The Gathering Storm, Redux - Gameplay Thread (WW2 - Early 1940)

[Lumine]

Somoza takes over

Strengthened by foreign advisors and support,
General Somoza defeats rival Sandino, forces him into exile,
Nicaraguan President resigns, Somoza elected with 98% of the vote

The outbreak of the Nicaraguan Civil War, following the relatively successful US withdrawal, had resulted in a bitter struggle between Anastasio Somoza and Augusto César Sandino, both champions of vastly different views regarding the future of their nation. Sandino, having made himself strong in the countryside thanks to his revolutionary rhetoric and guerilla expertise, was expected to be able to resist the more conservative and authoritarian Somoza for a while, an assumption that was shattered during the year. Within a few months, Somoza’s forces proved to be far better trained and armed than before, their field performance increased to the point in which Sandino’s forces began to melt away due to attrition and battlefield setbacks. Indeed, by December most of Sandino’s bases had been captured or destroyed, and a second failed assassination attempt had forced Sandino to flee into Honduras into temporary exile.  

Although Sandinist resistance continued in the northernmost regions of the country, Somoza declared victory, taking personal credit for vanquishing Sandino and the “threat of a Marxist revolution”. In the aftermath of his successful campaign, General Somoza has successfully forced the President to resign his office so that he could run in the subsequent election. Facing token opposition, Somoza was elected President with over 98% of the vote, leading to accusations of fraud. Thus far, it remains unclear how Somoza was able to gain the upper hand so quickly, with Sandino openly denouncing – to those that will listen – that Somoza has been receiving support from a foreign power in order to establish his “dictatorial rule”. In any case, observers believe Sandino will be forced to remain on the sidelines for now, with Somoza now firmly in control.

Landslide for Smuts

South African PM ruthlessly calls for snap election,
Hurt by pro-German stance, National Party plummets in the polls,
Despite having a mandate, Smuts is undermined by electoral system

It had been a momentous three years for the Dominion of South Africa since, against all expectations, Jan Smuts had returned to power after winning a narrow majority, propelled by the effects of the economic depression on J. B. M. Hertzog’s National Party government. In that term, most of Smuts’ energies were invested both in the trade conflict with Britain and the struggle to secure the formal annexation of the mandate of South West Africa, the latter of which essentially dominated the politics of the parliamentary term as the government – buoyed by a local referendum – felt within striking distance of success. It was not to be, for South African aspirations were dashed at the League of Nations once Germany signaled its opposition to unilateral annexation.

And, although on normal circumstances such a failure may have spelt trouble for the incumbent PM, Smuts had the distinct luck of having the leader of the opposition – former PM Hertzog himself – known for his pro-German stance as opposed to Smuts’ pro-British beliefs. With the National Party thus weakened by association, and having several options on the table, Smuts went for the jugular and called for an early general election. The gamble was not without its dangers, particularly since the apparent lack of an agenda seemed – so believed the beleaguered Nationals – to indicate Smuts’ decision was a transparent political maneuver. But they could not effectively make that case, not with Hertzog forced to defend his pro-German views at every opportunity. In the end, Smuts succeeded in opening a tremendous vote gap, fueled by unprecedented urban margins.

On election night, the South African Party (SAP) surpassed Smuts’ 1921 record, garnering more than 50% of the vote and a clear majority of 14 seats. However, and despite outvoting the National Party by over 16 points, the opposition’s proverbial strength in rural areas – as opposed to Smuts’ urban dominance – was rewarded by the FPTP electoral system, preventing a complete collapse. South Africa’s third party, the Labour Party – notoriously hostile to the PM -, managed to hold onto its seats and share of the vote, and the handful of independent MP’s were wiped out. With this record defeat, National leader Hertzog has resigned, opening the door to firebrand hardliner D. F. Malan to take over the party. Smuts, for his part, has won a clear window of opportunity to try and pass his own agenda.

1935 South African General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
South African Party		52% (+4)		82 (+11)
National Party		36% (-4)		57 (-8)
Labour Party		9% (=)		11 (+1)
Others		3%		0
Total				150 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Jan Smuts (SAP)

Incoming Government:
SAP Majority (14 Seats)

MacDonald’s Gamble: Indian Home Rule

MacDonald faces stiff opposition to proposed bill, narrowly succeeds,
Conservative Party revolts against PM, rejects compromise candidate for GE,
National Government collapses, death of King George temporarily saves PM

In some ways, many felt that the worst had passed for the National Government in the UK, formed in the direst of economic conditions and with a paralyzed political system. Despite being disowned by his own party as a “traitor”, Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald had been able to lead an unstable alliance with the Conservative Party to victory in 1931, had presided over a steady – if painful and unemployment riddled – economic recovery, and had, for the most part, kept Britain away from European conflict, all moves that served to cement his rule despite having an almost non-existent base of personal parliamentarian support against Tory hegemony. Indeed, it was not too difficult to image that MacDonald, though too old and exhausted, could hand over to a successor to continue the National Government and win the next election against a divided and weakened Labour Party, still led by stop gap leader – and pacifist, left wing firebrand – George Lansbury.

Ultimately, this was all dynamited in the process of securing what was – easily – MacDonald’s greatest achievement, a success that was ironically to leave him on the verge of political collapse. Having grappled with the question of Indian independence and/or home rule for decades, and forever unwilling to learn from the Irish experience, the British establishment and political elite had long resisted meaningful decentralization in power in India. The reasons varied, ranging from a belief that the Empire could not survive without the British Raj, to dismissive – but common – views regarding the ability of Indians to rule themselves. Thus, when MacDonald proposed an act of parliament to give India a bicameral, devolved parliament – in effect turning it into a Dominion – that, at least for its Indian House of Commons, would be directly elected (with an appointed House of Lords), reaction was swift and explosive. Even if MacDonald had ruled out independence itself, Conservative rebels were quick to denounce him, with Winston Churchill MP going as far as to call the PM “Judas” in the House of Commons.

But perhaps what truly went too far was the concept of allowing India to send MP’s to Westminster and enabling Indians to access British citizenship, a proposal that – aside from being instantly killed in committee by a befuddled Parliament – sparked race riots, irate editorials warning of imminent race mixing and the horrifying prospect of Indians at the House of Commons, and almost brought down the government itself. Ultimately, the bill passed partly due to several lucky accidents, partly due to Lansbury’s principled decision not to block Indian Home Rule after the proposal gained lukewarm approval from leading Indian politicians, enabling the government – despite its massive, unprecedented majority – to narrowly win the vote and push a watered down version of the bill through despite almost 200 Tory defections. The vote, for all purposes, killed the National Government, with the Conservatives disowning MacDonald and rejecting his proposal for a compromise candidate – Foreign Secretary Simon – to lead the coalition in the 1936 General Election.

With Labour ready to push for a Vote of No Confidence and the Conservative revolt about to give it an unequivocal approval, MacDonald was only saved from the sudden end of his premiership by the most unexpected of events: the death of King George V, the man who had seen the Empire through the Great War. Dying peacefully in his sleep – so the Palace reported -, the sudden disappearance of the towering monarch and the enthroning of the Prince of Wales as King Edward VIII made a VONC distasteful given the occasion. Thus, MacDonald remains Prime Minister during the royal transition, virtually held hostage by an outraged Conservative Party and with the election set – at the absolute latest – for October 1936. And, while the death of the King may have come as a potential stroke of luck, rumors surrounding the romantic inclinations of the new King may well force MacDonald into a constitutional crisis right as he tries to save his premiership.

