resistance by the former. Understandably, it all makes for a complex political challenge to be overcome, even if your personal authority has been steadily bolstered by events. How will you deal with the NSDAP remnants and your enemies in the left?

Although measures previously introduced by General Schleicher during his term have delivered some relief to the German economy and the public, the utter deadlock in the Reichstag – ongoing even after the arrest of scores of NSDAP deputies – has led to the overturning of almost all your legislative decrees (that depended invoking on Article 48). As a result, the economic paralysis continues, a continued crisis that does not help the government’s efforts to restore some semblance of order as the political struggle continues. Not only that, but landowners, industrialists, the unemployed and the trade unions all demand action – though they violently disagree on what should be done – and the SPD-KPD vow still to block any measures until the government holds a general election. How will you handle the economic front?

Over the past nine years, the Reich and the Polish government have been involved in a trade and customs “war” as a result of conflicting interests and the grievances resulting from the aftermath of Versailles. As a result, the Polish coal industry has been substantially hurt, and the economic impact has been far more significant for Warsaw than it has been for Berlin. On the other hand, after nine years of economic warfare with no end in sight, there are those who have questioned the wisdom of these efforts, wondering if Poland might not prove a valuable partner – assuming such a relationship would be possible – in these fluid, unforeseeable times. How will you conduct the Polish-German relationship? Will the trade war continue?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

Though celebrated by advocates of free trade – including your former Chancellor, Philip Snowden -, the recent trade agreements signed with Japan and France have caused some bewilderment and even anger in parts of the Commonwealth. Ever since the Ottawa Conference in 1932, they believed Britain had committed itself to a moderate form of protectionism, putting the Commonwealth first and foreign nations last in terms of relaxing trade barriers. Quoting these new arrangements as a breach of that principle, the Australian government has taken the lead in protesting these measures, and there’s significant speculation on whether South Africa, Canada and other Dominions will follow suit in condemning the trade arrangements. How will you handle this delicate situation? Should the government stand their ground, at the potential risk of alienating the Commonwealth?

The government’s commitment to multilateral security and calls for peace in Europe have been well received domestically, but fears continue to grow over the horrific prospect of another European War due to the events in the Balkans. Investors and the stock exchanges have panicked at the idea of Britain being dragged into war, a fear which could complicate efforts to fight back against the effects of the depression. On the other hand, and while pacifist marches – often lead by Labour MP’s – achieve great popularity, a small minority of parliamentarians and public figures take sides: some of the more “hawkish” MP’s calling to support the anti-Hungarian coalition; and media barons like Lord Rothermere take Hungary’s side, denouncing King Alexander I in the process. Facing this veritable minefield, how will Britain handle the Third Balkan War?

Despite the trend towards decentralization, autonomy and even independence across several current or former colonies, an odd exception seems to be developing in North America, in the relatively underpopulated – with only a quarter of a million inhabitants - Dominion of Newfoundland. After their remarkable contributions in WWI, the Dominion has driven itself to bankruptcy and crippling debt due to overspending and endemic corruption, to the point in which a Royal Commission and the Newfoundlander government both have expressed a belief that it will be necessary to suspend Newfoundland’s autonomy – at least temporarily so - and return it to direct rule from London. However, there are those in the Dominion of Canada who might see Newfoundland as a territory that ought to be placed under their control, even if the debt issue makes it more controversial than it otherwise might be. What should be done about Newfoundland?

Republic of France:

After embezzling millions of francs with the apparent support and/or involvement of prominent politicians and media personalities, the infamous Alexandré Stavisky is on the run, the outrage at his brazen crimes, anger against the “establishment”, and the police manhunt all conspiring to create an even more toxic political environment. As the far-left demand heads to roll from the rich and powerful, and the far-right take issue with Stavisky’s ethnicity to push for antisemitism, it is certain that, whatever happens, at least some in France will be unhappy about the outcome of this case. What should be done from the government is not entirely certain either, with some arguing for a hard-line against corruption – even if the downfall of certain figures actually empowers extremist politicians -, and others worried about the prospect of the government being damaged should the revelations of the Stavisky case go in an unexpected direction. What will you do?

Negotiations with the SFIO and Leon Blum progressed nicely in so far as your rhetoric and economic proposals were well received, but they have stalled after Blum – repeating a trick he already played against you a few years ago – raised the stakes. The Socialist leader is still demanding for the Radicals to ditch austerity in favor of deficit spending – toxic to the centrist deputies -, and perhaps more worryingly, to refrain from intervening in the Third Balkan War so as to avoid a European-wide conflict. On the other side of the equation, the moderate right represented in AD is incensed as the SFIO-talks, and threatens to bring down the current ministry by walking out should these negotiations with Blum continue. It is by no means an easy situation to solve, made worse by the political pressure – similar to that faced by MacDonald in Britain – of interests groups who demand an immediate reversal of the recent trade agreements, and an embrace of protectionism. How will you handle such a complex dilemma?

Unlike Britain, the French colonial empire has the comparative advantage of a far more embryonic and limited push for local autonomy and independence. And while this serves as a partial relief at times, there are exceptions to the rule. Damien de Martel, the High Commissioner for the Levant, writes from Syria, which – after a massive revolt in the late 20’s – has recently elected a parliament and a vaguely pro-French President. As the push for Syrian autonomy and independence has not diminished with time – being now represented by a new National Bloc coalition -, de Martel and other colonial officers wonder if it is time to try and pursue an independence treaty in order to pre-empty further troubles in the region. Of course, and much like in British India, what the locals want and what the National Assembly in France are willing to stomach may not necessarily be the same, but is the issue worth exploring? Or should decisions on Syria be postponed while the domestic upheaval is dealt with?

United States of America

Mr. President,

Thanks to the extent of the 1930 and 1932 landslides, the Democratic Party enjoys a strong majority in the Senate, and an overwhelming one in the House of Representatives. And while control of Congress is not necessarily seen as being at risk, party bosses have begun to focus their attention on the November midterms that will take place this year. Although the administration has promoted and pass unprecedented legislation to address the depression, much of it broadly popular, it is also believed that your popularity has taken a hit due to a number of controversies, including the Yugoslavian aid package, the banking closure, and recent sniping between yourself and Louisiana Senator Huey Long. Long, for his part, has started to campaign on his populistic “Share Our Wealth” agenda, and is emerging as something of a rallying point for those who feel you haven’t gone far enough. How will you deal with the midterms, as well as with the balance of power within the party?

To name just a few policies, the New Deal thus far has led the way in trying to provide health insurance, works programs, a federal minimum wage, benefits for the poor and the elderly, and even strengthened powers for organized labor. And while much of these have already passed Congress or are in the process of implementation, there are serious questions about their future in the long term. Prevented from regaining growth due to the banking crisis, it is not altogether clear how the US economy will pay for such an extensive range of social programs, particularly with the Democratic Party divided between those who advocate fiscal conservatism and balanced budgets, and those who would fund the New Deal through deficit spending come what may. The other elephant in the room is the conservative-leaning Supreme Court, which has taken issue with measures such as the minimum wage and is expected to hear cases challenging its constitutionality. How will you fund the New Deal, and how will you confront opposition to it?

Foreign policy has undoubtedly been controversial as of lately, and something of a mixed bag for the administration after one year in office. On the more popular side of the equation are the successful withdrawal from Haiti, resulting in one less long-term commitment for the US. This also applies to the recent trade deals with Japan and the general push for free trade, fueled by the backlash to the Smoot-Hawley tariffs. On the other side, isolationist politicians – including Senator Borah – have emerged as persistent critics of more “interventionist” policies, with aid to Yugoslavia – now a factor in the Third Balkan War – cited, as well as the controversial comments of War Secretary Dern, which have resulted in calls for his resignation. Finally, the Philippines has expressed a willingness to acquiesce to a continued US naval presence, but only during the transition period to independence and not afterwards. What will you do about the Philippines, and in the realm of foreign policy?

Soviet Union

Comrade General Secretary,

Firing incompetent and/or questionable officers has proceeded at a steady pace, the methods for replacement helping to start a process of renewal in the previously bloated bureaucracy at the cost of some discontent within the party and the sacked individuals. Still, the famine has not let go, the start of the second Five-Year Plan receiving priority whilst the collectivization of farms remains at roughly two-thirds of the total, with a third of current farms still resisting it or remaining untouched as of yet. As thousands continue to perish and the risk of exposure to the west grows, officers wonder if the USSR should redouble work on the plan and collectivization regardless of the cost (a so-called “long-term approach”), or take active steps to end the famine, even if it means postponing key policy targets. What should be done?

As of the last few years, the Comintern and its associated parties have stood behind a policy of individual political behavior and a criticism of “social fascism”, which has meant that local Communist parties have also targeted social democrats and liberals as foes, and have tried to exploit the economic downturn to expand their mass appeal. The strategy is still broadly supported, but there are those who wonder what the Communist parties should do given the rapidly changing political situation in countries such as France, Spain, Austria and Germany (particularly the latter two due to the Dollfuss and Hugenberg-led repression). With the Comintern due for a World Congress in 1935, and with Moscow having a key influence in it, what stance will you take? Should the Communist parties continue to battle the social fascists?

Over the past year, and partly due to the consequences of the Sino-Japanese Treaty, the situation in China has grown quite chaotic, with the Chinese Civil War having started to gain the attention of the Foreign Ministry. Previously successful in resisting the Kuomintang, the Chinese Soviet Republic operating out of Jiangxi appears to have an opening to strike a blow against Generalissimo Chiang, although the lack of a border or suitable ports might make it hard to assist it should Moscow desire to do so. There is also the matter of Xinjiang province in the Chinese far-west, where local warlord Sheng Shicai has been recently defeated by KMT units and driven to the brink of collapse, leading to some of his officers to make passionate and urgent overtures to the USSR asking for immediate support. Intervening either to support the Chinese Communists and/or Xinjiang could certainly expand Soviet influence in China, but it would certainly result in permanent conflict with Chiang and the KMT. What will you do?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

Naturally, the ongoing Third Balkan War and the perilous scenario faced by Horthy in Budapest is at the forefront of all discussions in Rome, particularly since it’s not entirely clear what Italy ought to do in such a crisis. Boasting one of the largest armies in Europe – at least on paper -, there are many who advocate war against Yugoslavia and the Little Entente to protect Hungary from its destruction, a position also supported by exiled Croatians who urge you to “save their nation” from King Alexander. There are others, of course, who fear the conflict spiraling out of control should other nations join in, even if they deplore the potential scenario of Italy losing its influence and would-be partners in the region. Though action has been taken in terms of the current embargo – which is starting to hurt the Yugoslavian economy - Italian credibility may well be on the line. What will Italy do when it comes to this war?

Following your instructions, Minister Jung has started work on the ambitious economic agenda you have set forward, resulting in a marked rise in terms of state expenditures as social, work and development programs are implemented and expected to yield results – positive or not – before long. This broad mobilization of resources, however, is not without its controversies. For one, while reducing tariffs on Japan is not particularly controversial, many worry about and/or dislike the notion of following the US, France and Britain in their embrace – partial or not – of free trade and lower tariffs. For another, whilst the nationalization agenda is undoubtedly popular, it has also sparked fears among investors, particularly foreign ones. Finally, there is also the issue of how to fund such increasing expenditures, and whether they are compatible with Italy’s comparatively very high spending on the military and in defense.

After eight years of ongoing efforts at influencing the country, including the signing of a defensive alliance, and the comprehensive – if unpopular for the Albanians – treaties of Tirana, and despite a recent overture to King Zog, there is some friction with the Albanian Kingdom. Having been propped by Italian loans, the effects of the economic crisis have damaged the Albanian economy enough that Zog and his government have stopped payment of the loan and its interests, a matter which has irritated many in Rome. This impasse, which has gained greater prominence and notoriety due to the neighboring Balkan crisis, poses an interesting foreign policy dilemma. Is it time to force Albania to bind itself closer to Italy and force repayment of the loan, even through other means of payment? Or should something more akin to a partnership be sought? What should be done about Albania?

Empire of Japan

Your Majesty,

Due to the December 2nd Incident, Admiral Saito is now the second consecutive Prime Minister to be assassinated, in both instances by disgruntled junior military officers. While the culprits are tried – in what could well be a repeat of the similar trial for Inukai’s killers – you now face the dilemma of having to appoint yet another Prime Minister. With the Navy worried about taking on the challenge again, Minister of War Araki is now pressuring – on behalf of the Army and also the Kodoha faction – for a General to be appointed to the post. Although it goes unspoken, Araki seems to be implying a desire for the position. You could also try to appoint a politician to reverse the trend towards military-led government, or, perhaps, even consider bringing in a member of the Imperial family. Who should become the new Prime Minister?

The signing of the Sino-Japanese Treaty was generally seen as a triumph for the Japanese position in China, and a guarantee that Manchukuo – now recognized by several nations, including the US – may be here to stay after all. There are, however, complains and concerns levied by the Kwantung Army, which claims that Zhang Xueliang’s continued resistance could well be interpreted as a sign of Chinese bad faith, and ought to be addressed with further punitive expeditions. Some Kwantung officers have also responded angrily to Chinese claims regarding the profit sharing scheme, denying that the transferred funds have been low and accusing the Chinese themselves of embezzlement. All in all, not the most enviable of situations to be addressed. Should the Sino-Japanese Treaty be respected as it stands, and what instructions should the Kwantung Army receive?

Domestically, Japan has seemingly scored a coup through its expansion of trade with North America and Europe, coupled with a politically successful – if economically costly - approach towards lessening its impact among the farmers. However, there has been significant controversy from the Diet regarding talk of collective bargaining and trade unions, the mere idea of which has been readily denounced by the Zaibatsu, as well as by the legislative majority held by the conservative Seiyukai. The liberal Minseito has been lukewarm at best, and only the socialist Minshuto – which only fields 3 deputies – has embraced the idea. As a result, the measure does not appear likely to garner consensus, barring further action to bolster it. A couple of advisors have also floated the idea of an early election to get rid of the present Diet altogether so the next one can address such issues. What will you do?

[Lumine]

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

Partly due to the backlash surrounding the Sino-Japanese Treaty, the Chinese Civil War has reignited, opening up several new fronts in what amounts to a new challenge to your leading position in the government. To the south, Hu Hanmin leads Guangdong to rebellion alongside the traitorous 19th Route Army. To the north, Feng Yuxiang and Zhang Xueliang have joined forces to both continue resisting the Japanese in Manchuria and rebel against your rule. And then there’s the Jiangxi Soviet, ever a threat, with preparations for an offensive having just been completed as the army continues its process of modernization with encouraging results. How should military affairs be conducted? With any of three foes be focused upon? Will you fight them all to prevent anyone else from stepping in?