In India itself, soon to be the Dominion of India – though no date for the election is formally set – the Indian National Congress and its leadership has expressed cautious and skeptical optimism, with some of its leaders feeling that Home Role comes too late. Others, however, express a willingness to try and work with the new constitutional framework, which will have to decide on many difficult issues soon enough.

Election season in Europe

Kemal’s CHP wins another landslide, Parliament offers him “Atatürk” title,
Sanation reforms Polish constitution, Koc elected President in opposition boycott,
Czech coalition under pressure, Communists and ethnic parties gain strength,
Tsar Boris restores democracy in Bulgaria, Popular Bloc returns to power

By a curious quirk of fate, several eastern European nations have held their own elections during 1935, coinciding with key foreign policy events and wildly different economic and political situations, as well as participation – or not – in the ongoing military conflicts.

Perhaps the easiest and most painless of all contests took place in the Republic of Turkey, where President Kemal upheld official policy that only allowed the ruling CHP to stand in the election. Aside from a small number of independents, over 90% of the Grand National Assembly continues to belong to the CHP. Indeed, the actual novelty in the election – aside from local disturbances in the eastern provinces – was the successful enactment of female suffrage in time for the election, allowing millions of Turkish women to vote for the first time and even elect the first female MP’s. Despite the Turkish economy suffering heavily still from the US embargo, the hugely popular Kemal has been recently acclaimed by Parliament as “Father of the Turks”, and given the surname “Atatürk” as a result.

In Poland, the newfound unity of the Sanation regime – arranged through several political deals deftly negotiated by Colonel Koc – has been enshrined through the drafting of the Constitution of 1935, formalizing several aspects of Pilsudski’s regime and bringing in a whole new constitutional structure. Among other measures, the Sejm changed its electoral system to FPTP seats, “extreme” opposition parties were forbidden to stand for election, and a Presidency-Vice Presidency scheme was arranged, providing non-negligible legislative powers to the latter. With Sanation faction leaders Rydz-Smigly and Valery Slawek replacing Koc as twin Ministers of State, Koc himself ran for President with the incumbent President Moscicki as his running mate. Colonel Koc campaigned hard for the election, presenting himself as the heir to Pilsudski and championing both strong government and a recovering economy. With the opposition for the most part boycotting the elections and protesting the Sanation regime as “undemocratic”, Koc and the Sanation-aligned BBWR won in a landslide.

In the Czechoslovak Republic, the election soon turned into an unofficial referendum on the war, with the ethnic German, Slovak, and Hungarian parties broadly standing against it, the ruling “Petka” of five democratic parties (center left to center-right) in favor, and the opposition Communist Party following Stalin’s lead by supporting the war. With the government declining to intervene in the campaign – only stating President Masaryk’s intent to remain in office for now -, a seemingly gloomy outlook for pro-war parties due to the rapidly deteriorating economy only marginally improved following the fall of Budapest, thus preventing a collapse by the Petka. In the end, the Petka parties all lost seats, whilst the newly united or reorganized ethnic parties all held onto their seats or won more. Crucially, the Communist Party made substantial gains among those supportive of the war, with the National Fascist League also making gains by becoming the main anti-war Czech party. Said results will likely make government formation more difficult, a task in which President Masaryk may have to use his political expertise.

Meanwhile, in Bulgaria, the recent overthrow of the Zveno military government and the restoration of temporary personal rule by Tsar Boris III led many to consider the possibility of a royal dictatorship, a move that some saw as a likely solution to Bulgarian political instability. However, the Tsar made the momentous decision – which, while not that popular with the electorate, earned him crucial parliamentary support – to restore constitutional government. Maintain his powers only until the election, the Tsar promptly banned the Communist Party and Zveno-friendly parties, allowing the moderate liberal Popular Bloc – which had previously governed before being deposed by the Zveno – to run almost unopposed and triumph at the general election with a resounding majority. At least for the time being, Bulgaria appears to have secured some measure of stability.

1935 Turkish General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Republican People’s Party (CHP)		85%		411
Others		15%		17
Total				428 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Ismet Inonu (CHP)

Incoming Government:
CHP Majority (394 Seats)

1935 Polish Presidential Election:

Candidate

Votes (%)

Adam Koc and Ignacy Moscicki (IND)

100%

Incoming President and Vice President:
Adam Koc and Ignacy Moscicki (IND)

1935 Polish General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
BBWR		92%		192
Others		8%		16
Total				208 MP’s

1935 Czechoslovak General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Petka (RSZML/CSSD/CSNS/CSL/NSJ/CZOS)		47%		145
Ethnic Parties		31%		94
Communist Party		14%		39
National Fascist League		6%		17
Others		2%		5
Total				300 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Jan Malypetr (Petka-RSZML) [Acting] (SAP)

Incoming Government:
Petka Minority (6 short)

1935 Bulgarian General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Popular Bloc		61%		205
DA-NLP Opposition		31%		68
Others		8%		0
Total				273 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Nikola Mushanov (Popular Bloc)

Incoming Government:
Popular Bloc Majority (137 Seats)

[Lumine]

Bennett stumbles in Quebec

Despite popular economic policies, Conservatives stand divided,
Newfoundland claims exploited by Liberals, Duplessis opposes Bennett,
Conservatives make underwhelming gains, Taschereau re-elected

His hand strengthened significantly by an unexpected electoral triumph and the highly popular annexation of Newfoundland, Canadian PM R. B. Bennett’s next challenge was provided by the turbulent province of Quebec, which had remained a Liberal stronghold at the federal level that regional Conservatives had been unable to break. The task of breaking through in Quebec was made all the more difficult not only given the popularity of incumbent premier Louis-Alexandre Taschereau, but also the evident splits between the Conservative Party of Quebec and its federal counterpart. Despite Bennett’s assertive moves to provide for a strong, active campaign, as well as the popularity of a no-conscription pledge, a decision not to award Quebec its claims on Newfoundland was badly received in the province. And while Bennett’s historic Canadian Social Security Act moved through parliament to federal acclaim, it was bitterly resisted by regional Conservative leader Maurice Duplessis, a staunch enemy of Keynesian economic theories.

A political opening seemed to have materialized when a group of Liberal dissidents separated from Taschererau – alienated by his style and ethical issues -, running as their own grouping. Despite strong moves from the membership to seek an alliance with the dissidents, led by Paul Gouin, Duplessis would hear none of it. In the end, the campaign was muddled as Bennett’s ever more Keynesian policies clashed with Duplessis’ own agenda, preventing the Conservatives from having a clear message with which to clash against Taschereau. In the end, the Liberal Premier – who rallied against the Prime Minister and exploited the Newfoundland issue against Duplessis - prevailed despite some seat losses, and the Conservatives, despite making gains and surpassing Gouin’s challengers to remain the opposition, are left far, far away from government. As Premier Taschereau returns to government yet again – having served since 1920 -, the first sign of an effective opposition to Mr. Bennett may have emerged, particularly as the Liberals debate and clash to elect a successor to the retiring Mackenzie King.