Among the many issues plaguing China, many have started to notice the growing apathy and perceived “lack of morality” among much of the population under KMT control. Despite the influence and legacy of Dr. Sun Yat Sen, it is not entirely clear to most ordinary Chinese what the party and the Nanjing government stand for, and whether there’s a coherent set of beliefs – or an ideology – to be found. Many – including Wang Jingwei, temporarily turned into an ally – have come to believe China would benefit from a more ideological approach to improve on the many weaknesses the current system has, though there are those who argue that the war and the need to lift the country out of misery make ideology a secondary – or pointless – concern. Will you be pursuing any action on this front?

The Sino-French treaty has been successfully implemented thus far, with limited railroad construction starting and French officers making an impact of their own on the NRA. Economic benefits are yet to truly show up to the Guangdong rebellion and the fact that the Japanese will not leave Shanghai until a couple of years, but the experience has led some to take a greater interest in foreign arrangements and partnerships despite the usual isolationism or nationalism found in the KMT. While, for the most part, those officers or politicians are thinking of deepening the Sino-French partnership, others look elsewhere. Some economically minded individuals are urging a rapprochement with Britain or the US to gain assistance and counter Japanese influences. Others are tempted to look towards Japan as a future partner, in spite of public backlash. And, as Mussolini takes greater prominence, even a Fascist-aligned group has been formed – the Blue Shirts Society – calling on the KMT to embrace Fascism and find long-term help. How will you address the issue?

Czechoslovak Republic

Mr. President,

The Czechoslovakian Republic is at war. Thus far, the Czechoslovak Army has proved itself to be the better trained and armed force out of the Little Entente, as well as the most motivated – by far – in the mission of bringing Hungary to heel and prevent further aggression. Still, there are decisions to be made on the war front. On one side, it remains unclear what Germany and Poland – despite being distracted by domestic politics – will do about the war. On another, the opposition of the Hungarian minority within Slovakia (numbering well over 600k people) is hurting the supply lines into occupied Hungary, an issue that needs to be addressed. And, more importantly, the Czechoslovak Army is on the verge of surrounding the enemy capital of Budapest, opening the question of how to capture the city. Should it be put under siege until it surrenders, at the risk of lengthening the war? Should it be assaulted and bombarded, perhaps at the risk of international outrage? How will you conduct the war?

Contrasting to the superior Czechoslovakian morale is the state of the economy as the nation goes to war. Unlike Yugoslavia, spared from its immediate effects due to an availability of funds, the state finances are already starting to feel the impact from the sudden declaration of war and the mobilization of the army. This, at a time in which unemployment remains high and growth stagnant, sparking speculation on how long can a war be fought until external financial assistance becomes necessary. From the government, Prime Minister Jan Malypetr has suggested undertaking emergency measures and bypassing parliament if need be, as well as the prospect of reparations on Hungary to force to pay for the war. How will you handle the economic front?

Kingdom of Hungary

Regent,

Hungary is at war! Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have struck against Hungary with what the public considers to be the flimsiest of excuses, and Romania joining in has only further enraged Hungarians within the nation and those who are forced to live under Entente rule. Your popularity, at least for now, has skyrocketed as a result of being a war leader, and millions of Hungarians take to the streets to volunteer or are enlisted as conscripts to fight. More is sky high, but ammunition and supplies are not, and the lack of experienced men puts Hungary at an enormous disadvantage. To make matters worse, Budapest is almost surrounded, and the three Entente armies converge from different directions, leaving the Austrian border as the last lifeline connecting you to the rest of the world. It’s an unenviable situation, but as the Polish proved fifteen years ago, survival is not impossible even in the most difficult situations. How will you conduct the war?

Regardless of how well Hungarians fight and resist, it is clear to most that the survival of the nation depends on international assistance. However, it is not altogether clear who might be willing – or able – to intervene and offer support. Some look towards Dollfuss in Austria as well as the Italian Duce as the obvious options, particularly after Mussolini sanctioned Yugoslavia. Others place hope in Germany and Poland despite their internal strife, wondering if their territorial claims or interests against Czechoslovakia might not be of use. Others still try to consider every avenue, however unlikely, and there’s even talk at the Foreign Ministry of reaching out to the League of Nations, the British, and perhaps even to President Roosevelt in Washington. Where will you seek help, and will you be able to gain support for Hungary before it’s too late?

Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Your Majesty,

Yugoslavia is at war, and despite an early setback the situation is more promising than not. Still, there are issues that will need addressing if the Little Entente is to prevail. These include the low morale of the Yugoslav Army, which is hampering operations; the rioting by the Hungarian minority, compromising supply lines; the Italian sanctions, which combined with the cost of the war threaten to eat through the US aid far quicker than expected; and, of course, how operations against Hungary itself should proceed, ranging from those officers who push for the dash to Budapest for a quick end, to those who’d rather advance slowly and secure the territory. It will be quite a test for you as commander in chief, as your military prestige – a product of an excellent performance in the Balkan Wars and the Great War – will be under scrutiny. How will you try to secure victory for Yugoslavia?

Despite the somewhat promising start of the advisory council, the start of the Third Balkan War appears to have accelerated the ethnic and political strife within the nation, ranging from rioting and open defiance in a Croatia on the brink of civil war, to the general animosity in Slovenia and Bosnia. Although you have struck a blow against the Ustashe without worsening the situation, their leaders are in exile and it is now clear at least one foreign power appears to be supplying them with weapons, an act that could enable them to continue their struggle. Not only that, the pressure for autonomy from the ethnic minorities – and in the case of Croatia, of independence itself – remains at odds with the staunch Serbian support for a centralized, Serbian-dominated state, a dilemma that could befuddle the most accomplished statesmen. How will you keep Yugoslavia together in such a critical moment?

Polish Republic

General,

First Marshal Pilsudski is dead. With him an era truly ends, for it was he who charted a steady and stable course for the new independent Polish Republic, and it was he who led it to a most unlikely victory against the Soviets. Having been very recently – and unexpectedly – chosen as Pilsudski’s heir, you have become Inspector General of the Armed Forces and Minister of War. Still, you are not yet at the top of political power, and must navigate the internal divisions within Pilsudski’s Sanation movement. To the left you have influential politician Walery Slawek, eyeing the premiership, and willing to reach out to the opposition. At the center you have President Ignacy Moscicki, a moderate keen to preserve the Sanation regime. At the right you have General Edward Rydz-Smigly, representing the more authoritarian, nationalist and anti-Semitic elements. These are troubled waters that you’ll have to navigate if you are to dominate Poland. How will you handle your ascension to power?

Aside from domestic issues, recent developments in Europe – as well as the start of the Third Balkan War – raise the question of Poland’s foreign allegiances and partnerships. Pilsudski consistently favored playing the Soviets and the Germans against each other to keep them at an equal length, a stance only recently modified following a non-aggression treaty with Stalin, and a successful diplomatic stance against Germany over Danzig, both of them two years ago. There is also the matter of the Polish claims on Czechoslovakia, which remain unsolved. And, of course, the ongoing standoff with Lithuania, a source of mutual distrust. Although you don’t have absolute control over foreign policy – yet – your voice will certainly be decisive. How should Polish foreign affairs be conducted post-Pilsudski?

Republic of Turkey

Your Excellency,

Yen years after taking office as President, the new state of Turkey is almost unrecognizable compared to the old days of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, you are personally credited with launching a strong agenda of social, economic and political reform, leading to sweeping social changes. Recently the issue of social and national cohesion has gained prominence within the political discourse, with it being argued that Turkey must do more to assimilate minorities and secure the full “Turkification” of the country. As a result, proposals have been raised from the legislature to restrict languages other than Turkish, and to forcibly relocate minorities to Turkish speaking villages to accelerate assimilation. How will you handle this issue?

One of the consequences of the Treaty of Lausanne has been the demilitarization of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, as well as the obligation to allow for unrestricted naval traffic. A humiliating imposition, the rising tension within the European continent has led military officers to express their concern, suggesting that Turkey must regain sovereign control over the Straits in order to effectively protect itself against any foe. However, barring unilateral action that could cause a crisis, the only way to address the issue would be to renegotiate Lausanne and/or receive the support of the leading European powers, including nations with a strategic interest like the British or the Soviet Union. Will you seek the remilitarization of the Straits and the revision of Lausanne?  

Dominion of Canada

Prime Minister,

Your government has successfully pushed the tariff increase through the House of Commons despite the bitter opposition of Mackenzie King’s Liberals, who continue to advocate for free trade. Still, the tariff issue has gained salience after the controversial British trade deals that lowered tariffs, sparking a protest from Australia. It is also clear that the tariff controversy and the current collapse of the Newfoundlander dominion government will test Canada’s relationship with the UK, and that voters, who are to go to the polls next year to deliver a verdict on your government, will be looking to your reaction. Aside from tariffs, many Conservative MP’s remain concerned over the high rate of unemployment and the sluggish recovery, reigniting the internal debate between those who want to stay the course, and those who want a bold economic policy, drawing inspiration from leaders like Roosevelt and Mussolini. How will your government handle these issues?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

Criticism from a few isolated malcontents aside, the South West Africa referendum has been a resounding success, giving your government a clear justification to attempt the annexation of the region. However, your Cabinet wonders how exactly you should proceed. Should negotiations be conducted with the League of Nations or with London over the issue? Should unilateral annexation be enacted, at the risk of backlash? Should South Africa court other nations for recognition to strengthen its case? Aside from this, the issue of trade is also on the news due to the recent British trade deals, which have caused discontent in the Commonwealth. Due to your prestige, many will be interested in your stance, and on whether you’ll provide political cover to Prime Minister MacDonald or attempt to lead the Commonwealth opposition to lower tariffs with foreign nations.

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

You have just been elected into office - with the smallest of majorites - following a shock victory by your Australian Labor Party against Joseph Lyons. Although Australia has seemingly moved on from the worst moment of the depression, the economic outlook remains grim and is seen as your biggest priority. Unemployment remains staggeringly high, there is still a budget deficit, and Australia is also forced to pay significant amounts in overseas debt to Britain, at a time in which recent British trade deals - which counter previous committments to Commonwealth protectionism - have sparked anger among the voters. On the bright side, the desperate masses are looking for a savior, and if you play your cards right, you may just become the man for the job. What will you do?

[Lumine]

CRISIS

German Civil War!

NSDAP virtually destroyed, Hugenberg centralizes conservative elements,
After confusing incidents and violent infighting in Berlin, KPD rises up in revolt,
Backed by President Hindenburg, Hugenberg bans the KPD and SPD, sparking a national uprising

FOR: GERMAN REICH

Unwilling to allow continued resistance by the leaderless remnants of the NSDAP, Chancellor Hugenberg immediately encouraged the Reichswehr and loyalist elements to launch further efforts designed at the destruction of the Nazi movements, hoping to end the crisis before the end of the winter. Chased by the military across Pomerania, Joseph Goebbels' militia fell apart due to a lack of training and weaponry, resulting in Goebbels' death in the middle of a fire fight. Rather than risk the consequences of entering the demilitarized Rhineland, it was Der Stahlhelm - as a unofficial militia rather than the Reichswehr that entered the region, storming the city of Cologne in an attempt to put down Hermann Goering's revolt. Several days of fighting - which left the city in ruins - ended with Goering's defeat and capture. Unfortunately, Der Stahlhelm was unable to save the imprisoned mayor Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum), who was executed by a SS squad. Only Ernst Röhm and his SA were able to push back against the Reichswehr, holding onto Nuremberg and expanding their area of control.

With Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss closing the border to prevent the Nazis from escaping into Austria, the NSDAP remnants were forced to either scatter deeper into the Rhineland, or tried to flee towards Röhm to continue the resistance. By the end of January 1934, the NSDAP was virtually neutralized, no longer possessing the strength to take over the Reich. However, the crisis was about to escalate further, right towards full blown civil war. Right at the start of February, and as the SPD-led General Strike paralyzed the country, the KPD arrested a number of suspected Abwehr agents in Berlin, whom they accused of trying to provoke a false-flag operation. The scandal degenerated in a gunfight when a Reichswehr platoon tried to rescue the agents from an attempted lynching, the spark that ignited the German powder keg. KPD leader Ernst Thälmann, fearing an imminent arrest, called for "a national uprising against the reactionary government", and set to (begrudgingly) negotiate with the SPD the immediate recall of the Reichstag.

In the meantime, a reasonably well-prepared Chancellor had come to visit the increasingly ailing President Hindenburg at his Neudeck estate. Warning of an imminent Communist putsch, Hugenberg walked out of Neudeck with an unprecedented series of presidential decrees. Among other dispositions, the KPD was banned, the Reichstag temporarily suspended and martial law declared until June, and striking was declared illegal. Only 48 hours later, when the SPD refused to depose the General Strike and denounced the decrees as the start of a dictatorship, Hugenberg proceeded to ban the SPD as well. Thus the lines were drawn. Devoid of their paramilitaries after the crackdown, and unable to reconvene the Reichstag, the SPD and KPD were forced into an awkward partnership, with Thälmann and SPD Chairman Otto Wells forming an "anti-fascist front", and recruiting "popular militias" to build barricades and seize control over cities.

Alongside Thälmann and Wells, a number of personalities joined the fight against Hugenberg, including Artur Mahraun and his German State Party. On Hugenberg's side, the growing unity of the conservative movement was consolidated by the decision of the DVP to merge with the DNVP, forming the German National Front (DNF). Thus far, Zentrum - still grieving over Adenauer's murder - and Strasser's SF have maintained silence, and the Bavarian government, while allegedly tempted to take a stand against the Chancellor, has enforced the SPD/KPD ban, apparently fearing Thälmann more than Hugenberg. Thus far, the anti-Hugenberg coalition appears stronger in Hamburg, Saxony and even in Berlin itself despite the heavy Reichswehr presence. Given the scale of the fighting, many have declared it an outright Civil War, but it remains unclear how long will it last... and who will prevail.

EVENT

Shock Result in Australian Election!

Once perceived as unelectable, leftist firebrand J. T. "Jack" Lang
leads Australian Labor Party to surprise victory against the moderate UAP

FOR: BRITISH COMMONWEALTH

Hurled out of office in 1931 after an extremely difficult period in government, the leftist Australian Labor Party (ALP) came close to division and implosion, particularly after Joseph Lyons, one its conservative defectors, led the opposition to victory to become Prime Minister under the United Australia Party (UAP) banner. The ALP, having lost almost half its seats, almost split in half due to the bitter conflict between then incumbent PM James Scullin, of moderate instincts, and firebrand Jack Lang, the New South Wales Premier, whose bombastic and populist approach made him both popular and feared. Having almost caused a constitutional crisis, Lang came close to abandoning his old party, only deciding to stay after becoming persuaded that he could wait it out and replace Scullin. Once the dust from the election settled, Lang - who narrowly retained his premiership in 32' - led a campaign of outright political harassment against Scullin, finally replacing him as Labor leader in 1934.