Return of the German Empire

Zentrum and BVP stand down, Hugenberg’s DNF reigns alone,
Imperial Diet elected, Goerdeler-led opposition takes form,
Amidst Saar defiance, the Chancellor remains beset by threats

Following a few months of work, the constitutional convention in Germany, which had already made headlines by approving the return of the monarchy and the crowning of Kaiser Wilhelm III, closed its activities following a last flurry of orders and decrees. Despite fears of a secessionist crisis in Bavaria, last of the credible holdouts that could oppose Chancellor Hugenberg, negotiations with the BVP and the Zentrum – aided by the initial surge of patriotism caused by the occupation of the Saar – resulted in a compromise, allowing both parties to stand down as political pluralism, much like in other European nations, finally came to a casual, almost dismissive end. Rather than risk civil war, Zentrum politicians stood down in return for a Concordat between Berlin and the Vatican preserving the Catholic Church’s influence, and the BVP government in Bavaria did the same in return for the restoration of the Wittelsbachs to the Bavarian throne. Indeed, only a few weeks after Wilhelm III’s crowning, Crown Prince Rupprecht became Rupprecht I of Bavaria.

In return for such concessions, the Zentrum and the BVP complied with their ordered dissolution, as the convention established single-party rule via the enshrining of the conservative German National Front (DNF) as the sole legal party. However, a façade of internal democracy was allowed, as a number of personalities were allowed to join the party, rebranded – much like Sanation and its associate party – as a non-partisan organization. Upon finishing the last touches to the constitutional reforms, Gregor Strasser resigned from the government alongside his now outlawed VF, denouncing Hugenberg as a “capitalist relic” and calling on the workers not to support his “regime”. Elections to the Imperial Diet took place on October 1st amidst the Saar crisis, amidst threats of a US embargo – addressed through what was ultimately viewed as an advantageous deal – and fears of war.

Having decided to allow multiple DNF candidates to run in the various districts, Hugenberg won his desired supermajority of compliant deputies to complement a – thus far – subservient Kaiser, but not all of the DNF members were firmly behind the Chancellor. During the first sessions of the Imperial Diet, political observers have begun to talk of a new opposition grouping led by DNF deputy Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, who, while broadly supportive of much of Hugenberg’s agenda, has adopted moderate criticism of the government when he finds it suitable. Thus far, much of it has been directed at the dire economic situation, worsened by US threats, industrial strife caused by a lack of control over the trade unions, and the cost of the civil war, with privatization and deregulation policies yet to show an effect.

In the Saar itself, citizens have been unable to comply – not for a lack of trying – with Hugenberg’s instructions to hold a referendum anyway, as French occupation has made it impossible to even hold a symbolic vote. Still, acts of defiance are common across the territory, with protests, riots, sabotage and even small acts of humiliation against French troops springing up daily. Such actions have resulted in dozens of wounded, and it is believed the steady stream of incidents may turn deadly yet. And just as the furious mood in Berlin was been somewhat tempered by fears of war and a feeling of impotence towards Hugenberg, so has the mixed mood in Paris turned less jubilant still, with the economy also reeling from the cost of the occupation, pacifist marches denouncing the threat of war, and Finance Minister Blum still being burned in effigy – though not Daladier himself – at far-right parades and marches.

1935 German General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
German National Front (DNF)		100%		400
Total				400 MP's

Incoming Chancellor:
Alfred Hugenberg (DNF)

Incoming Government:
DNF Majority (All Seats)

The Slow Death of the Great War Treaties

Various treaties under challenge by once defeated nations,
Austria, Hungary, Germany and Bulgaria remilitarize and rebuild their armies,
Turkey remilitarizes the Turkish Straits

Upon the signing of the Treaty of Versailles and all of its associated treaties punishing the defeated Central Powers in the aftermath of the Great War, opinion was split on whether the treaties could last or whether, as Ferdinand Foch himself said, whether they were only a twenty-year armistice. Clearly, the treaties and the push for part of the international community in seeing them fulfilled – or reversed – over the past fifteen years has been a major push behind several key decisions and developments, and attempts at defiance had been growing more successful by the end of the decade. This process has seemingly entered into overdrive as of lately, with virtually all of the former Central Powers undertaking moves that nullify, alter and/or void much of the content and limitations established in the treaties, even if their goals may not necessarily align.

In Germany, Chancellor Hugenberg’s decision to remilitarize and reintroduce conscription via ignoring the Treaty of Versailles has already led to the Saar occupation and the real threat of American economic warfare, but it has also placed Germany in a far stronger position than in 1933. On the other hand, France’s occupation of the Saar – which also contravenes Versailles – places the local pro-German population in the awkward position of having to rely on the treaty for any hopes of a plebiscite. In Austria, newly elevated President Dollfuss – now supreme master of the Austrofascist Republic – responded to Hugenberg’s moves by ripping the Treaty of St. Germain apart in military terms, also reintroducing conscription and substantially increasing the Austrian army. In Hungary, outside fears of a potential breach of the Treaty of Trianon have turned into something of a self-fulfilling prophecy, as the Third Balkan War has forced the Hungarian to also ignore the military restrictions in order to fight the war.

Most recently, President Kemal of Turkey and Tsar Boris of Bulgaria have both violated the Treaties of Laussane and Neuilly-sur-Seine to great domestic acclaim, the former – albeit with some international support – reasserting control over the Turkish Straits, a vital move for the viability of Turkish strategic security, and the latter also starting a rearmament program and reintroducing conscription, seemingly ending – at least on the surface – the marked vulnerability of the Kingdom as opposed to its neighbors. Such moves also coincide with mounting public frustration on the League of Nations’ recent inability to reach unanimity on a series of issues, and with Germany and Paraguay already having left the organization. Thus far, pacifist organizations and personalities have bitterly decried such actions and described them as inexorable steps towards another Great War. In contrast, others argue they represent a restoration of national sovereignty. The truth, some suspect, may lie closer to the middle.

Spanish Civil War

Asturias Soviet crushed, Catalan State collapses without help,
Despite efforts by PM Lerroux, several rebel MP’s are smuggled into the Cortes,
An uneasy calm sets in as the government must decide on the aftermath

Despite fears that the uprisings of late 1934 could plunge the entirety of the nation into civil war, and even that a rival Republican government could be formed and cause a breakdown in the legitimacy of the Spanish state, events in 1935 have proved surprisingly kind to Prime Minister Lerroux, even with the odd setback here and there. Crucially, the League of Nations was unanimous in its ratification of a resolution supporting the Prime Minister and the legitimacy of his government, and none of the potential partners that might have made a larger revolution possible took action. Some, it is rumored, did quite the opposite. Whatever the case, Lerroux did not waste time risking the deployment of working-class recruits thought to be unreliable, and the colonial forces were immediately shipped towards the mainland for the government counteroffensive.

Aided by military missions from friendly powers, and having courted moderate Catalan politicians to deter defections, the Lerroux government dispatched General Lopez Ochoa to Asturias with the Regulares and the Spanish Foreign Legion, whose superior training, experience and brutality proved more than a match for the enthusiastic but ill-equipped revolutionary militias. In a campaign of a few weeks, and with no reinforcements or assistance for the Asturias Soviet via sea, the workers were utterly crushed. Attempts to expand the war into the Basque Country failed, as negotiations between Madrid and the moderate PNV resulted in the latter staying away from the conflict in return for what they hope will be firm concessions. By the middle of the year, it was General Franco’s turn to lead the colonials into the Catalan State, whose vulnerabilities were made worse by the lack of international recognition.