Despite his undeniable appeal and rampant anti-communist, Lang's hard-left economic policies made him a constant target of controversy, and the sheer internal divisions within his party led many to write him off as unelectable. To make matters worse for the new opposition leader, Lyons remained popular and well-liked, even as Australia struggled to make it out of the economic crisis. With an election due for December, Lyons called for a snap election in March, hoping to take full advantage of Lang's recent elevation to the leadership by ensuring Labor was caught off guard. But what should have been an easy, simple campaign resulting in a landslide was not to be. For one, Lang proved an extremely effective orator, rallying against austerity and connecting with the lower classes. For another, the controversy over the British trade deals caused an uproar in the staunchly protectionist Australia, and Lang capitalized on the discontent. Finally, a health scare took Lyons out of the campaign trail, denying the UAP its biggest asset.

When the smoke clear, a bewildered Lyons and his government - as well as all of Lang's internal critics - were astounded to see that the public had been swayed by "The Big Fella". The ALP had attained the barest of majorities in the House and Senate, and was returning to government again. Lang's election as Prime Minister has sent shockwaves across Oceania and even the Commonwealth, suggesting Australia is - for better or worse - about to enter a new era.

1934 Australian General Election:

Party/Alliance		Votes (%)		Seats
Australian Labor Party		43% (+3)		39 (+17)
United Australia Party		33% (-9)		25 (-20)
National Party		15% (+3)		10 (-6)
Social Credit Party		4% (NEW)		0 (=)
Communist Party		2% (+2)		0 (=)
Total				74 Representatives

Incoming Prime Minister:
Jack Lang (Labor)

Incoming Government:
Labor Majority (1 Seat)

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"Following the unexpected death of King Albert of Belgium in a mountaineering accident, the Duke of Brabant has been crowned as King Leopold III..."

"The fallout from the US Secretary of War's resignation continues, as George Dern criticizes the circumstances of his dismissal in an interview to the Hearst press. Famed aviator Charles Lindbergh, FDR's surprise choice for a replacement, has turned down the President's offer despite his keen interest on the job, citing the ongoing media storm surrounding the kidnapping and death of his son, with the killer yet to be found..."

"There's still general surprise at R. B. Bennett's decision to call for a snap General Election in Canada, it's outcome very much in doubt. Although Liberal leader Mackenzie King welcomed the announcement and vowed to win decisively, some newspapers believe the Prime Minister has bolstered his position with a recent campaign tour, and has forestalled possible splits in the Conservative Party with the sudden announcement..."

"As the primary season for the 1934 midterms ends, socialist author Upton Sinclair wins the Democratic primary for California governor, sparking questions as to whether the FDR Administration will back him up or leave the unexpected winner to fight on his own..."

"A motion by the Kingdom of Italy to condemn Yugoslavia over the Third Balkan War fails at the League of Nations, denied unanimity by several European powers. Despite seemingly limited support for Hungary, a large number of neutral nations - particularly South American ones - choose to abstain..."

"Shockwaves continue over recent international moves and declarations from the Soviet Union, with divided reactions. As left-wing parties hail General Secretary Stalin as a champion of anti-fascism, many conservative or anti-communist groups criticize "Soviet meddling" in Europe, particularly after Stalin's call for resistance in the German Reich. With Benito Mussolini taking on a strong anti-Stalin line, many European personalities have taken sides for the Duce or the General Secretary on this rhetorical conflict..."

"Political tension in Croatia appears to be on the rise, as unconfirmed reports state that several hundred Croatian soldiers in the Yugoslav Army have deserted their posts. Thus far, no similar reports have emerged from the Yugoslav officer corps, which is said to be over 90% Serbian..."

"In Birmingham, England, thousands attend a successful rally by the British Union of Fascists. BUF leader Oswald Mosley demanded decisive action by tackling unemployment, and hailed Italian Duce Mussolini as "an example for Britain to follow..."

"A failed assassination attempt against revolutionary leader Augusto César Sandino leads to open civil strife and civil war in Nicaragua. Sandino is now facing open warfare against General Anastasio Somoza's National Guard, only a year and a half after the US withdrawal under the Hoover administration..."

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Revolution in Spain!

Spanish left revolts against new right-wing ministers in the government,
PSOE-led General Strike paralyzes the country, Asturias seized by revolutionaries,
Catalan President declares Catalan State in Barcelona

FOR: EUROPEAN PLAYERS

The events in Germany have seemingly provoked consequences across Europe, as the Second Spanish Republic becomes the latest European state to face a civil conflict. Following the collapse of Manuel Azaña (IR)'s left-wing government, the October 1933 elections yielded a significant victory to the conservative right, which enjoyed a dramatic increase in popularity following the promulgation of new anti-clerical laws by Azaña. However, the CEDA, Spain's new leading catholic and right-wing party, was not asked to become part of the government, the President instead appointing an unstable moderate government. Unable to govern any longer with further parliamentary support, Prime Minister Alejandro Lerroux (PRR) made the fateful decision to include the CEDA on its cabinet, sparking an immediate and violent response from the Spanish left.

Worried about recent events in Austria and Germany, several left-wing groupings charged that the CEDA entry into government heralded the start of Spanish fascism, and immediately staged a revolt which, by the looks of it, had been planned for some time now. The socialists (PSOE), allied with the small Communist Party (PCE) and the largest trade unions called for a General Strike against the government, which materialized at the start of October and threatened to paralyze entire regions and cities. This was followed with a call for an uprising to "prevent the CEDA from following Hugenberg's lead", which was particularly successful in the northern mining region of Asturias, where improvised Soviets have taken control over most of the region.

The situation has escalated even further due to stunning news from Barcelona, where Catalan President Lluís Companys has launched a formal challenge against the government in Madrid and declared the foundation of the new "Catalan State", calling it "a bastion against fascism" and inviting left-wing Republican leaders to form a provisional government to topple PM Lerroux. Reports remain confusing as to whether Companys actually has the backing of sufficient military or militia forces to actually give viability to his Catalan State, but it is clear that the Spanish Republic faces the dire prospect of civil war and armed separatism. What Lerroux - and the European community - will do next will certainly shape events to come in the Iberian Peninsula.

EVENT

Hugenberg seemingly prevails in Civil War

Months of infighting leave thousands dead, economy in ruins,
KPD and SPD leadership captured or in exile, Thälmann flees to Russia, Wells imprisoned,
Zentrum and SF thus far supportive of government, but national call for elections grows

FOR: GERMAN REICH

Since the start of nationwide conflict during February, the so-called German Civil War has raged on all the way into June, a bitter, bloody struggle that, while producing what seems to be a clear winner, has also left the German Reich economically weakened and politically polarized. Devoid of paramilitary forces, and after initial attempts by the SPD to gather support from moderate elements inside the Reichswehr failed, the SPD-KPD coalition was forced to rely on protests, strikes, and urban uprisings to try and seize the major population centers of the country. As a result, the "Civil War" was atypical in that it did not feature large regions breaking up from the government to serve as opposition strongholds, and thus being more of a war of attrition rather than a war for territory.

Early successes by the anti-fascist front included the seizure of Dresden and Hamburg, as well as the total paralyzation of Berlin and its industries. Indeed, even as they started to score military successes, the Hugenberg government and the Reichswehr were unable to get the industries moving again, with the resulting economic effects. It rapidly became clear that the KPD was far better organized than its moderate counterpart and thus able to better resist the enemy onslaught, a factor which - combined with an open call for revolution by General Secretary Stalin - has ruthlessly exploited by Chancellor Hugenberg by presenting himself as the "vanguard against Bolshevism". Frightened with the prospect of a Communist revolution after Stalin's call, Zentrum fell in line with the government, and the Strasserites did the same afterwards.

Unable to take control of Berlin despite weeks of street fighting, the anti-fascist coalition started to lose steam as the summer approached, unable to muster the same resources as the Reichswehr and Der Stahlhelm despite significant popular enthusiasm and support. Long sieges of Hamburg and Dresden - isolated from other bases of support - resulted in their fall during the last days of May. And whereas Ernst Thälmann escaped via sea to the Soviet Union, the bulk of the SPD leadership - including Chairman Wells - were captured and imprisoned by the government. As June rages on, and despite continued attempts at striking that are brutally put down by the Reichswehr, it is clear that Hugenberg's opponents have failed to take control over the state machinery and of significant territory.

With the Chancellor as the clear winner thus far of the armed struggle after prevailing in his struggle against formidable foes, it is nonetheless undeniable that the Reich is in a dire state due the economic cost of the past struggles. Furthermore, the Chancellor has become an extremely polarizing figure, a dictator among the left and the anti-communist hero of the right. With the depleted Reichstag - having lost two thirds of its deputies - soon to reconvene, and amidst a great pressure for new elections in spite of the nationwide chaos, Hugenberg has far greater freedom of action than he did eighteen months ago, but it remains to be seen how he'll exploit it.

EVENT

Partial GOP recovery in US Midterms

Democrats gain in the Senate, lose ground in the House
GOP still split between progressives and conservatives,
FDR, while popular, hurt by several controversies

FOR: UNITED STATES

After almost two years in office, the time had come for voters to pass their verdict on the Roosevelt Administration. It had been two years filled with excitement, controversy and surprising political developments, featuring a nation doing its best to escape the depression under the banner of the New Deal whilst President Roosevelt pushed for an historically ambitious agenda.

Well aware that virtually all administrations lost seats in their respective midterms, the Democrats prepared to defend their record and hold onto their large majorties, while the previously demoralized and gutted Republicans prepared to attempt a comeback despite being so decisively hurled out of office by a despairing electorate. Roosevelt and the Democrats were armed by a score of popular New Deal initiatives, which, despite a severe lack of funding and the threat of Supreme Court challenges - which are yet to be decided upon - were undeniably well received by voters, particularly the unemployed and the poor. President Roosevelt, furthermore, had also made progress in overturning protectionism in favor of free trade, staged a successful and brief intervention in Nicaragua to evacuate US civilians, and raised tax rates on the wealthy, all decisions which heralded success in the midterms.

These moves, however, were also overshadowed by a number of controversies, including a banking debacle that continues to hurt the economy, intense isolationist criticism of the President regarding a 1933 aid package to Yugoslavia, comments by former War Secretary Dern, the successful confirmation of Joseph Kennedy as War Secretary - following an intense and damaging filibuster by Senator Huey Long -, and the alienation of important politicians like Republican William Borah and Democrat Walter George, both of which became external or internal foes. However, it is believed - by the press - that one of the most damaging decisions was the push to loosen immigration restrictions, which many described as "politically toxic". Indeed, many racially charged cartoons and defamatory pieces circulated around the country, hurting the President's standing among anti-immigration voters while providing a boost in ethnic communities.

For its part, the GOP was still heavily damaged by the legacy of the Hoover Administration and its internal divisions between progressives and conservatives, which almost led to split only narrowly averted following an increase in progressive strength. Despite this internal division, the GOP focused its campaign on separate attempts to appeal to either side, with progressive GOP leaders lambasting Roosevelt on foreign affairs and/or calling for the New Deal to be better run; and conservative GOP leaders rallying their supporters on immigration and taxation. Confident of strong gains against Roosevelt, the GOP leadership would be somewhat disappointed after only achieving a partial recovery in November, the popularity of the New Deal being difficult to overcome for the time being. Among other factors, experts have noticed strong pro-FDR swings by Japanese-American and Hungarian-American voters, as well as significant losses to the GOP in Midwestern states.

On the whole, the Democrats were able to successfully expand their Senate majority by one seat, remaining three short of a majority and coming extremely close to defeating several GOP incumbents. In turn, the GOP achieved a small recovery in the House, capturing two dozen extra seats and laying the groundwork for significant gains should the national environment be friendlier next time. Perhaps the most hurtful result for the President may have been on the Gubernatorial front, in which - despite a shock victory by Upton Sinclair in California - a number of Midwestern Governors went down in defeat. All things considered, the Democrats continue to outnumber the Republicans 2-1 on all three sets of officeholders.

1934 US Governor Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		32 (-5)
Republican Party		15 (+6)
Farmer Labor Party		1 (=)
Total		48 Governors

1934 US Senate Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		61 (+1)
Republican Party		34 (-1)
Farmer Labor Party		1
Total		96 Senators

1934 US House Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		290 (-23)
Republican Party		141 (+24)
Farmer Labor Party		4 (-1)
Total		435 Representatives

[Lumine]

End of 1934

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Lady Ishbel Hamilton-Gordon

Third Balkan War

Hungary gains unexpected respite, Budapest survives the year,
Croatia erupts in civil war, Vladko Macek proclaims a Croatian Republic,
Italian blockade and US embargo harming Little Entente, Dubrovnik incident

By all accounts, most international observers expected the Kingdom of Hungary to fall to Entente forces during 1934, the dire strategic situation offering few – if any – comfort – to the beleaguered Regent Horthy. Contrary to those expectations, Hungary would survive the year, mostly due to unexpected strokes of luck. Having marched all the way to the outskirts of Budapest, the Czech military inexplicably remained immobile, giving the Hungarians enough time to fortify their positions and prevent an encirclement of the capital. Thus forced into trench warfare, the Czechs have refrained from any attempt at breaching the Hungarian positions, resulting in a mostly fixed frontline and little – if any – Entente advanced. A similar phenomenon developed in the Yugoslav front, with the Yugoslav Army remaining cautious – if not inactive – until the outbreak of civil war prevented further offensive operations to finish Hungary off.

Only the Romanians were able to resume their operations, further storming into eastern Hungary and rapidly overrunning half the country. It is generally believed that, were it not for their allies’ inactivity, Romania might have pushed further, but declined to do so to avoid bearing the brunt of casualties and due to intense partisan activity in Transylvania. For its part, lack of clear instructions also prevented the Hungarians to capitalize on their enemies’ potential vulnerabilities, resulting in most of the country occupied while the Hungarians remain massively under-equipped compared to their foes. Although the combination of the Italian blockade of the Adriatic and the US embargo have dealt heavy blows to the economies of the Entente, recent treaties with Turkey have opened up a major lifeline via Romania, keeping the coalition well supplied.

Ultimately, the major development of the year during 1934 has not taken place in the Hungarian battlefields, but within Yugoslavia proper. Although clever action by King Alexander had prevented an uprising in Croatia last year and dealt a heavy blow to the Ustache, discontent in the region – an opposition to the war - had been growing steadily. And what appeared to be isolated incidents, including mass desertion by Croatian conscripts, proved to be a full-blown effort to seize the initiative. During the late autumn, a series of strikes across Croatia culminated in an all-out uprising, resulting in deserting troops and militias storming arsenals, garrison posts and cities to drive out what they described as “Serbian invaders”. With the Ustache seemingly taking the early lead in terms of prominence, Vladko Macek’s Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) decided that it could not be outflanked on the issue.