In Madrid proper, it soon became clear how the wind was blowing, enabling rivals of Lerroux such as former PM Azaña to finally break their obstinate silence to condemn both the revolution and Lerroux’s repression of it. The government plowed ahead by suppressing newspapers, strikes by the trade unions, and political parties such as the Catalan ERC, thought to be the main force behind Companys’ declaration of independence. A key measure enacted forced the Cortes to expel deputies absent for more than six months, which, while leading to the effective expulsion of the most hardline pro revolution MP’s, could not stop dozens of PSOE and PCE representatives – including Francisco Largo Caballero, a key personality of the left – from being smuggled into the building for a session to thus retain parliamentary immunity.

Tricks aside, by the time Franco started his offensive into Catalonia the fate of the revolution had been sealed. Still, Franco showed signs of effective, ruthless brutality in clearing the territory of “enemies of the fatherland” and in racing towards Barcelona, the Catalan militias crumbling like a house of cards. Franco entered Barcelona by September, releasing General Batet from imprisonment and arresting the bulk of the Catalan leadership. Companys, however, along with his closest advisors, escaped to France. Thus, and despite strikes still ongoing and being harshly suppressed, the Spanish Revolution is seemingly over. It falls to the government now to handle the aftermath, with the country in a deeply divided state.

The Stalinist Challenge

Khrushchev helps Soviet Union survive LON investigation into Ukraine,
Sensing an opening, Left and Right Oppositions to Stalin seemingly join forces,
Citing religious, industrial and foreign policy, Rykov challenges Stalin at emergency party congress

One of the few motions approved at the League of Nations in 1935 called for an investigation and report into the apparent famine in the Ukraine over the past few years, a potentially embarrassing situation for the Soviet Union at a time in which General Secretary Stalin – and, by opposition, Mussolini – continues to gain visibility in European discussions. A LON mission visited Odessa, Kiev, Kharkov and other cities during the course of the year, delivering a report which concluded that, while a famine had taken place, there was little concrete evidence of government involvement. Perhaps crucial to that conclusion had been swift action by new Food Relief Director Nikita Khrushchev, whose efforts to fire and purge officials, as well as to distribute food, may have well persuaded most – but not all – of the investigators that efforts were at hand to alleviate any suffering.

In doing so, Khrushchev – presumably acting on Stalin’s orders – may have spared the Soviet Union great embarrassment, but the whole enterprise may have come at a significant cost. Indeed, unconfirmed reports suggest that much of the effort towards the industrialization of the Soviet Union may have been halted to combat the famine, the consequences of which are hard to discern. Having declined to further press his apparent supremacy with regards to his seemingly defeated enemies, it appears this environment and a series of decisions may have conspired to resuscitate the ghost of opposition to Stalin, previously tempered through the brutal defeat of the Left and then the Right Opposition. Unconfirmed as it is, reports – circulated through Trotskyite circles in Europe – argue that both the Left and Right opposition to the General Secretary may have united for the first time, repeating Stalin’s own tactic to deal with each foe separately.

Citing policies such as an unexpected rebuke of antisemitism, decisions surrounding industrialization and the apparent tampering down of anti-religious campaigns, the lack of apparent support for the Communist struggle in China, Spain and – partially – Germany, and perhaps motivated out or fear or concern over Stalin’s supremacy over the party, the opposition coalition – shrouded in clouds, and for some an NKVD invention – has seemingly succeed in calling an emergency Party Congress, with former Premier Alexei Rykov (removed from the Politburo during the purge of “Right” elements) apparently being the challenger to Stalin’s position. So-called “Kremlinologists” have expressed puzzlement at this development, finding Rykov – his qualities notwithstanding – an unlikely option for such a brazen challenge. Thus, said academics disagree on whether Rykov’s challenge constitutes a “stalking horse” for more prominent yet more tainted rivals to Stalin, or whether it may be an NKVD maneuver to draw out the opposition. Whichever the case, sparks are expected to fly at the emergency Party Congress.

Unrest in the Middle East!

Turkey secures and wins Hatay Referendum, annexes province,
Syria erupts in General Strike, immediate independence demanded,
Riots in Palestine over fears of Jewish state

Relatively – relatively – calm over the past few years as new nations slowly gained autonomy from their previous colonial masters, including Iraq and Saudi Arabia, the Middle East has been the center of much strife recently, a problem that does not appear likely to end any time soon. Within the Republic of Syria, ground zero for the most challenging instances of strife, tension over independence talks with France multiplied following an arrangement between Paris and Istanbul, providing a greenlight regarding Turkish aspirations to the long desired Hatay Province. Having mutually agreed to a referendum, the eventual results showed a majority – albeit not a particularly large one – in favor of integrating Hatay within Turkey, a result that was widely challenged by Syrian nationalists on account of the residency criteria established in order to be able to vote.

The Syrians have thus claimed to the foreign press that the referendum was rigged to favor Istanbul, and have, as a result, abandoned talks with France following the latest proposal of independence – within certain lines – by 1940. Hashim al-Atassi, the leading nationalist Syrian leader, subsequently called for a nationwide general strike over the Hatay cession, denouncing – in his view – that the country was “once again being split up”, and demanding either that the plebiscite be declared void and the decision rescinded, or that immediate independence be granted to Syria, followed by a French evacuation. Thus far, the general strike has been able to paralyze the country and profoundly embarrass the pro-French government, with riots and protests already yielding the first few casualties.

Down south, in the Mandate of Palestine, rumors that the League of Nation was planning the establishment of a Jewish homeland within the Mandate – incorrectly fueled by a motion defeated through a Turkish-Arab veto – fueled immense discontent within the local population, already frustrated by rising rates of immigration into the territory. Perhaps drawing inspiration from the Syrians, though not yet reaching general strike levels, protests have taken place within the largest cities in the Mandate. A petition has been sent to General Wauchope, the British High Commissioner, demanding – among other things – an end to Jewish immigration and land purchases, as well as a clear route to “Arab independence”.

[Lumine]

Turn IV: 1936

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (RGM2609)
United States of America: President Franklin D. Roosevelt (NewYorkExpress)
Empire of Japan: Emperor Hirohito (Devout Centrist)
British Empire: Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald (S019)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Edouard Daladier (YPestis25)
Soviet Union: General Secretary Josef Stalin (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (Spiral)
Dominion of Canada: Prime Minister R. B. Bennett (DKrol)
Czechoslovak Republic: President Tomáš Masaryk (JacksonHitchcock)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Spanish Republic: Prime Minister Alejandro Lerroux (Dereich)
Kingdom of Hungary: Regent Miklós Horthy (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Romania: King Carol II Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (Muaddib)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Jack Lang (iBizzBee)

Economic Performance:
Empire of Japan: High
British Empire: High
Soviet Union: Moderate
Kingdom of Italy: Moderate
Union of South Africa: Moderate
Dominion of Canada: Moderate
Polish Republic: Moderate
Republic of France: Moderate
German Reich: Moderate
Republic of Turkey: Weak
United States of America: Weak
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Weak
Spanish Republic: Weak
Commonwealth of Australia: Weak
Kingdom of Romania: Weak
Republic of China: Weak
Czechoslovak Republic: Very Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:
Tsar Boris III: Very High
President Kemal: Very High
Duce Mussolini: High
Prime Minister Lang: High
Prime Minister Bennett: High
President Koc: Moderate
Emperor Hirohito:  Moderate
Regent Horthy:  Moderate
Prime Minister MacDonald: Moderate
Prime Minister Daladier: Moderate
Prime Minister Smuts: Moderate
President Masaryk: Moderate
President Roosevelt: Low
General Secretary Stalin: Low
Chancellor Hugenberg: Low
King Carol II: Low
Prime Minister Lerroux: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Kingdom of Hungary, Czechoslovak Republic, Kingdom of Romania
Partial Mobilization: Kingdom of Italy
Conscription: Republic of France, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Spanish Republic, Polish Republic, Kingdom of Bulgaria, German Reich, Republic of Turkey
Volunteer Army: United States of America, British Empire, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, Commonwealth of Australia
Demilitarized: None

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

The month of August approaches, and with it the opening of the long awaited 1936 Summer Olympics. Of course, Berlin is a different city and Germany a different country than what they were when the event was awarded, but it is still very much an opportunity to showcase what the Reich has to offer and, perhaps, to regain some international legitimacy after a long period of strife. Still, even though Berlin has been mostly rebuilt at great expense, there’s the question of whether Germany should invest heavily on a spectacular Olympics, or whether, given the shaky economic situation, a more subdued event should be prepared. Finally, there’s also the matter of whether foreign heads of state will visit, whether any restrictions will be placed on foreigners, and even how His Imperial Majesty and you will act. So, how will you handle the 1936 Olympics?

The occupation of the Saar by the French has undoubtedly incensed parts of the German public, just as it has spooked others who fear war. And while there’s ongoing defiance in the Saar by the local population, it is beyond clear no plebiscite can happen without foreign support or de-escalation from France. And while the Saar may be the most urgent of foreign matters, some of your advisers – with Vice Chancellor von Papen in tow – point out that there are other prospective issues requiring your attention, even if it’s for the long term. In Czechoslovakia, good electoral results for pro-German parties raise the prospect of the German minority there. In Austria, President Dollfuss continues to take on a strongly critical line of your government. How will the Reich handle its international affairs this year?

Domestically, there are still problems to be addressed, even as formal or legal resistance to the new regime – with its unassailable control over the new Imperial Diet – has fully died down. Strasser’s departure has left the government vulnerable to industrial action, with strikes in industrial cities starting to emerge as proxy acts of opposition. The crowning of Wilhelm III in Berlin and Rupprecht I in Münich have led the remaining German princes and houses deposed in 1918 to ask for their restoration as well, thus fully completing the revival of the German monarchy. And while the economy may be finally recovering amidst unprecedented US debt forgiveness, lower taxation and mass privatization - one of the main causes of industrial strife -, the Reichsbank fears it could all come crashing down in these uncertain times.

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

With roughly ten months left – at the absolute most – until the next General Election, you face a most puzzling situation. The India policy, while perhaps a crowning achievement in terms of the future, has utterly alienated the Conservatives, and only the unexpected death of His Majesty has granted you a reprieve given their control over Parliament. And while normally the loss of Conservative support – acute enough to warrant Baldwin stepping down so the Tories elect a new leader – would be crippling, your inner circle has not lost hope for the future. The economy is rapidly recovering to the point of having a small surplus, you remain moderately popular, and what would normally be the alternate government in waiting, the Labour Party, remains crippled under the controversial leadership of George Lansbury. How will you attempt to survive and/or handover to a successor?

King-Emperor George V has passed away after a long reign, a popular monarch and a key source of stability for the House of Winsor. His successor, 42-year old Edward VIII, catches the public eye on account of his youth and unorthodox – some would say erratic - nature, which has made him very unpopular with the British establishment, and very popular with the working classes of Britain. Although this is not known to the public yet, the King wishes to marry American socialite Wallis Simpson, a notion bitterly resisted and actively opposed by the Church of England, Baldwin and most leading Conservatives, much of the Royal Family and Household, and so on. Given the prospect of creating conflict with the Church and – perhaps – the Dominions, many would have you force the King to give up Mrs. Simpson – or give up the throne if need be -, to avoid a constitutional crisis. Others, whispering far more reckless notions, wonder if the embattled King does not provide an interest opportunity. How will you handle this unprecedented crisis?

India is set to have its own devolved government, a key development that might substantially reduce current struggles to maintain control over the enormous nation at the cost of losing much of its vital revenue of resources. Still, even though the hardest part is seemingly over, many practical decisions must yet be made. A date for the first election must be set. The government will have to decide on whether to intervene in the election – including persuading local princes to allow parties to take part – or let things run their course. And, though not related directly to India, neighboring unrest in the Middle East and specifically in the Mandate for Palestine – prompted by concerns over Jewish immigration and fueled by similar strife in Syria – also warrants a response. What will you do?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

After four years, the legislature has finally run its course, putting an end to an historic term in which you managed to govern – alternatively – with both the right and the left. A General Election is due, and you must decide not only how you and your party will face it, but also whether to take action on several sensitive issues. To name one, Finance Minister Blum, persistently harassed by the far-right, was recently wounded after being attacked by far-right thugs, leading the SFIO to issue calls for you to ban far-right parties and organizations ahead of the election. Another will be whether to fight the election as a coalition with the Socialists, and whether or not other parties – including, given recent political maneuvers, centrists or even the Communists – should be included.

Two concerning crises worry the Ministry of the Interior: First, despite having come close to a breakthrough in the Syrian talks, the recent Hatay Referendum has resulted in renewed riots and protests across the territory, culminating in a dangerous General Strike called by nationalist elements. Thus far, they’ve been able to paralyze and grind Syria to a halt, leading the High Commissioner to request new instructions to either crack down on the strike whatever the cost, or whether the Syrians should be appeased further to compensate for the loss of Hatay. And second, though acts of defiance remain impotent towards the French garrison corps in the Saar, the commanding officers worry that acts of violence may lead to casualties soon, raising the prospect of whether the economically-expensive occupation will be a long term one whilst the Third Balkan War rages on and fears of war grow. What should be done?

At last, and amidst much domestic hardship, some signs of economic recovery appear on the horizon, aided by an effective monetary policy that has, at least for now, provided the nation with needed room to maneuver. Still, there are warnings of rising inflation amidst ongoing stimuluses to the economy, funding for recent government programs and the cost of the Saar occupation. There are also concerns that the situation may be shakier than it looks, particularly after the threatened US sanctions on France – instantly revoked – almost caused a financial panic. Despite this, there is a faction within the government that believes – particularly with the election up ahead - that such concerns are minor as opposed to meeting other goals, and that the government can afford to gamble. Should it do so, or should these concerns be taken more seriously?

United States of America

Mr. President,

Your first term in office is almost at an end, with the Democratic National Convention scheduled for June and the General Election for November. Though your position was once seen as unassailable, recent missteps have sparked primary challenges from Huey Long and Harry Byrd – with others likely to join should they sense further vulnerability -, and the Republican Party, while still crippled by the Depression, is trying to stage a comeback by riding an Isolationist wave. It is not an enviable position to be in with only a year to go, but it is by no means hopeless either. You must now decide how to fight the threats to the nomination, whether to retain or replace Vice President Garner, and how to fight the eventual GOP nominee – to be announced in the Midturn – so you, or alternatively, your faction in the party, remains in office. What will you do?

American troops, though limited in number, have achieved great success alongside the Paraguayan Army, pushing Bolivia out of the Chaco and forcing La Paz to start suing for peace. While these talks take place between Bolivia and Paraguay, the political blowback from the intervention has been severe. Congress has passed Neutrality Acts, severely limiting your ability to sanction, intervene and/or support other nations in foreign conflicts, and you must decide whether to attempt a veto or not. There has been a steadfast refusal to approved the promised aid package to Argentina, leading the Argentinian government to warn of consequences should Congress continue to decline. And, in a general sense – particularly now that Filipino independence has been achieved – you must decide on how to face rising isolationism in the US. How will foreign policy be conducted this year?