Appearing at a massive gathering in Zagreb, Macek proclaimed the foundation of a Croatian Republic, calling on the public to resist. In the following days of combat, and despite a lack of officers – as the Yugoslav officer corps was predominantly Serbian – Zagreb and other key cities fell to the Croatians, disrupting Yugoslav efforts. The uprising, however, is by no means in an advantageous position, with several large Yugoslav units still stationed in Croatia, a lack of territorial continuity, and internal divisions between the Ustache and the HSS all providing challenges of their own. To make matters more tense, a recent naval engagement off Dubrovnik between the Regia Marina and a merchant flotilla has – according to Italian officers - uncovered a coordinated effort to engage in blockade running to supply arms to Yugoslavia, allegedly spearheaded by the French.

The Spanish Revolution

Catalan Premier successfully seizes control of Catalonia, incident with the Regia Marina,
Asturian Soviet expands into the Basque Country, government prepares crackdown

What started as a General Strike called against the center-right government of Alejandro Lerroux (PRR) has now turned into an actual conflict across Spain, described – depending on the source – either as a revolution or a civil war. Having decided to occupy Asturias to eliminate its new revolutionary Soviet, the Spanish Ministry of War was horrified when some of the troops sent – coming from a similar socio-economic background – joined the workers, disrupting the planned government offensive and allowing the Asturias Soviet to consolidate control. As the government forces withdrew by mid-December – also thwarted on their operations by the onset of a harsh winter – the Asturias Soviet expanded into the Basque Country with the help of left-wing Basque nationalists, only stopped by the opposition of local militias in Navarre, and by the refusal of the moderate Basque nationalists of the PNV to join an uprising.

Meanwhile, in Barcelona, Catalan Premier Lluís Companys was able to – after the arrest of their commanding officer - seize control over most of the military and police forces in the region, thus gathering sufficient strength to formalize his proclamation of a Catalan State. In a series of skirmishes between November and December, the new Catalan Army – complemented by nationalist or anarchist militias – has fought local Spanish Army units and forced their withdrawal to prevent encirclement. However, Companys’ call to form an alternate Republic government based in Barcelona has not yet encountered sufficient support, with only a handful of PCE and PSOE leaders flying to Catalonia. Crucially, former left-wing PM Manuel Azaña is yet to comment on the ongoing revolution, and his stance is likely to prove important.

Still, whilst the Catalans send diplomatic envoys across Europe seeking recognition, other powers have already started an intervention to support the current government. There are rumors published in the Catalonian press that a German military mission has apparently arrived in Madrid, and, following orders by Il Duce, the Regia Marina has maneuvered outside the Catalan coast, engaging in brief naval encounters with ships flying the Catalan flag. In a highly publicized incident, an Italian destroyer fought and sunk a frigate seized by the Catalan State, resulting in a dozen Italian casualties and almost a hundred Catalan ones.

Chinese Civil War

Jiangxi Soviet crushed by KMT armies, CCP attempts to flee west,
Chiang blockades southern foes, Soviet weapons discovered,
Xinjiang falls to pro-KMT warlord, Zhang loyalists crushed in Manchuria

Having restarted in full fashion in the aftermath of domestic backlash to the Sino-Japanese Treaty, the Chinese Civil War continued across 1934 in a rapidly growing scope, forcing previously uninvolved participants to take sides as the respective coalitions began to take form. In regards to Chiang’s KMT government, an early victory was secured when the Soviet Union seemingly ignored desperate entreaties from Xinjiang, an act that allowed the young, brash KMT general Ma Zhongying to overthrow and kill the local warlord. Seizing control over the entire far-western province, Ma has emerged as its new warlord, somewhat autonomous due to the distance yet outwardly loyal to Chiang. Up north, the alliance between Feng Yuxiang and Zhang Xueliang combined its forces into a “Northern Coalition”, facing a war on two fronts against Chiang and the Kwantung Army. Down south, Hu Hanmin expanded his coalition – previously enlarged by the defecting 19th Route Army – by allying with the Guangxi Clique, thus forming a “Southern Coalition”.

With the KMT shifting to a defensive stance across the north, the Northern Coalition led a moderately successful offensive, gaining some ground but remaining unable to crush the local NRA units. The Northern Coalition was, however, dealt a heavy blow following events up north. Despite a change in government in Tokyo producing a moderate, Toseiha-dominated government, the Kwantung Army continued its “counter-insurgency” operations, destroying the remaining Zhang loyalists in Manchuria and taking over several border towns in Inner Mongolia. Adding to the controversy over these operations are claims by Zhang himself, who asserts that the Kwantung Army has systematically tortured and machine-gunned prisoners belonging to his forces. In the south, Chiang had his naval forces institute a blockade of Guangzhou, hoping to inflict a key blow against his foes. In the dark of night, blockading vessels seized a flotilla of cargo ships transporting large weapons shipments to Hu’s forces. The KMT officers reported that the cargo bore Soviet iconography, causing alarm in Nanjing and raising the question of Soviet involvement in the Civil War.

Chiang, however, was unable to make much headway against the Southern Coalition, with an attempt to cross the Hainan Strait to invade the Leizhou Peninsula ending in disaster. Ultimately, the main KMT blow was apparently directed at the Jiangxi Soviet following months of preparations, showing the clear effects of French training of the NRA. A series of violent encirclement battles proved wildly successful, destroying several Communist divisions and collapsing the CCP’s stronghold. Unable to resist, the CCP is making a desperate attempt to escape destruction, by engaging its forces into a western march. Thus far, the bulk of their fleeing forces has entered Hunan province, forcing its fiercely anti-communist governor – He Jian – to declare for Chiang, an act followed by minor Sichuan warlords.

Thus, and with only the Ma and Yunnan cliques yet to take sides, China is seemingly split in three, pitting both Northern and Southern Coalitions against the consolidated pro-Chiang front. The KMT continues to hold significant advantages despite being beset by foes, but a lack of domestic action and the unpopularity of the treaty are cited by observers as one of the factors as to why the anti-Chiang coalitions remain so large.

The German Autumn of (Uneasy) Calm

Resistance across the Reich crushed, Hugenberg prevails,
Hollowed-out Reichstag resumes work, conflict between President and Chancellor,
Hindenburg passes away in his sleep, German future up in question

As the summer of 1934 ended, it became beyond clear that, at least when it came to actual, organized infighting, the German Civil War was over. Unable to offer coordinated resistance and/or to raise an army, the anti-fascist coalition was crushed by the Reichswehr and by pro-government militias. Having been only marginally more successful, the remnants of the Nazi movement were crushed as well, the city of Nuremberg being liberated at last as Ernst Röhm fled the Reich – his whereabouts unknown – and a number of Nazi supporters fled into the Sudetenland. For all practical purposes, Chancellor Hugenberg was the most powerful man in the Reich, and perhaps the most divisive and polarizing of them all. To the conservative moment and to millions of citizens desperate for order and purpose, the Chancellor appeared to be a savior. To the German left and the former Nazis, he was either a traitor or a dictatorial reactionary.

Whatever the case, the Chancellor was now free to undertake new moves facing much less opposition. The Reichstag, hollowed-out by arrests and only fielding one third of its deputies elected in 1932, reconvened with an actual government majority due to support from the Social Revolutionary Front, a result of Gregor Strasser’s entry to the Cabinet as Labor Minister. The opposition consisted mostly of the Zentrum and the BVP, both parties that – according to the goals of Zentrum Chairman Kaas and former Chancellor Brüning – were willing to be a “responsible opposition” to a presidential government. As a result, Hugenberg was able to pass a number of economic measures to alleviate the near-terminal state of the German economy, all while treading the thin line of expanding the German armament industry without formally breaching the Treaty of Versailles.

Unexpectedly, the main source of conflict for Hugenberg was to be the ailing, moribund President Hindenburg. Despite very ambitious plans for the second half of the year, the Chancellor was thwarted on his aspirations when the President – perhaps goaded by some members of his camarilla – refused to grant approvals for bold constitutional reform, citing the need for the nation to recuperate after such a traumatic period. A back and forth developed between Neudeck and the Chancellorship in Berlin, threatening a break-up within the conservative movement and, allegedly, raising concerns within the increasingly powerful and autonomous Reichswehr. In the end, the matter resolved itself through Hindenburg’s poor health and old age, with the giant dying in his sleep in late November. As a result, Hugenberg has temporarily assumed the duties of the Presidency, constitutionally bound to call for a new election in the first weeks of 1935.

1934 Canadian General Election

R. B. Bennett’s election gamble succeeds, Conservatives hold onto power despite losses,
Newfoundland holds referendum in the eve of the election, votes to join Canada,
King’s Liberals undercut by Newfoundland issue, rise of new rival parties

Taking office at one of the harshest moments of the economic depression in Canada, R. B. Bennett and his Conservative Party faced an increasingly uphill struggle to revive the economy and prevent political degradation, even with the next election five years away. As Bennett’s popularity became weakened due to internal infighting and economic drama, his own party and its rivals worked from the assumption that the Conservatives would attempt to “run the clock”, and prolong Parliament to the end, hoping that a late economic surge may yet materialize. To everyone’s surprise, the Prime Minister called for an early election for December 1934, having previously laid the groundwork by exploiting the controversy over British trade and by taking action to create a nationwide Bank of Canada.

Caught by surprise, internal Conservative rivals – who, unbeknownst to the PM, were considering a breakaway party – were forced to stand behind Bennett, who would take on Liberal leader Mackenzie King in a rematch. On paper, the Liberal position looked strong despite King’s economic conservatism, particularly due to the gloomy economic outlook. But as the campaign went on, the Liberal leader was not only undercut by his relative lack of charisma – never one of its assets –, but also by the emergence of rival leftist or populist parties that were easily able to outbid him in terms of promises. Bennett, who had a false start after attempts to tie King to Australian PM Lang fell flat with the electorate, found his footing after an intense whistle-stop tour, championing issues such as tariffs and Newfoundland.

The campaign seemed headed to a hung parliament – with King narrowly defeating Bennett – when, unexpectedly, the British government moved forward with a referendum in Newfoundland, asking its citizens to decide between independence or integration in Canada or the United Kingdom to settle the issue immediately. Following a brief campaign, in which both Premier Alderdice and Opposition Leader Squires endorsed Canadian integration, the first round of the referendum saw Canadian and British integration beating independence, with the pro-Canadian side winning the runoff with 62% of the vote. This had a seismic effect on the Canadian Election, with Bennett’s arguments appearing to be vindicated.

On Election Night, and despite a loss of 12 seats, the Conservatives rode a late surge and retained government with 125 MP’s small but workable majority of 5. A disappointed King saw the Liberals gain a mere 10 seats, remaining below 100 MP’s. The surprise of the night was provided by the leftist Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and the populist Social Credit Party (CF), both of which entered Parliament with almost twenty seats between them. PM Bennett will thus remain in power, leaving Mackenzie King’s future under question, and raising the prospect of immediate integration of Newfoundland within the Dominion.

1934 Canadian General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Conservative Party		42% (-6)		125 (-12)
Liberal Party		40% (-4)		97 (+10)
Co-operative Commonwealth		12% (NEW)		10 (+10)
Social Credit Party		3% (NEW)		7 (+2)
Others		3%		6
Total				245 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
R. B. Bennett (Conservative)

Incoming Government:
Conservative Majority (5 Seats)

[Lumine]

Sanation Moves On

After mourning Pilsudski, surprise heir consolidates control,
Following policy gambles, Poland awaits outcome with bated breath

Unaware of his declining health, the Polish public was surprised by the seemingly sudden death of First Marshal Pilsudski, the father of the new, modern Polish Republic. The outpouring of reactions to his demise ranged from despair from the supporters of his Sanation movement, to cautious condolences by the opposition, to outright disdain by his harshest critics. Undoubtedly, Pilsudski’s passing left no one without an opinion on his long tenure of leading the nation either formally or informally. It came as an additional surprise that his successor in his military roles was not one of the three key figures of Sanation, being instead the lesser known Adam Koc, until then one of Pilsudski’s “Colonels” and a government Vice-Minister.

Buoyed by the symbolic implications of being handpicked by Pilsudski, Koc was quick to wield said newfound prestige to cut deals with those that could have been his internal rivals, pursuing a power-sharing scheme that kept Ignacy Moscicki as President, elevated Edward Rydz-Smigly to the Ministry of the Interior, and Walery Slavek to the Foreign Ministry. Koc, replicating Pilsudski’s avoidance of being formally in charge of the state, eliminated the Premiership and assumed the new position of Minister of State, presiding over the cabinet and seizing control over the War and Economic ministries. Having thus prevented – at least for not – an internal split within Sanation, Koc rapidly implemented his own ideas as to how Poland should be run.

Ending the trade war with Germany and reaffirming the Franco-Polish alliance, Koc courted immediate controversy by devaluating the currency, sparking immediate criticism from the opposition and foreign investors. This was followed by a strong push for deficit spending through creative, highly experimental mechanisms, fueling state expenditure into public works and defense spending. Partly due to state propaganda championing Koc as Pildudski’s worthy heir, the Minister of State has been able to gain time for his proposed reforms to start taking effect despite their controversial nature, even as the opposition warns of impending doom. For many, the following months may well prove decisive for the future of the Sanation regime.

France turns to the left

Daladier and Blum join forces, Radicals and Socialists form a government,
French right abandons the PM, anti-Semitism on the rise,
Government exploits Stavisky and domestic reforms to bolster popularity

Pushed into the brink of collapse due to the separate pressure from different parties and sides of the political spectrum, Edouard Daladier surprised observers by surviving for a second year, having drastically altered the rules of the game. Having taken it for granted that SFIO leader Leon Blum would ultimately refuse Daladier for the second time, the French center-right was shocked to discover that the Prime Minister had been able to fulfill Blum’s conditions. Thus, a Radical-SFIO coalition was formed, reconstructing the “Cartel des Gauches” coalition that had already won the 1932 Election and ending the split that had prevented them from forming a common government. As the AD angrily stormed out to join the opposition benches, Blum became Finance Minister, devoting himself alongside Daladier to pursuing a major agenda of domestic reform.