Despite undeniable signs of an economic recovery compared to the nadir of 1933, it is becoming clear said recovery has not been – thus far - as strong as hoped, opening a series of questions regarding the Administration’s domestic policy and whether, as some believe, there’s some sense or not in waiting for non-repealed parts of the New Deal to take further effect before major course corrections. The Supreme Court, having struck down the minimum wage, is now targeting the health insurance program, perhaps the most vulnerable New Deal item – due to its cost and severe implementation issues – at the moment. German debt forgiveness, whilst hugely popular with German Americans, has also led other foreign creditors to inquire whether their debts would be forgiven, with much of Europe still owing enormous sums to the US. What is to be done on the domestic policy front?

Soviet Union

Comrade General Secretary,

Worrying reports from Moscow. A few years after having steadily vanquished your political rivals one by one – often by working with some of them against others -, a new apparent challenge to your political position has emerged. Having succeeded at calling an emergency Party Congress, the shadowy opposition has seemingly placed moderate former premier Alexei Rykov as an alternate leader, presumably to challenge you to become General Secretary. This, of course, raises the issue of how to best react to this apparent show of defiance, and who to blame for it. Director Yagoda and the NKVD are unsure of who is pulling the strings behind Rykov, but the usual suspects include Zinoview, Kamenev, Bukharin and even the exiled Trotsky. And secondly, there is also the question of whom to trust. This includes Kirov, still adamantly refusing to leave Leningrad, and General Tukhachevsky, who has protested and asserted his loyalty after being recalled to Moscow. What will you do?

Regardless of whether this apparent party struggle fizzles out or develops further, internal work within the party has been ongoing lately regarding the prospect of a new Constitution, in order to replace the – for some now outdated – Soviet Constitution of 1924. The ultimate decision, of course, falls onto you. Should the Soviet Union seek to have a new constitutional framework, or is still best served by the 1924 text? Should there be any consultation regarding the public – as some of the most moderate party officers would wish – or should it just be dictated to avoid deviation from party orthodoxy? And, if the Constitution should change, providing an opportunity to remold the nation based on your personal views, how far dare you go?

Perhaps one of the most surprising – and more resisted – stances taken recently by the party leadership has been the rebuke of anti-Semitism and the open support for Polish diplomatic efforts concerning a “Jewish state”. Leaving aside the internal party debate, which still features strong anti-Semite postures - expressed by party comrades who expected you to take their side -, this issue is one that the Soviet Union has attempted to tackle before, having formed the Jewish Autonomous Oblast (JAO) in Birobidzhan a few years ago. However, partly due to the enormous distance – as the JAO is placed in the Far East, on the Manchukuo border -, partly due to the hostile climate, only 15,000 Jews reside there, barely a third of the local population. Within the context of these discussions on a Jewish state – and rising anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union -, what should be done about the JAO?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

As Yugoslavia further disintegrates despite the stubborn resistance of King Alexander, Slovenia and most of Croatia have been liberated through volunteers, nationalist militias and the Italian intervention. However, the Yugoslavian King shows no sign of being willing to relent to the partition of his country, and it is clear that, in spite of the intervention having given Rome a foothold and helped keep King Zog and the Albanians in the fold, there are unanswered questions to be answered. In Croatia proper, Macek and Pavelic have had their first open disagreements since joining forces, causing tension within the Croatian forces. In Bosnia, a Muslim-led uprising has further compromised Yugoslav defenses, but it opposed both the Serbians and the Croats as well. Lastly, the prospect of the Third Balkan War expanding further – avoided thus far – raises awkward questions regarding the more distant Italian outposts, including Rhodes and the African colonies. How should the intervention in the Balkans be conducted this year?

One of the most interesting aspects of Fascist rule in Italy has been the centralization of political power and government posts in your own person, the relative relevance of the Grand Council notwithstanding. And though there are certainly powerful ministers in your Cabinet – including Jung and Balbo -, many have noticed that, technically, you control at least three key ministries aside from serving as Prime Minister and Duce. The notion of a cabinet reshuffle has been unofficially floated by some of the more ambitious members of the National Fascist Party, many of whom would aspire to assist you by removing weight from your shoulders. Though not seemingly sanctioned by them, there’s even talk of Balbo and the other Quadrumvirs wanting to be further elevated, and of your son-in-law Ciano wanting more responsibilities. Will you seek to decentralize power – up a point – by giving up some of these ministries? If so, who should be rewarded? 

Although Fascism as an ideology remains underdeveloped and lacking in presence compared to Communism, it is undeniable that recent rhetorical struggles with Stalin have both raised your international profile and that of Italian Fascism. Recent – if relative – electoral success from local Fascists in the Czechoslovak election have once again raised the prospect of international cooperation, with previous and limited efforts failing to yield much results. Still, there are those who believe a “Fascist International” is possible, difficult at it seems to bridge ideological differences between various disparate parties. Such coordination would undoubtedly provide Italy with further means to exert influence, but given the hostility from several leading governments and parties to local Fascist leaders – including countries like Romania and Great Britain -, it could also be a double-edged sword. Should Fascist parties and leaders cooperate more, and should Italy lead such a process?

Empire of Japan

Your Majesty,

The Kodoha traitors have been purged from government and leading positions in the Army. Although this has been costly, and disruptions in several institutions are expected to last for some time, their attempts at an unforgivable crime have been stopped, and they no longer appear pose a direct threat now that Toseiha is in control. Sadly, you have lost yet another Prime Minister, and the time has also come to hold a new General Election, an election which, given the post-September political tension and the ongoing rate of violent incidents and/or seppuku from disgraced officers, not many in Toseiha are convinced should follow ahead. Will the elections move ahead, with or without changes or interventions from the government? Who should be Admiral Okada’s replacement as the next Prime Minister? And finally, depending on who wins the elections – if held -, is the Empire ready to return to civilian rule despite the associated risks?

While Korea and Formosa were left relatively untouched by the Kodoha purge, Manchukuo is another story entirely. Although the offer of amnesty was well-received and accepted by much of the Kwantung Army’s rank and file, and the purge of its leadership reasonably effective, many escaped officers – including the infamous Kenji Doihara – roam the countryside in command of bandit militias. The subsequent breakdown in rural control has also enabled the followers of Zhang Xueliang to regain some ground. Emperor Puyi, while still subservient, has some advisers all too keen to push for greater Manchurian autonomy, to the detriment of Japanese economic and strategic interests. And finally, there’s the issue of international outrage against the Kwantung Army, as it remains to be seen whether General Tojo’s report will be accepted by the League of Nations, and whether said outrage – even after the incident – will affect other Japanese ventures. What should be done about Manchukuo?

The collapse of the Communist position in China and the apparent truce – which, however, is by no means definitive – between Generalissimo Chiang and the warlords, coupled with the reaction to the Manchukuo scandals uncovered by the European press, has done much to alter the strategic situation in China. With the Generalissimo having disavowed the Sino-Japanese treaty, the prospect of war between Nanjing and Tokyo is very much real, at a time in which, at least according to the treaty, Japan would have been meant to withdraw from Shanghai. It is not entirely clear within Toseiha what should be done about this situation, as officers remain split on whether the Kuomintang needs to be taught a lesson or whether reconciliation is still possible or desirable. How will you handle the Chinese this year? Should the Sino-Japanese treaty be resuscitated somehow? And what will happen to the Japanese position in Shanghai?

[Lumine]

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

Partly due to the repudiation of the controversial treaty with the Japanese, partly due to the prospect of a long, renewed civil war, Hu Hanmin, Feng Yuxiang and the other hostile warlords have agreed in principle with a ceasefire, and called for a conference – requiring your attendance – in order to discuss a united front against the Japanese. Far from yielding on their criticisms of your rule, they appear likely to demand war with China, greater decentralization in power and, most likely, strong autonomy and inclusion within the KMT hierarchy. It is certainly unclear for many supporting your government what should be done about the warlords and their apparent demands, which are likely to cause tension between those who favor unity above all and those who, even after recent upheaval in Tokyo and Manchuria, are not keen to confront Japan just yet.  What will you do about the warlords and this proposed conference?

Reports from the west have been scarce ever since Ma Zhongying defeated Sheng Shicai and claimed Xinjiang – at least de jure – for your government. Recently, Nanjing has been briefed that Ma has consolidated control over the unruly region, significantly expanding and unifying local armies and resuming the extraction of natural resources. While there are no outward signs of disloyalty, some officers are wary of Ma’s seemingly unlimited autonomy, and many counsel giving some consideration to reigning the arrogant youngster in. Ma aside, there are also reports of a famine starting in other western provinces, particularly in the KMT-aligned Sichuan, and the Ma Clique-aligned Gansu, which have also led to calls for intervention from the central government. On the other hand, it is not entirely clear whether Nanjing can spare the energy and resources to confront the western famine and/or reign Ma in, given the more pressing issues with Tokyo and the warlords. Should something be done about the west, or should it wait until later?

Although the previously planned Japanese withdrawal from Shanghai has been placed into question following the decision to void and rescind the Sino-Japanese Treaty, and regardless of whether the Japanese withdraw or not, it is clear that the coastal metropolis is a source of many headaches for Nanjing. One of them is the continued presence of two sprawling international settlements, one Anglo-American, another French, both of which represented continued affronts to Chinese sovereignty. Another is the rise of crime syndicates fueled by a major drug trade, only kept in check thus far due to your private arrangements with Du Yuesheng and his Green Gang. Yet another is the continued survival of left-wing and pro-Communist intelligentsia thanks to limited KMT control, currently expressing itself though its enormous influence on the Shanghai film industry – and said to be preparing multiple films extremely critical of you -. How should Shanghai and its associated issues be handled?

Czechoslovak Republic

Mr. President,

In the aftermath of the elections, it has proved impossible as of yet to form a stable government, forming Prime Minister Jan Malypetr to stay in office as a temporary caretaker. Having previously commanded joint majorities with relative ease, the five moderate Petka parties – from the center-right to the center-left – have lost their combined majority amidst a surge of Communist, Fascist and Ethnic parties, creating quite a political dilemma. With the pro-Italy Fascists being entirely unacceptable and ostracized, the Petka faces the difficult prospect of either enlisting the Communists to form a strongly pro-war government, at the cost of having to give in to their many domestic demands and overcoming their extreme distrust of the pro-Moscow KSC; or trying to make a deal with the ethnic German or Slovak parties, at the cost of greater autonomy and perhaps even a weakening of the war effort, particularly in terms of enlistment and recruitment. With the moderate parties looking to you for assistance and advice, what will you counsel?

Budapest has fallen to the mighty Czechoslovak Army, and Regent Horthy has fled with his tail between his legs. Still, Hungary continues to resist, and it appears only Czechoslovakia has avoided either the crippling domestic chaos and dissent of Yugoslavia and the apparent temptation of Romania to seek a separate peace. Whatever the case, and with the economy in a critical state amidst American sanctions and a lack of a plan, this year may well prove crucial for the Little Entente and its struggle to subdue the Hungarian threat for good. How should Czechoslovakia handle the war this year? Should it seek decisive victory on the battlefield, hoping the Hungarians are weakened enough for one final push to succeed? Should it seek peace, whether on hard or light terms? Should it seek to expand the war, regardless of the consequences?

Kingdom of Hungary

Regent,

The capital has fallen, and your government has been forced to relocate near the Austrian border. Despite the nation’s brave resistance, the consequences of the war are unavoidable, with millions of civilians displaced, thousands dead, and international support still not enough to turn the tide. And yet the Kingdom continues to resist, given new signs of hope on account of Archduke Karl’s propaganda exploits, the ongoing collapse of Yugoslavia and, particularly, the prospect of a separate peace with Romania. You have made it thus far against the odds, but the effects of a third year of war – or more – will be hard to predict, particularly if the war does expand instead of contracting. How should the war be conducted this year? Will you seek a diplomatic route to end it? If so, what will Hungary demand – or concede – in order to return to a peaceful state?

The war and the fall of Budapest made it impossible for the country to hold parliamentary elections as they were scheduled, forcing the Hungarian Diet – controlled by the far-right National Unity Party (NEP) – to carry on under something of a constitutional limbo. To make matters worse, incumbent Prime Minister Gyula Gombos, the vaguely pro-Fascist leader of the NEP, is desperately ill with terminal cancer, his health further resented by the stress of the war. As a result, many wonder whether Gombos should be replaced now, and whether this warrants a reorganization of the Hungarian government for the duration of the war and/or perhaps even personal rule for you as Regent. What will you do?

Polish Republic

Mr. President,

Many congratulations to you and Vice President Moscicki on your joint election. With the Polish Republic now under a new constitutional framework and the opposition temporarily marginalized – their boycotting of the election, while damaging in terms of international perception, could not prevent or deter a Sanation triumph -, some questions have arisen regarding both the future of said opposition and of Sanation itself. Although the movement once again ran under the “BBWR” banner, a non-partisan vehicle – a model seemingly followed by Hugenberg in Germany -, those on the right are increasingly convinced that the movement needs an actual political party with a firmer ideology, as opposed to the more nebulous – and personality dominated – present situation. Thus, the question has been raised for you as to whether the BBWR should be now dissolved and replaced with a political party. That aside, hardliners have also renewed their calls for the opposition to be punished for their boycott, once again recommending internment camps or, if necessary, exile for opposition leaders. What would your response by to such proposals?

Your support for a Jewish state at the League of Nations has certainly not gone unnoticed, drawing plaudits both from local Zionist groups as well as from some – though not all – of the leading anti-Semite groups and leaders, which can at least agree that the formation of such a state could be a solution to the current situation in Poland. Still, while leading anti-Semites within Sanation have accepted your motivations and/or explanations and kept concerns private, it clear that the problem of anti-Semitic violence is not going away. If anything, the prospect of a Jewish state has led reactionary groups – including even Catholics and right-wing members of the opposition – to redouble voicing their concerns over the sizable Jewish minority in Poland – close to a tenth of the total population, further enlarged in recent years through immigration from the Soviet Union – demanding increased migration away from Poland, and even advocating acts of violence. With your first LON motion defeated due to Arab opposition, how will you navigate this veritable minefield?