Having a narrow majority, but a majority nonetheless, Daladier and Blum fought the unyielding criticism of the French right, united in rejection of what they described as “a Marxist government”. Among other measures, the government enacted policies that drastically improved working conditions and the power of the trade unions, courting great popularity among the workers whilst drawing a mixed reception within the middle classes. The arrest and highly publicized trial of embezzler Alexandre Stavisky was also exploited by the government to pursue an anti-corruption agenda, which has taken down several prominent personalities at the cost of – limited – embarrassment to Daladier’s party. Thus far, the Daladier-Blum duo appears to be vastly more popular than its opposition on the right, but this has not stopped the far-right from targeting Blum personally – due to his ethnicity – as well as Stavisky, using harsh anti-Semitic rhetoric to warn of the dangers of Jewish political influence in France.

Famine in the Soviet Union?

Journalistic debate over Ukraine becomes a rhetorical frontline,
Mussolini-Stalin rivalry gains steam, politicians take sides

After months of rumors, it was Welsh journalist Gareth Jones who finally came forward to publish a story by name, accusing the Soviet Union of worsening and trying to cover up an “unprecedented famine” in the Ukraine. According to Jones, who was prevented from publishing until American media mogul William Randolph Hearst lent his publishing empire to repeat Jones’ claims, thousands – if not more – have perished of starvation in the region under the most horrifying conditions imaginable. This has sparked immediate controversy in the world of journalism, as several Moscow-based reporters – including prominent American and British journalists – have rebuked Jones’ claims and described them either as exaggerated or ideologically motivated. This debate has extended into Europe itself, with Stalin having recently grown in prominence after his unexpected guarantees to the Little Entente and support for the anti-fascist front in Germany.

Indeed, politicians have been quick to react to the news, with prominent Socialist or left-wing leaders refuting the notion of a famine and/or speaking in positive tones about Stalin, praising the General Secretary over his recent foreign policy. More specifically, European Communist parties have asserted that any “discomfort” in the region has been addressed, with the General Secretary – allegedly – firing those responsible of resource mismanagement, and reserves released to alleviate any shortages. On the other side of the affair, conservative or anti-communist personalities have denounced the situation and redoubled their warnings against Soviet meddling in Europe, with many hailing Italian duce Benito Mussolini for his recent speeches echoing similar points.

Brother Suffragette?

Australian PM gains notoriety over push for female suffrage,
League of Nations passes motion, Ishbel Hamilton-Gordon wins Nobel Peace Prize

Elected on a surprise victory as the new Prime Minister of Australia, political firebrand Jack Lang was quick to jump into the world stage in a way few – if any – of his predecessors have managed, gaining notoriety for what has usually been dismissed as another distant British Dominion. Lang, who has also thrown himself into a radical campaign of domestic reform – being now in the middle of a fight to push an unprecedented National Health Service bill through Parliament -, has become particularly outspoken on the cause of female suffrage, whose apparent need as a world-wide policy he has championed. Amidst the backdrop of multiple failed motions at the League of Nations – prompting mounting frustration at the organization -, Lang was able to push through one embracing women’s suffrage, albeit with quite a few abstentions.

Perhaps as a recognition of these efforts, and perhaps – as some have implied – due to the current state of Europe, the Nobel Committee decided to award the 1934 Peace Prize to British aristocrat and philanthropist Ishbel Hamilton-Gordon, President of the International Council of Women and renowned over her support of women’s issues and interests. What remains to be seen, however, is how this push will affect domestic politics in countries that are yet to institute female suffrage, particularly those in which the issue is still divisive or controversial. Among others, nations like France, Yugoslavia, the Republic of China, the Empire of Japan and Switzerland do not yet grant women the right to vote.

Carnage in South America

Chaco War continues unabated,
Somoza and Sandino trade blows in Nicaragua

Although most of the attention in the global press is being directed at the outbreak of civil conflict across Europe, recent developments in South America have not gone unnoticed on account of their brutality. Contrasting, perhaps, with the peaceful withdrawal of US forces from Haiti, the US withdrawal from Nicaragua has coincided with the outbreak of civil war between General Anastasio Somoza, the man behind the throne in the current government, and his rival Augusto César Sandino, a nationalist revolutionary. Following a failed assassination attempt on Sandino by Somoza, the revolutionary has fled north to mobilize his forces, which had gained significant guerrilla experience after years of fighting the US occupying forces. Thus far, Sandino has seized much of the countryside and his forces are even close to the capital in Managua, whereas Somoza – whose control over the government grows exponentially – and his National Guard hold strong in the cities.

With the US forces having staged a successful, last minute operation during the second half of the year to rescue and evacuate their citizens, the stage is set for what is already a violent showdown between both men, which has resulted in hundreds of civilian casualties. And further south, the Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia – started due to their desire to seize control over a resource rich region – enters its third year, with no signs of stopping. Despite initial advantages in manpower and resources, as well as a successful push into Paraguay, Bolivia has started to struggle heavily due to a lack of training, strategic blunders, and the terrain/climate of the region, so unfriendly as to be the cause of most casualties on both sides. After rebuilding their forces, the Paraguayan Army has gone on the offensive, pushing Bolivia back until the war has degenerated into trench warfare. As Bolivians and Paraguayans die by the thousands, there is no end in sight.

[Lumine]

Turn III: 1935

The Cast:

German Reich: Acting President Alfred Hugenberg (RGM2609)
United States of America: President Franklin D. Roosevelt (NewYorkExpress)
Empire of Japan: Emperor Hirohito (Devout Centrist)
British Empire: Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald (S019)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Edouard Daladier (YPestis25)
Soviet Union: General Secretary Josef Stalin (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Mustafa Kemal (Spiral)
Dominion of Canada: Prime Minister R. B. Bennett (DKrol)
Czechoslovak Republic: President Tomáš Masaryk (JacksonHitchcock)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Spanish Republic: Prime Minister Alejandro Lerroux (Dereich)
Kingdom of Hungary: Regent Miklós Horthy (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Polish Republic: Inspector General Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Romania: King Carol II Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (Muaddib)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Jack Lang (iBizzBee)

Economic Performance:
Empire of Japan: High
Soviet Union: Moderate
British Empire: Moderate
Kingdom of Italy: Moderate
Republic of Turkey: High
Union of South Africa: Moderate
Republic of France: Weak
Dominion of Canada: Weak
Commonwealth of Australia: Weak
German Reich: Weak
United States of America: Weak
Polish Republic: Weak
Kingdom of Romania: Weak
Spanish Republic: Weak
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Weak
Republic of China: Very Weak
Czechoslovak Republic: Very Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:

Emperor Hirohito: High
Regent Horthy: High
Duce Mussolini: High
Tsar Boris III: High
President Kemal: High
Prime Minister Lang: High
President Masaryk: Moderate
President Roosevelt: Moderate
General Inspector Koc: Moderate
Prime Minister MacDonald: Moderate
General Secretary Stalin: Moderate
Prime Minister Daladier: Moderate
Chancellor Hugenberg: Moderate
Prime Minister Bennett: Moderate
Prime Minister Smuts: Moderate
King Carol II: Low
Prime Minister Lerroux: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Very Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Kingdom of Hungary, Czechoslovak Republic, Kingdom of Romania
Partial Mobilization: None
Conscription: Republic of France, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Kingdom of Italy, Polish Republic, Republic of Turkey, Spanish Republic
Volunteer Army: United States of America, British Empire, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, German Reich (Imposed by Versailles), Commonwealth of Australia, Kingdom of Bulgaria (Imposed by Neuilly-sur-Seine)
Demilitarized: None

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor (and Acting President),

President Hindenburg is dead. Given your previous and last minute mutual disagreement on the constitutional future of the Reich, the sudden disappearance of the once towering giant may be taken as positive news, but it also poses yet another dilemma on your long path towards political supremacy. Though you are now – temporarily – the Acting President, the law forces you to hold a presidential election in the coming weeks, the results of which may be difficult to predict after such a turbulent past couple of years. Therefore, you face the complex question of whether to allow the elections or not. And if the voting is to proceed, will you stand as a candidate and, if victorious, appoint a new Chancellor? Or should you recruit someone else to run instead?

Among the many territories lost as a result of the Treaty of Versailles, the Saar – currently the Territory of the Saar Basin – remains unique in terms of its status, being under administration by the League of Nations and due to hold a plebiscite in 1935 in terms of its future: status quo, unification with France… or rejoining the Reich as part of its sovereign territory. Regaining the Saar is, naturally, a deep seated desire for many ordinary Germans, but the chaos of the recent years make it hard to predict whether the Saar residents actually wish reunification. To make matters more difficult, France will undoubtedly have a say in the issue. How will you handle the Saar question?

After vanquishing so many foes, and despite the enlargement of the German National Front into a far more impressive organization than the DNVP ever was, there are those within the government that worry about your divisive leadership after a two-front civil war, as well as concerns within your remaining external “allies” – Strasser, Kaas and Brüning – that they may be next. With the Zentrum expecting you to deliver a Concordat with the Vatican as well as guarantees regarding its continued existence, and Strasser planning ambitious, bold legislation to handle the trade unions, your advisors seem split between those who argue such allies – or “responsible opponents” – are necessary since the nation could ill afford more unrest, and those who are more enthusiastic about the prospect of the conservative revolution. What will you do?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

With the arrival of 1935, it will soon be four years since the past General Election, in which the National Government steamrolled the rump Labour opposition to a near-unprecedented majority. As the economy – despite ongoing controversy with the Dominions – is starting to show signs of improvement, your inner circle in National Labour is starting to wonder about the future, an ever more pressing question as you approach 70. Is it time to seek a General Election, or should it wait until the last possible moment next year? Will you remain in office regardless? Or should you stand down either to hand over power to the Conservatives or a National Labour successor?

An increasingly prominent issue ever since the trade controversy, Britain’s relationship to the Dominions is yet again tested, warranting at least some measure of action. Newfoundland has voted for unification with Canada, after Prime Minister Bennett campaigned on a stance critical of Britain. In Australia, the controversial Jack Lang has suspended debt payments, in what promises to be a blow to the Exchequer. And in South Africa, while not a conflict with Britain per se, the failure of their latest attempt to have the League of Nations grant the annexation of South West Africa promises to be yet another thorn. With at least two Dominion leaders adopting stances hostile or challenging towards London, how will you react?

Aside from the Dominions, perhaps the most pressing issue in terms of the colonies is that of India, its constitutional future very much in doubt and subject to intense, controversial speculation. It is no secret that the British Raj is the most vital part of the Empire and that many – including key parliamentarians, and particularly many Conservatives – are determined to hold onto it. However, the calls not only for autonomy, but for full-blown independence have increased exponentially in the past decade, channeled through leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress. It is clear that the present constitutional framework will not hold out for long. How should the issue of India be handled?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

Once again, you have shown remarkable flexibility and skill to ensure survival in such politically unstable times: not since Poincare last decade was a premier able to survive two years in office. As this now involves a dramatic shift towards a government of the left, this is all the more remarkable. However, there are still challenges to be met. Finance Minister Blum remains a constant target of rising anti-Semitism across the country, with the far-right emerging as a credible, growing threat. And, in Syria, High Commissioner de Martel reports that even the vaguely pro-French have proved lukewarm to the proposed framework, with the hardline nationalists in the National Bloc threatening riots if France does not concede. What will you do?

Perhaps unexpectedly, the Third Balkan War extends for another year, adding further uncertainty and tension to Europe. Harmed by the Italian blockade and American embargo, the Little Entente appears to be in need of further economic assistance. The Croats have revolted all across Yugoslavia, causing their own civil war. And, in an embarrassing incident, French vessels have been found trying to bypass the Duce’s blockade. Constrained in what you can do due to domestic politics; the Balkan War is truly a challenge worthy of a statesman. How should France handle this volatile situation? And for that matter, how should it react to the events taking place closer to home, across the Spanish Republic?

Following fifteen years under a League of Nations mandate, in which France enjoys the economically profitable control over the local coal mines, the Territory of the Saar Basin is due to hold a plebiscite to decide its future, with the prospect of French annexation being one of three possibilities. There are certainly those in France who believe such a goal can be achieved, convinced the local inhabitants will either refuse to be ruled by Hugenberg, or that they are more ethnically French than many believe. What will France’s attitude and stance be regarding the Saar?

United States of America

Mr. President,

Fresh from only limited setbacks in the midterms - and even gains in the Senate -, the administration can rest a bit easier knowing that the bulk of its New Deal agenda remains reasonably popular. Still, there are problems to be addressed. In a surprise ruling, the conservative-majority Supreme Court – led by Republican Chief Justice Hughes – has just struck down the minimum wage as unconstitutional in a 6-3 vote, as well as other minor regulations. Not only that, more cases are expected to be heard, in which the Justice Department will have to defend further New Deal provisions. Thus far, you have not had any chance to appoint any new Justices. An intense debate has developed in the White House between those who believe action must be taken to address the Court’s conservative position, and those who feel it is best to accept the losses and move on. What will you do?

Easily the most controversial proposal of the past year has been the push to liberalize immigration restrictions, which has sparked a number of nativist protests and has been blamed by some Democrats who lost their races during the midterms as a reason for their defeat. Still, amidst heavy resistance in Congress it’s also clear the bill is popular between immigrant communities in large states like California and New York, which creates a case for preserving on the proposal. What will you do? Should the immigration bill be ditched to pursue other goals, or will the White House double down and seek its passage come what may?

Generally speaking, the public appears to have reacted positively to the recent shift in the administration foreign policy, including the Nicaraguan evacuation and a lack of direct involvement in the current European conflicts. More encouraging still, the Filipino delegation has accepted your terms, paving the way for Philippine Independence if you can get the treaty through Congress. And yet many in the State Department look to the Nicaraguan Civil War and the Chaco War as dangerous conflicts, particularly given their rapidly growing death toll. On the other side of the debate, non-interventionist argue that no European powers appear likely to intervene, and that Washington is better off not meddling. What will you do in regards to these issues?

Soviet Union

Comrade General Secretary,

Whilst industrialization continues and proceeds apace, NKVD Director Yagoda seeks a meeting to deliver a new report. Having spent the last couple of years in exile in Europe, Trotsky appears to have settled himself in France, where the NKVD suspects him of trying to resume contact with his followers and other opposition figures within the party in the Soviet Union, as well as preparing some sort of – as of yet – undetermined project. In light of the recent shift within the French government, and despite the prevailing distrust of socialists like Blum, Yagoda wonders if action should be taken against Trotsky now or whether he can be safely ignored. And, of course, whether the French government would be an ally or a foe in such an action.

One of your personal goals since taking over as General Secretary has been the eradication of the Russian Orthodox Church and of religion in general across the Soviet Union, seeing it as a clear, irrevocable enemy of the state. Thus far, propaganda campaigns have not had much success in promoting anti-religious sentiment, forcing the state to rely on suppression tactics such as the arrest of priests and the destruction of churches. With these tactics having decreased in use lately, the time approaches to make a decision on how to proceed with this campaign. Should the state double down on the use of terror to church the Orthodox Church once and for all? Should propaganda be relied upon despite its previous failure? Or, at the risk of internal party dissent, should the state’s approach be altered entirely?

Aside from Yagoda, the recent elected party leader in Moscow, Nikita Khrushchev, has taken advantage of his recent invitations to your dacha to expose a new development: the apparent forming of a faction. Disappointed by a lack of intervention in China – though this may be tempered by recent reports of Soviet weapon supplies to Hu Hanmin – and elsewhere, it is suggested that some outwardly loyalist party officers are gathering together in support of a vigorous foreign policy, favoring the exportation of Communist through more aggressive means. And while all supposed members of this factor proclaim their loyalty, such a stance might contradict your earlier writings or actions in the subject. Specially, Khrushchev claims the popular party boss in Leningrad Sergei Kirov and General Tukhachevsky belong to this new group. Should Khrushchev be listened to? And what should be done about this group?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

Forever unsatisfied ever since the foundation of Yugoslavia over fifteen years ago, the Croats have risen in rebellion against Alexander I all across Croatia. Though not fully united due to the clear differences between the more radical Ustashe (Pavelic) and the more moderate HSS (Macek), it is evident that both Croatian groups look towards Italy as their salvation from the Triple Entente, hoping that Rome will intervene to preserve and secure their future independence. Of course, it is not altogether clear how the Croatians can be assisted without causing further escalation of the war, or what other nations will think about the Yugoslavian Civil War. What will you do?

There is drama in the Adriatic following the Dubrovnik Incident, with sailors from the Regia Marina having captured vessels attempting to bypass the blockade to supply weapons to Yugoslavia and the Entente. By the looks of it, France has been behind this attempt at contradicting your will, a grave offense. To make matters more difficult, although the blockade has been mostly successful it has by no means been foolproof, with evidence suggesting that the Albanians might not be fully complying with it either nor deterred by previous Italian overtures. And, aside from this problem, there is also the matter of recent naval maneuvers close to the Catalan coast, which resulted in a skirmish with loss of life. How should Italy react to all of this?

According to reports from Minister Jung, it is clear that the new, bold economic strategy is starting to pay clear dividends, with the economy showing clear signs of recovery as construction proceeds apace. On the less advantageous side, the deficit – as well as the foreign debt – is growing exponentially, a matter which some believe could be problematic in the long term. More pressingly, Minister Jung worries about the glaring weaknesses of the Italian economy not yet addressed by the new agenda, one of them being the un-modernized nature of Italian agriculture, and the other the distinct lack of oil to fuel much of what’s being built. Will you seek to address any of these perceived weaknesses at the cost of slowing down the current economic agenda, or should it be completed before you move onto new challenges?

Empire of Japan

Your Majesty,

A new government has been forced, cementing the power and influence of the Toseiha faction due to the elevation of Admiral Okada to the Premiership and General Nagata at the War Ministry. The Kodoha faction has been seemingly relegated to a secondary role, with your agents detecting much anger among junior officers yet continued silence within the higher ranking officers. Though the government has yet avoided any repeat of the December 2nd Incident, it will soon be time to make long term decisions, the outcome of which might provoke serious – positive or negative – consequences. With the Kwantung army still battling Zhang Xueliang in Manchukuo, elections due for the coming year, and the question of whether a return to civilian government is possible, there is an open question regarding whether Okada should seek to maintain the current uneasy calm, however troublesome, or pursue a bolder approach. What is you will?

New investment by the Okada government into the Japanese film industry has yielded immediate results, with a joint Japanese-American mega production starring Sessue Hayakawa – Snow Country, based on an original script by writer Yasunari Kawabata – now in the works. Although the film, if internationally successful, could be a major boost for the Japanese film industry, serious problems have arisen with Hollywood due to the recent adoption of the so-called “Hays Code”. Among its many provisions, it forbids miscegenation, thus forbidding Hayawaka to have an on-screen romance with a Caucasian actress. Thus the dilemma: if the movie goes ahead with a multiracial romance, it will not play in the United States. If it does not, it risks Hayakawa not having enough box office draw by himself and the movie to collapse, at a time in which enormous funds have already been invested. What – if anything – should be done about this?

Generally speaking, the presence of the European colonial empires has prevented Japan from wielding much influence thus far in Southeast Asia, but recent developments may be altering such barriers. For one, the Philippines appears to be on the verge of independence from the US. For another, local tension in India and the recent hostility between Australia and Britain also provide what could be openings. There is also the Kingdom of Siam, which has recently experienced some instability. And finally, there’s Manchukuo and puppet emperor Puyi, whose powers and actual autonomy – the Kwantung Army’s initiatives notwithstanding – is not entirely clear. Should any action be taken on this front?

[Lumine]

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

A most active year in the battlefield has seemingly simplified the complex political outlook, creating, aside from the fight against the Communists, two distinct camps taking sides either for or against your rule. And although the anti-KMT rebels may be divided in northern and southern blocs due to the strategic situation, they have experienced some success in the field and have thus far resisted the bulk of your offensives. How will you conduct operations against the coalitions this year? And furthermore, will you be attempting to draw the Ma and Yunnan Cliques into the war on your side? Or should it be considered too risky to do so?

Despite the failure of amphibious operations against Hu Hanmin, the successful naval blockade of Guangzhou has brought alarming news after naval commanders discovered a steady stream of weapons being supplied to the rebels. As the weapons bear Soviet iconography, the more militant anti-Soviet officers are convinced that Stalin – his lack of action in Xinjiang aside – is trying to undermine your rule though covert rather than direct means. Many within your government are protesting this act of intervention on behalf of your enemies, demanding swift action. What will you do regarding the Soviets?

Although he has been loyal thus far – at least due to his support for the Sino-Japanese Treaty – Wang Jingwei has started to return to his old ways to become a thorn on your side. For one, he opposes growing French influence in China, believing that depending in any western power will only prolong China’s forced subservience to the west. For another, he is most critical about the lack of domestic action, as well as with the growth of the pro-fascist Blue Shirts Society, to the point in which the sight of Wang criticizing its leaders or members and they insulting him back has become a common sight in Nanjing. What should be done about Wang?

Czechoslovak Republic

Mr. President,

Over the past year the frontline moved little, with commanders puzzled regarding Prague’s lack of initiative. As a result, Hungary has survived, but many believe it will not hold out much longer. Decisions, however, must be made. The economy is increasingly crippled from war expenditures, civil war has broken out within Yugoslavia and, due to Czechoslovakia’s geographical position, your ally in Romania has become the main supply and economic lifeline of the nation following the American embargo and hostility from other neighbors. And, of course, commanders will expect input on how operations are to be conducted this year. What are your orders?

With the parliamentary term having come to an end after six years, parliamentary elections are scheduled to be held on May of this year. This poses quite a dilemma due to the ongoing war, as many wonder if the elections should be held and whether parties would be willing to suspend them. If there are to go ahead, there are those who also worry about how ethnic Germans and Hungarians might vote, particularly since the electoral system is not geared to produce majorities but to secure proportionality. Finally, your advisors also wonder if you plan to break tradition and support a party, or whether due to your age – now 85 – it might be time to resign, decide on a successor and hold presidential elections alongside the parliamentary ones. What will you do?

Kingdom of Hungary

Regent,

The war continues, further ruining the Kingdom and killing thousands of its youngest and brightest. However, Hungary still stands against the odds, the Little Entente not having been able to end resistance despite now controlling over half the country. All things considered, Hungarian conscripts have fought well, but the lack of weapons and a lack of clear, direct instructions are, in the minds of the General Staff, two problems that must be addressed if the country is to stand a chance. And, despite Italian and American action doing much to economically harm the Entente, it is clear that the survival of the nation depends on more – far more – foreign support. How will you conduct the war this year, and how will you try to ensure Hungary survives?

The constitutional dilemma, seemingly sidelined due to the outbreak of war, has emerged once again. From his exile in Switzerland, young Archduke Otto has sought permission to enlist in the Hungarian Royal Army and/or to be allowed to do anything he can to support Hungary – with the implication of a desire to see the monarchy restored -, creating a new dilemma. Having Otto back might certainly improve flagging morale and further enhance the unity of the nation, but it is not altogether clear how foreign nations – even those friendly to Hungary – would react to this. What will your response to the Archduke be?

Polish Republic

Minister,

Whilst you wait for your bold agenda to take effect and the outrage over devaluation to die down – though there are early signs of economic benefits – the time has come to hold parliamentary elections, the Sejm elected in 1930 being about to expire. Despite standing behind you thus far due to your ingenious power sharing scheme, it is clear many in Sanation would have you reform the constitution before the elections, as well as altering the electoral system to prevent the opposition from making advances this year. There is also the question of whether the current regime will continue using the “Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government” (BBWR) as its electoral vehicle, whether any Sanation or opposition candidates should be barred from standing, and how you’ll campaign. What will you do?

Thus far, a mixture of propaganda measures and a continuation of Pilsudski’s attitudes towards ethnic minorities in the Republic have blunted some of the usual appeal of the opposition, but it is clear that, in the end, the anti-Sanation opposition remains a sizable threat despite their internal divisions and separate political parties ranging from Socialism to right-wing nationalists. There isn’t a clear consensus on how to best combat them, but thus far, measures to restrict their ability to protest and treason trials for some high profile leaders have worked. Recently, an internment camp has been built at Bereza Kartuska, and its commander – as well as many Sanation officers – speaks glowingly of the camp as a model for repression, suggesting that several camps should be built to take opposition members into protective custody and demoralize those resisting the regime. What should be done about the Polish opposition?

Republic of Turkey

Mr. President,

After five years, it is time to hold elections once again. As with previous contests, your Republican People’s Party (CHP) remains the only legal party, with Turkey remaining a single-party state. Previously, it has proved difficult to allow even a symbolic organized opposition, as said parties – often created in the understanding they will support secularism – inevitably end up hijacked by religious conservatism, and end up banned. Thus, you must decide if it is worth to attempt a multi-party election, or whether the CHP must once again run unopposed for the legislature. Another salient issue relevant to the elections is that of female suffrage, which has recently gained prominence. Your government has expanded the rights of women, but they are yet to gain the right to vote. Will you expand their rights to allow them to vote, or is it better not to risk the potential religious backlash?

Turkey has been most active on the foreign stage, and it has not gone unnoticed. The Balkan Mutual Defense Treaty appears to be firm, and your proposed alliance with your new partners is ready to be unveiled whenever you choose. However, there are still a number of issues to be addressed. One of them is the current unrest in Syria, which may prove of interest given Turkish claims to Hatay Province. Another is the American embargo, which is hurting the Turkish economy badly. Yet another is the Third Balkan War, which seemingly looms closer and closer. And finally, the long desired revisions to Lausanne, which some diplomats believe might now be sought within the context of the League of Nations. How will you handle these challenges?

Kingdom of Romania

Your Majesty,

As far as European monarchs go, you face quite an interesting domestic situation, filled with danger and opportunity. Known as a playboy king, returned to power in 1930 despite having once renounced your succession rights, you and the royal camarilla have long dreamed of an eventual royal dictatorship, made difficult due to the resistance from many corners. In that task, you have done your best to play the major political forces against each other: the centrist National Liberals and National Peasant Party, and the fascist Iron Guard. The latter has been consistently the most fearsome foe, with its violent leader Codreanu having gone as far as having masterminded the assassination of a previous Prime Minister in 1933. Thus far, Prime Minister Tatarescu (of the National Liberals) is subservient to you and has a strong parliamentary majority, giving you some room to maneuver despite the government being technically democratic. How will you navigate these troubled political waters?

Amidst grave doubts, the Cabinet voted only by the narrowest margin to go to war with Hungary alongside the Little Entente back in 1933. Out of all three, Romania has achieved the most, overrunning most of eastern Hungary and, due to the Italian blockade and American embargo, being the lifeline from which most war supplies and funding from friendly sources can reach Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Still, the war has gone on for longer than expected, significantly hurting the economy. Not only that, Transylvania – home to a large ethnically Hungarian population – is a source of endless strife, riots and sabotage due to their opposition to the war. With Yugoslavia weakened after the Croat uprising, Romania could well in a position to seize informal leadership of the Entente if you play your cards right. How should the war be conducted this year?

Spanish Republic

Prime Minister,

Revolution has broken out, raising the prospect of civil war and even the breakup of the Spanish Republic itself. In Asturias, the miners and workers Soviet has defeated attempts by the Army to suppress them, expanding into the Basque Country. In Catalonia, Premier Companys leads a struggle for Catalan independence, and has marshalled a respectable amount of military resources. It is not clear whether further uprisings could succeed, or whether the Republican left will not rise against the government. It now falls on to you to handle this most delicate situation, as well as to decide on whether to listen to those advisors who’d seek the broadest possible international coalition and a long term approach to calm down the situation, and those – like General Franco, unofficial advisor to the Minister of War – who’d have you stop relying on working-class soldiers to call on the colonial army to immediately suppress the enemy, regardless of the cost. How should the situation be handled?

In spite of your charisma and political skill having enabled you to survive over a year in office despite not winning the 1933 elections, it must be said that your position – and that of your Radical Republican Party – is unenviable in many ways. Weakened by internal defections from left-leaning members, your government depends on legislative support from the Catholic right (CEDA), as well as other minor parties, with CEDA being unwilling to sign on to major reforms. President Alcalá-Zamora is rather outspoken in his distrust of you and unwillingness to cooperate, finding you to close to CEDA and the right. Clearly, it will take fortitude to keep the government going and to make it functional, even without the background of the Revolution. How will you attempt to achieve this?

Dominion of Canada

Prime Minister,

Against the odds, you have bested Mackenzie King for the second time and remained Prime Minister with a small but workable majority, the Newfoundland Referendum going a long way to secure your victory over the Liberals. You will now return to Parliament to promote your agenda, safe in the knowledge you have some time for measures to take effect. Perhaps the most pressing concern is that of Newfoundland’s integration, as you will have to consider how to best enact it, whether to hold immediate by-elections, and so forth. And, while domestically the measure is very popular with English Canadians, it has caused friction within Québec, which has outstanding claims on parts of Labrador. Indeed, most politicians in the province – which is set to hold provincial elections this year – demand the immediate transfer of claimed territories to Québec. How will you handle this issue?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

Despite your best efforts, a motion at the League of Nations that would have solved the South West Africa matter in your favor has been voted down by Germany, closing down the easiest route to annexation. Whilst you decide on how to proceed, the domestic repercussions of this have been immediate, as the German veto has delivered a harsh blow to the opposition National Party, whose leading members – including leader and former PM J. B. M. Hertzog – are known to have pro-German views. In light of their weakening, some advisors wonder if it might be a good opportunity to force a proposed fusion of your South African Party with the Nationals on terms favorable to you. Others, more daring, suggest the prospect of an early election to bury the Nationals and expand your narrow majority in parliament, at the risk of a potentially unpredictable campaign. What should be done about the National Party? And will you seek another route to annex South West Africa?

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

Your early efforts have certainly not lacked visibility, as despite Australia’s relatively junior role in the Commonwealth you have managed to become quite the noteworthy advocate for women’s suffrage in Europe and North America. And although the suspension of British debt payments has spark anger from the opposition and alarm in your remaining critics within Labor, the issue of the day is by far your proposed Commonwealth National Health Service. Having it passed it through the House amidst the cheers of the public – as the bill is thought to be highly popular – it has now stalled in the Senate amidst incessant opposition from the medical community, who refuse to even allow the Western Australia pilot under fears of “the socialization of medicine”. Additionally, the High Court has pre-emptively warned the government does not have the legal powers to fund healthcare services, threatening to kill the bill if passed. With the fate of the CHS at risk, what will you do?

Kingdom of Bulgaria

Your Majesty,

It has been a most turbulent year. Following a coup last May in which the civilian government was overthrown by the Zveno, a nationalist and republican group of military officers – whose agenda included corporatism and a vaguely pro-French foreign policy – you have just managed to turn the tables on them with the help of friendly officers, leaving Bulgaria at the crossroads. After years of mismanagement, Bulgarians cry for strong leadership, and the opportunity is there – should you wish it – to either install autocratic, personal rule, or return to constitutional government. Aside from this critical choice, decisions must be made on the dismal state of the economy, as well as how Bulgaria is to align given the current volatile situation of the Balkans. What are your orders?

[Lumine]

EVENT

IOC opens bids for 1940 Summer Olympics

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

With the next Summer Olympics due to be held in August 1936, in the city of Berlin (German Reich), the International Olympic Committee (IOC) has now opened bids on countries that wish to host the 1940 Summer Olympic Games. Nominations will be open through the year, with the IOC voting and making a formal decision next year. US President Franklin Roosevelt has already raised the prospect of a bid by the United States - whose city of Los Angeles held the 1932 Olympics -, and it remains to be seen whether other countries will make an attempt to host the Olympics themselves.

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Italy intervenes in the Balkans!

Italian forces cross the Alps, occupy Slovenia,
Croat rebels gain ground, Yugoslavian navy crushed,
King Alexander vows to fight, declares war on Mussolini

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

As an unofficial part of the Third Balkan War, the ongoing Yugoslavian Civil War had only grown in scale and violence during the early months of 1935, with increasingly better armed and trained Croatian rebels fighting constant skirmishes against the Yugoslavian Army. Facing evidence of foreign involvement – and perhaps even of multiple countries behind it -, the Yugoslavs were forced to redirect units from Hungary to put down the Croat uprising, recapturing a number of towns amidst accusations – on both sides – of potential ethnic cleansing incidents. Although the balance of power still favored the better supplied and larger Yugoslavian force, this was all dramatically altered on May 1st, 1935. That day, and without a declaration of war – perhaps mimicking the initial Yugoslavian invasion of Hungary – the Italian Army crossed the border from Trieste and into the Alps.

They immediately faced heavy resistance from the Yugoslavian army, which had maintained sizable forces at the border, resulting in heavy and bloody battles of attrition. However, with their supply lines compromised by the Zagreb-based Croats, the Yugoslavians were forced to retreat into Croatia to avoid encirclement. Elite motorized forces followed them, storming and occupying virtually all of Slovenia within a few days and linking up with the Croatian Republic. Already in place thanks to the blockade, the Regia Marina proceeded to virtually destroy the smaller Yugoslav navy in a series of engagements. In the skies, the Regia Aeronautica was unable to strike and eliminate the Royal Yugoslav Air Force immediately. However, in a series of aerial battles and through attrition the Italians are believed to be close to establishing air superiority.

Perhaps the only serious snag for the Italians thus far have been a series of landings by Ustashe-aligned Croatian exiles in Dalmatia. Despite success in capturing a series of beaches and landing zones, the exiles – despite their advanced equipment – have been contained by the Yugoslavs, preventing a breakout from their beachheads. Upon receiving a communique from Italy proposing a solution to the crisis – and insisting there was no formal state of war, just a limited intervention -, King Alexander I furiously declared war on Italy and Mussolini himself. Speaking from Belgrade, the King vowed to resist, and declared that he would not sign off to the partitioning of Yugoslavia.

Despite ongoing disagreements between them, both Vladko Macek and Ante Pavelic have thanked the Duce and vowed to prevail against the “Serbian threat”, promising that Croatia “will be free come what may.” Thus far, the Serbians are believed to be strongly behind the King, and the ruling party in Slovenia – the Slovene People’s Party – has also supported Alexander. However, riots are already taking place in Bosnia and the Banat, demanding either immediate autonomy or threatening to follow the Croats in revolt. On the other side of the equation, Italian troops in Slovenia have already been approached by skeptical Slovenian delegates and parties, demanding independence along the lines of the Croat Republic.

EVENT

Germany restores the Monarchy!

Hugenberg suspends elections, calls for Constitutional Convention,
Reichstag replaced with Imperial Diet, Crown Prince Wilhelm becomes Kaiser,
Hugenberg prepares further reforms, standoff in Bavaria

FOR: GERMAN REICH

Far from adopting a calmer stance following two constant years of strife and open civil war, the Hugenberg government has once again doubled down on its bold attempts not only to assert its authority – enforced by the Reichswehr and the German National Front -, but to remake the German Reich and transform the now short lived Weimar Republic beyond recognition. Despite expectations of a Presidential Election which the opposition planned to use to defeat the Chancellor by running a popular independent – with names such as Hugo Eckener and Heinrich Mann being floated -, Hugenberg once again chose a repressive angle, declaring a state of emergency and having the Reichstag suspended amidst the complaints of the Zentrum, BVP and other surviving parties and organizations. A wave of renewed nationwide protests was repressed through martial law.

Political bombshell after political bombshell was dropped on the German public, with the Hugenberg cabinet calling for a constitutional convention, announcing its intent to abandon the League of Nations, and, in a highly popular move, tearing apart the Treaty of Versailles by reintroducing military conscription and expanding the Reichswehr. By the time the constitutional convention appointed by Hugenberg met in Berlin, it became clear it was time for further drastic changes. Having always resented the Weimar Republic, the conservative government announced the restoration of the German monarchy – though not to its previously absolute powers -, its black-white-red flag, the transformation of the Reichstag into an Imperial Diet, and plans to outlaw most of the organized opposition to the regime.

Despite the misgivings of the exiled Kaiser Wilhelm II – still exiled in the Netherlands, and who had previously prevented his son from running for president -, Crown Prince Wilhelm enthusiastically accepted the offer of a crown by the convention, and promptly took an oath to that effect to avoid a regency. Through yet to be crowned, newly proclaimed Kaiser Wilhelm III has reappointed Hugenberg to the Chancellorship, maintaining the present structure of the government. Many citizens – particularly apolitical ones – have welcomed the return of the Hohenzollerns, just as opponents to Hugenberg have been further radicalized by the move. And, whilst the convention moves ahead with further drastic decisions, a final obstacle has appeared in the form of the BVP-controlled Bavarian government, the last stronghold that could provide opposition to Hugenberg.

Though by no means issuing a direct challenge yet, intense talks are said to be taking place within Zentrum and the BVP as to how to react to these astounding developments.

EVENT

Scandal in the Far East!

Japan accused of large scale atrocities in Manchukuo,
Several European newspapers publish evidence and witness reports,
Alleged use of torture, mass executions, forced prostitution and drug trade involvement by Kwantung Army

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

Despite constant accusations levied by Chinese personalities against the Kwantung Army in Manchuria, including allegations of war crimes by deposed warlord Zhang Xueliang, few in the West had paid much attention to such stories, both distracted by urgent events in Europe and by the general chaos and lack of detailed information regarding the situation in China. This has all changed very dramatically in the past few days, as a large number of Europe-based newspapers have all broken a similar story – with similar sources and details -, issuing the gravest possible accusations against the Empire of Japan. These news reports, which come with witness testimony and photographic evidence smuggled out of Manchukuo through as of yet undetermined means, speak of a large array of crimes willfully committed by officers and servicemen of the Kwantung Army against the local population.

Although a number of details have been omitted from publication – or outright censored by some newspapers – due to their gruesome detail, the list of crimes include: the murder and torture of prisoners of war; potential involvement of army officers in the drug trade, specifically of opium; the mistreatment and harassment of the local population, as well as it extortion by Japanese and Manchukuo officials; and even the running of multiple underground brothels to service forces garrisoned in the new country, recently recognized by several countries and even the Republic of China itself. Reporters are already swamping Japanese and Manchukuo embassies asking for comment, wanting to determine the veracity of such claims. Coming at a critical time in Japanese efforts to improve its image on the West, many wonder what the fallout from these reports will be.

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"Citing concerns over the drastic expansion of the Reichswehr in Germany, Austrian Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss has reintroduced military conscription, openly breaching the 1919 Treaty of Saint-Germain. Dollfuss, who continues to centralize power under the Austrofascist banner…”

“In a highly controversial session, the Australian Senate approved the passage of the CHS pilot program, following intense lobbying by Prime Minister Lang and accusations of authoritarian attitudes from the opposition. The High Court, however, is widely expected to overturn the bill as unconstitutional…”

“Newfoundland and Labrador by-elections in Canada go 5-2 in favor of the ruling Conservative Party, expanding Prime Minister Bennett’s narrow majority. However, the Liberal Party performed better than expected, coming close to capturing two additional seats…”

"The Greek Republic remains unstable following a failed coup by Venizelist forces. Snap elections held last week – boycotted by the Venizelists – have yielded a strong result for the monarchist right, sparking speculation that King George II could be invited to Athens to retake his throne…”

“Latin America continues to mourn the sudden death of famed and highly popular singer Carlos Gardel, who perished in an accidental plane crash in Medellin, Colombia. Gardel, known for his tango ballads, was at the height of his popularity…”

“The Soviet Union was reported to have held extensive military exercises in the Crimea this autumn, showcasing new armaments and tactics by Red Army units. This is thought to be a response to recent controversies between General Secretary Stalin and Duce Benito Mussolini…”

“Following the likely passage of a motion at the League of Nations concerning the Chaco War, the government of Paraguay – which made it displeasure with the motion known – has announced its intent to follow Germany’s lead and abandon the organization…”

“At a press conference, Senator Walter George (D-GA) has announced his intent to oppose President Roosevelt’s proposed reforms to the Supreme Court, and several other lawmakers have joined him in the process. Despite this setback, the Senate successfully approved the Philippines Independence Treaty, with the Philippines expected to become independent at the end of the year…”

[Lumine]

CRISIS

France occupies the Saar!

Franco-German tensions high amidst Hugenberg-Daladier tension,
Saar Referendum future in question, Saar Landesrat petitions League of Nations,
Stock exchanges tumble amidst fears of war, fierce public reaction in Paris and Berlin

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

Although Franco-German tensions, ever present in the aftermath of the Treaty of Versailles, had been enjoying a limited yet steady decrease over the past few years, the events of the past year have drastically amplified tensions to a critical degree, a reality that was made clear as French troops entered the Territory of the Saar Basin last week. Despite the general assumption that a Saar plebiscite - mandated by Versailles - was likely to happen within the year, unilateral action by Berlin restoring the German monarchy and breaching the Treaty of Versailles by reintroducing conscription seems to have provoked an immediate, drastic reaction by Paris. Having left the Saar back in 1927 - leaving behind a local gendarmerie -, the French Army made a sudden return with the mobilization of four divisions, which proceeded to occupy the disputed League of Nations mandate.

With the Reichswehr stationed far beyond the demilitarized Rhineland and watching helpless, occupation was immediate and swift, featuring only moderate - some say pro-forma - protests by Sir Geoffrey George Knox, the High Commissioner. However, this has not prevented several episodes of protests, marches and passive resistance by a number of inhabitants. Critical of the apparent attitude of the Commission of Government, the Zentrum majority of the locally elected Landesrat has taken action instead. It's Chairman, Peter Scheuer, has urgently petitioned the League of Nations to demand a French withdrawal and hold the scheduled referendum. And while most local parties have joined the petition, the KPD-SPD majority has abstained, amidst rumors they are looking for ways to establish a "free German government".

Domestic and international reactions to this move have been undoubtedly swift. In Berlin, crowds of irate citizens have protested the move and expressed outrage, with newspapers arguing that "the Reich has once again been humiliated by French revanchism". In Paris, a rare moment of political solidarity occurred when nationalist and far-right groups usually critical of the government cheered the news. However, this has not prevented others to react in a far more muted manner, expressing apathy or outright fear of the prospect of war. In both Berlin and Paris, stocks immediately tumbled amidst fears of war and/or economic strife, and banks have reported increased pressure from ordinary citizens to withdraw funds.

Making matters more complex is the legal status of the Saar as established by Versailles, mandating a referendum within fifteen years of the treaty coming into force. Ultimately, the Treaty establishes that the League of Nations is to establish the conditions, methods and date of the vote; and that it is this same institution who must decide on the sovereignty of the territory after the vote. Perhaps crucially, the unanimity rule does not apply to the Saar, only requiring majorities. While, on the surface, this may offer signs of hope for the German position, its recent abandonment of the League of Nations and recent domestic actions are believed to have caused significant harm to the international standing of the Reich, casting doubt on whether Germany continues to command more sympathy than France as it has been the case in recent years.

[Lumine]

End of 1935

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: Benito Mussolini and Josef Stalin
(Cover: “Fascism v. Communism”)

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Not awarded (No suitable candidate)

Third Balkan War

Yugoslavia on the brink of collapse, Croatia gains ground,
Hungary secures Romanian ceasefire, loses Budapest to the Czech,
King Alexander avoids assassination attempt, vows to fight to the bitter end

Following a mostly inactive year across the Hungarian frontlines, with most attention focused instead on the developing and growing Yugoslavian Civil War, the Third Balkan War continues to flare up with a violence, yet again avoiding the sort of decisive year – and decisive victory – envisioned by the Little Entente at the start of its intervention. After a much needed increase in national morale provided by the sudden appearance of Archduke Otto von Hapsburg within the Kingdom as a volunteer – with the young Prince then deployed to a series of non-combat roles -, Admiral Horthy seemingly scored a decisive achievement by seemingly securing a ceasefire with the Kingdom of Romania, the announcement of which – not formally confirmed by Bucharest – caused general surprise. Whatever the case, Romanian troops ceased their advance, but continued to hold onto over a third of the country.

Having thus apparently closed one of their three fronts, the Royal Hungarian Army went on the offensive against the Yugoslavian forces, perceived as vulnerable on account of their increasing domestic disintegration. The offensive, the first started by Budapest since the beginning of the war, was only to be a mixed success. Despite their low morale, the Yugoslavians were nonetheless far better armed than the Hungarians due to foreign arms shipments – particularly those previous to the Italian blockade -, and ultimately were able to contain most assaults and prevent encirclements. It was only the further deterioration of the home front that forced a withdrawal, in which a mostly intact Yugoslav force yielded territory in return for better defensive positions. In the meantime, the Czechoslovak Army had seemingly awoken from its slumber, launching a full-scale offensive to storm Budapest.

Having failed in their initial attempt to collapse the defenses of the city, a violent series of trench battles followed, eventually culminating in a street-by-street struggle that took weeks to conclude. Despite numerical superiority, the Hungarian volunteers were not yet a match for the highly trained, well-armed Czechoslovak Army, and the city eventually fell by October 1935. It was a crippling blow, only lessened by the fact that the prolonged resistance caused substantial attrition to the enemy and provided more than enough time for the capital to be evacuated in an orderly fashion, allowing Regent Horthy and the government to flee to the Austrian border. Despite the loss of Budapest, the Hungarians technically control more territory than in 1934 due to the Yugoslavian tactical withdrawals, but it remains to be seen how the loss of the capital – at a time in which foreign supply remains woefully insufficient – will affect further resistance.

In Yugoslavia proper, the domestic situation continued to escape King Alexander’s grasp despite his energetic attempts to take personal control of the situation and even lead the army in its suppression of the internal revolts. Forced to reply more and more on his Serbian base of support, Alexander’s task was made harder when new uprisings flared up outside of Croatia proper. And while the bulk of these were either contained or defeated at a heavy cost, a large-scale uprising by the Bosnians in central Yugoslavia further compromised repressive efforts. Ironically, the Bosnian revolt has not only been badly received in Belgrade, but also in Zagreb, as the Croatian provisional government – in line with the apparent view of most Croatians – seemingly aspires to subdue most of Bosnia into the independent Croatian state. As a result, it has not been uncommon to see three-way battles within the region, alongside growing and mounting reports of ethnic cleansing on all sides.

Up north, the Italian intervention deepened. Following the proclamation of an independent Republic of Slovenia – under Italian protection -, the Croatian militias and the Royal Italian Army units in the region further secured their stronghold over Croatia, forcing isolated Yugoslavian units to withdraw further, or encircling them into isolated points of resistance. In Dalmatia, however, the Ustache militias and the volunteer brigades were not to be successful this year either, the inability to secure a rapid victory back in 1934 resulting in Gallipoli-style trench warfare across the coast line. It is here that the Yugoslav commanders have scored their biggest successes, a defensive success widely credited with preventing – thus far - the total collapse of the Yugoslav state. Still, by the end of 1935 almost half of the Yugoslav state is now under control of rebel militias or the more formal breakaway states, which are said to be planning a bid for League of Nations membership.

In Belgrade itself, beset by a campaign of riots, sabotage and assassinations, King Alexander himself survived at least two assassination attempts by radical Croats and Bosnians. Amidst such dire conditions, the King has vowed to resist to the last man, in spite of advice by a moderate faction – unofficially led by Prince Paul – that a settlement should be sought. With Albania having swung back into subservience to Italy on account of recent military successes – and with a repentant King Zog preparing to resume debt payments – many believe Greece and Bulgaria may offer the key to Yugoslav collapse or survival, particularly after recent domestic developments.

The September 11th Incident

Confusing coup d’etat in Tokyo, Emperor intervenes,
Toseiha faction purges Kwantung Army and Kodoha radicals,
Days of violence and chaos, thousands dead

In light of recent events, including the assassination of two consecutive Prime Ministers and repeated acts of military insubordination, as well as discontent within parts of the military establishment regarding government policy, it was perhaps inevitable that large-scale violence should break out within the Empire of Japan. And once the Empire suffered a heavy blow to its prestige on account of the unexpected media storm in Europe over the actions and behavior of the Kwantung Army in its Manchurian fiefdom, it was perhaps also inevitable that it would resemble a struggle for survival rather than a calculated power struggle. Whatever the case, reports that only hinted at military discontent soon grew more and more outspoken, and, on September 11th, 1935, they materialized. Up to this day, and several weeks after the incident and subsequent week of unrest, it is unclear to foreign observers what precisely happened. For some, a military coup by the radical Kodoha faction was either launched too early or was forced to go into action upon fear of discovery. For others, the relatively more moderate Toseiha faction launched a pre-emptive strike of sorts, or was caught in the process of it. And for some – all foreigners -, even the Emperor does not escape potential blame as a mastermind behind this confusing incident.

Whichever the case, motives and origin, the night of September 11th featured a series of violent gunfights near military barracks across the city of Tokyo. Soon after, military vehicles circled the capital and even appeared in the vicinity of the Imperial Palace. That night, a handful of high-ranking political figures were assassinated, including Prime Minister Keisuke Okada, who was ambushed by a Kodoha Lt. Colonel whilst leaving his home after being informed of the situation. By the morning, and with enormous confusion as to who actually held power in the capital, Japanese listeners across the city – and indeed the nation – were utterly startled to hear the angry voice of the Showa Emperor himself, Hirohito, from a recording played constantly from Radio Tokyo. The Emperor, in what was his first ever broadcast to the public, denounced a failed assassination attempt on his person and a treasonous conspiracy led by the Kodoha faction.

Asserting that the capital was in control by loyal units of the IJA, and after levying up the gravest of charges on the faction and it leaders – with a language that made many civilians wince due to its harshness -, the Emperor denounced military insubordination and proclaimed it a capital offensive, giving orders to the Army to destroy the enemy. Open acts of violence would continue for much of the day, but the more the speech was broadcast – and following new gunfights – the more silence took over the city. The Minister of War, General Nagata – widely seen as the unofficial leader of Toseiha – and his subordinate General Sugiyama restored order through any means necessary. In subsequent days, multiple corpses would show up floating on the rivers of Tokyo, and multiple Kodoha officers – dozens, if not hundreds – would be found having committed ritual seppuku.

In both Formosa and Korea, the Toseiha-aligned Governors General – Vice Minister Kenzo and General Ugaki – both effectively suppressed any resistance within the first two days. However, it was within Manchukuo that the greater acts of chaos and violence were committed, as a large contingent of Tokko – Japanese secret police – agents flew into Harbin. Ably assisted on the ground by Toseiha General Tojo and Deputy Minister Kishi – the latter of which is believed to have sold out his former colleagues in the Kwantung Army -, the agents arrested Kwantung Army Commander Minami and most of his high-ranking staff. In later weeks, Tojo and Kishi would issue a report outlining a full audit of the activities of the Kwantung Army, confirming much of what was reported in the western press.

In said report, which was made available to the public, Tojo and Kishi would go on to blame the “shameful bloodlust” of the Kodoha faction and its Kwantung Army puppet, and would furthermore clear both the Emperor and the now late Prime Minister – the third one in a row to be assassinated – of responsibility. In the meantime, hundreds of Japanese army officers – thought to be connected to Kodoha – have gone missing, many of them listed as under arrest and awaiting a trial. Many more still have committed seppuku, some leaving death poems expressing their shame at having been disowned by their own Emperor. Although undoubtedly there must be those who have escaped, the only confirmed case – by sources close to Emperor Puyi – is Kwantung Army Spymaster General Kenji Doihara, known by many as “Lawrence of Manchuria”. Doihara, missing since September 13th, is allegedly said to have joined the ranks of the hundreds of deserters who have abandoned the Kwantung Army and currently roam the Manchurian countryside as militia or bandit units.

Whilst Manchukuo remains in a state of chaos and disarray following the overthrow of much of its leading administrative and military elite – with the resulting strengthening of resistance militias loyal to Zhang Xueliang -, and Korea/Formosa have avoided much strife, public commotion across Tokyo and Japan proper continues, and is likely to last for a long time. The public remains allegedly stunned by the Emperor’s broadcast and intervention, and the Toseiha faction has seemingly captured the entirety of the IJA and IJN’s high commands. Although the violence was not enough to reverse the rapid economic recovery recently experienced by the Empire, it has certainly disrupted many government functions, leaving Japan in a particularly vulnerable state. Whether this lasts, for how long, and what the consequences will be for such a momentous week in Japanese history, no one can say.

Chinese Civil War

KMT crushes the CCP, Mao killed in mountain ambush,
Chiang promises reforms, Southern and Northern coalitions agree to ceasefire,
Warlords call for a conference, issue a demand for anti-Japanese action

Holding their largest advantage in years against the Chinese Communists following the encirclement and destruction of much of the Jiangxi Soviet, the Kuomintang seized the unique opportunity to get rid of one of its most persistent rivals by once again focusing their military efforts on the fleeing Communist cadres. After escaping Jiangxi with thousands of soldiers and civilians, newly elevated Chairman Mao Zedong attempted to cross Hunan province during the first half of the year, hoping to take the Communist cause up north into a distant province from where to regroup, planning to leave Chiang alone to battle with the rival warlords in order to gain time. It was not to be. Despite some creative decisions by Mao enabling him to enter deep into the province, the local warlord troops of He Jian collaborated closely with Chiang’s NRA, and successfully encircled and destroyed Mao’s column at the Battle of Zhijiang.

In the aftermath of Zhijiang, Mao’s bullet-ridden corpse was found and paraded by the NRA, the destruction of the Communist column putting an end to dreams of a CCP escape into a distant refuge. With the Communist cause in China at the brink of collapse, their last remaining hope is provided by the secondary column of Zhang Guotao, who has gathered much of the surviving forces in eastern China and taken them westwards – north from Mao’s planned route – into Hubei province. Having thus gained much needed respite from the threat once posed by the CCP, Generalissimo Chiang enjoyed a relatively successful year after having feared defeat, events in Japan – and particularly in Manchuria – doing much to improve said position. Having denounced the Sino-Japanese treaty to public approval, Chiang then attempted to reach out to the rival warlord coalitions to his north and south, hoping to bring an end to the civil war.

While neither the Northern nor the Southern coalition have yielded any territory gained thus far – and have fortified their positions -, the outrage at the actions of the Kwantung Army and the aftermath of the September 11th incident persuaded Hu Hanmin, Feng Yuxiang, Li Zongren and Zhang Xueliang of the need for unity. Thus, all four have announced a temporary ceasefire, and demanded Chiang to attend a conference to establish a united front against Japan. Sensing Japanese weakness in Manchuria, all four warlords are widely expected to demand that the Nanjing government declares war on Japan as the precondition to end their efforts to depose Chiang and rejoin the NRA. In the meantime, Chiang has further reversed – but only up to a point – his popularity deficit with the announcement of new reforms and even local elections by 1938, all while playing up the anti-Communist rhetoric.

Isolationist backlash in the US!

Roosevelt stuns America with Chaco War intervention,
Despite military successes, public outrage forces Congress to pass Neutrality Acts,
With 36’ approaching, FDR to face twin primary challenge

Although it had been the economy that had sunk Herbert Hoover back in 32’, it was beyond clear that his internationalist foreign policy had also been a negative factor for a nation that grew more and more isolationist as the decade went through. And, at least for a time, President Roosevelt appeared to be able to ride said wave of isolationism despite some instincts to the contrary. Although he had courted major controversy and political weakness due to the Yugoslavian aid package and a series of foreign policy blunders, he had also courted popularity by successfully extricating the US from Haiti and Nicaragua, and by securing Filipino independence all in a single term. Initial sanctions on Third Balkan War belligerents were also relatively well received at the start, at least on the intention to deter open warfare in Europe. However, the tide was soon to turn most decisively for an administration already challenged on the home front.

With the carnage of the Chaco War still ongoing after three years, and the recent withdrawal of Paraguay from the League of Nations seemingly ruling out the prospect of a negotiated end to the war, many expected the war to go on for years, at least until Bolivia – if Paraguay could maintain its present advantages – gave up. This was dramatically altered when President Roosevelt announced the development of a several thousand US troops to intervene in the war on Paraguay’s side, openly entering the conflict and securing a secretive deal with Argentina to secure passage for the expeditionary corps. Leaving aside the reaction to this, the move was undoubtedly successful from the military point of view. Despite logistical and terrain challenges making it impossible for the US troops to have an impact before the second half of the war, their vast technical and training superiority compared to the weakened Bolivian Army resulted in a decisive triumph at Villamontes.

The Battle of Villamontes allowed Paraguay to fully occupy the Chaco, it opened the route to an invasion of Bolivia in 1936, and forced La Paz to sue for peace. However, the direst consequences of the war – at least for FDR – would not be felt on the frontlines despite malaria outbreaks within the US troops, they would be felt domestically. Having supported the Nicaraguan intervention due to its limited goals of extricating US citizens, the American public was outraged at such a blatant act of war and intervention in a foreign conflict, particularly as the President pursued a unilateral act that entirely bypassed Congress. Having only had limited success with anti-New Deal talking points, Republican leaders – and prospective candidates for 36’s – jumped on the Isolationist train with glee, loudly opposing the Administration from Congress and calling on the US to suspend intervention on such matters.

Said public outrage was not helped by further decisions by the administration, including instantly reversed sanctions on Italy and France that sparked financial panic and levied accusations of lack of a firm policy. This, combined with an ill-advised push to strip the Supreme Court – which, emboldened, continued to overturn New Deal policies – turned a Republican offensive into a Democratic revolt, cementing the loss of political control over Congress. Incensed, a newly formed, unofficial “Isolationist coalition” refused to formally declare war on Bolivia, rejected ratification of the arrangement for use of Argentinian territory to transport US troops – causing the Argentinian President to warn of unexpected consequences such a promised aid package not be ratified -, and passed a series of “Neutrality Acts”, imposing an arms embargo on all parties involved in a war, and stripping the President of the power to sanction countries without Congressional approval. The President, however, may yet decide to veto the Neutrality Acts, raising the question of whether the veto can be overridden.

This backlash has all but ensured that foreign policy will be just as relevant as domestic policy in what promises to be a highly exciting Presidential Election. And whilst the Republican field starts to form as several candidates start to see hope in finding Roosevelt vulnerable, Democratic opposition to the President has also started to materialize. From the anti-New Deal isolationist conservative wing, Senator Harry Byrd (D-VA) has promised to challenge the President in the Democratic primaries and convention. And from the left, Senator Huey Long (D-LA), who recently survived an assassination attempt, has also announced his intent to challenge the President by championing isolationism and the “Share Our Wealth” banner. With the stage thus set for 36’, and while Roosevelt still commands significant popularity within the working class, the President may be in for a far tougher reelection than anyone would have expected.