Republic of Turkey

Mr. President,

The Hatay is finally back where it belongs, the Dardanelles are once again under full Turkish sovereignty and control, and a grateful nation – economic troubles notwithstanding – has fully supported Parliament’s unanimous decision to proclaim and name you “Ataturk”, Father of the Turks. However, not all citizens remain content, for a small revolt has broken out in the east of the country. The region of Dersim, heavily populated by Kurds, has often risen in rebellion and has proved most difficult to control. Rising in opposition to the Turkish Cultural Unity Act – easily passed in Parliament -, which they claim would erase their heritage, local religious leader Seyid Riza has enticed local tribes to rise against Ankara, blowing bridges, attacking local police forces and disrupting all government efforts and work in the area. As a result, Field Marshal Fevzi Cakmak, Chief of the General Staff, has counseled an immediate military occupation and the harshest possible repression to prevent a larger Kurdish revolt. What instructions should the Field Marshal receive?

One of your most significant foreign policy triumphs was achieved via your joint efforts with Greek leader Eleftherios Venizelos, a most productive personal relationship which seemingly normalized the previously fraught Greco-Turkish relationship and, at least for now, managed to get the Greek government turn away from the so-called “Megali Idea”. And yet, recent developments raise doubts as to how the bilateral relationship is to move forward, as well as raising doubt on how much weight can be given to your rapport with Venizelos. Following a failed Venizelist coup last year, the collapse of the Greek Republic led the military to restore the monarchy in what Venizelos argues was a fraudulent referendum, and a general election is to be held within a heated, tense environment. Thus, many privately wonder whether, in light of his relatively pro-Turkish stance, whether Ankara should not help Venizelos, or whether it is safer to let events play out to prevent the return of a hostile relationship. How should the Greco-Turkish relationship be conducted moving forward?

[Lumine]

Kingdom of Romania

Your Majesty,

Unconfirmed reports and claims from Hungary asserting the existence of a ceasefire and the lack of action in the front have both conspired to drastically reduce dissent from ethnic Hungarians, putting a temporary – and much needed – stop to acts of sabotage and resistance across Transylvania. Regardless of what the current status within Hungary and Romania is, it is clear that the Romanian position remains strong in spite of severe economic woes, at least in regards to the ongoing war. On the other hand, what remains unclear is how the Little Entente may react to this apparent rapprochement between Budapest and Bucharest, particularly as Yugoslavia disintegrates and the threat of the expansion of the war remains a reality. What will Romania’s foreign policy goals be this year? Can you lead the Kingdom into an agreeable – or successful – end to the Third Balkan War?

With the Romanian economy having been hit extremely hard both by the world-wide economic depression and the tariff war originally spearheaded by the Hoover administration, matters have been made worse due to the costs of the war and the US embargo, the latter of which has particularly hampered the local oil industry. Within the royal camarilla, a split has developed as to how the Romanian economy, currently in desperate need of capital, should move forward. Your leading economic advisor, Mihail Manoilescu, has suggested the time is ripe to change course and apply a nationalist economic policy, embracing protectionism, autarky, corporatism and the development of the internal market and industry. In the opposite side of the equation are the more liberal minded advisors, who believe the key to recovery must be found in getting European neighbors to lower tariffs, and in having a partner willing to invest heavily to salvage the Romanian economy, perhaps with its oil resources – as the largest producer in Europe, aside from the USSR – as collateral. Who will you listen to?

Spanish Republic

Prime Minister,

The Revolution is over, at least for now. Amidst heavy civilian and enemy casualties, the Asturian Soviets have been crushed into submission, and the Catalan government has collapsed as much of its leadership flees abroad. The government has prevailed, and now the question of how to handle the post-war politics and aftermath is at the forefront of all discussions. Despite a clever plan to strip seditious deputies from their seat at the Cortes, only the most recalcitrant of separatist and/or revolutionary deputies failed to show up, dozens of others – led by Largo Caballero – managing to retain their seats and thus their parliamentary immunity. You must now decide how to deal with those arrested and detained, those who remain your rivals at the Cortes, and even those whose support for the government was very lukewarm – if that -, such as Azaña, at a time in which the CEDA is baying for blood and demanding the harshest possible repression. What should be done?

The collapse of the Catalan devolved government opens the uncomfortable question of what to do with the notoriously unruly region and whether the Generalitat, as many on the right – and the Army – demand, should be abolished or at least temporarily suspended. Aside from Catalonia, the issue of devolution also requires decisions to be made regarding the Basque Country, with the moderate PNV – having stayed away from the Revolution – now demanding the implementation of the Basque autonomy statue despite permanent and unyielding opposition from the CEDA. And while less developed than in Catalonia and the Basque Country, both Galicia and Aragon have seen the rise of local nationalist – or federalist – movements asking for their own devolved governments, a movement led by the moderate left in Aragon, and by a coalition of left, center and right leaders in Galicia. With your key government partner ever opposed to regional autonomy, how should this issue be handled?

Dominion of Canada

Prime Minister,

Although the elections in Québec proved to be a fiasco, the government has nonetheless expanded its slim parliamentary majority thanks to the Newfoundland by-elections. This comes as a welcome respite, for a deep division has started to re-emerge within the Conservative Party. Your conversion towards a form of Keynesianism and pro-welfare policies has undoubtedly found a positive reaction with the electorate – and even opposition MP’s - as the economy finally starts to recover, and it has brought previous critics like H. H. Stephens back into the fold. In spite of this, the economically liberal wing of the party has reacted badly, accusing you of continuing to “infringe on Conservative values”. At least two Cabinet members, former leadership rival Charles Cahan and rising star Earl Lawson, are said to be considering resignation. How should this potential internal split be handled? Should Lawson and Cahan be ignored due to the apparent political benefits of your new approach?
 
Alongside the other Dominion premiers, you are likely to face an important decision regarding Britain itself. With confidential reports stating King Edward VIII is likely to encounter heavy opposition to his desire to marry Mrs. Wallis Simpson, support or opposition from the Dominions might well tip the scales on one or another direction. And should the worst come to pass and the King face the prospect of abdication, local consent – thanks to the Statue of Westminster – will be required to formalize it. What stance will you take on this conflict?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

After ruthlessly confronting a weakened National Party, you have won the General Election with a resounding mandate, giving you room to maneuver for the next few years. Hertzog and his successor Malan will probably never forgive you, but at least for now, the initiative belongs to the South African Party. Since thus far most policy debates have been focused on South West Africa – and the seeming lack of a manifesto hurt the party at the election – your colleagues and the public are curious regarding your future agenda. Some party officers would have you addressed the electoral system, which they feel excessively rewards the National Party’s rural dominance. Others would have you decide on an agenda of economic reform, or assert the Union’s relevance and role in foreign affairs much like Australia and Canada have done recently. Now that you have the mandate, what will you do with it?

Alongside the other Dominion premiers, you are likely to face an important decision regarding Britain itself. With confidential reports stating King Edward VIII is likely to encounter heavy opposition to his desire to marry Mrs. Wallis Simpson, support or opposition from the Dominions might well tip the scales on one or another direction. And should the worst come to pass and the King face the prospect of abdication, local consent – thanks to the Statue of Westminster – will be required to formalize it. What stance will you take on this conflict?

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

Amidst heavy public pressure, effective lobbying and some ruthless cajoling, a once skeptical Senate has been forced to approve the pilot for the National Health Service, which has, at least thus far, proved both massively unpopular and resisted by medical professionals yet well received by much of the population, giving the government a boost despite controversy – at least in the media - regarding its methods. Still, with an election scheduled for next year, the government must now decide whether to – due to the delays in passing the bill - accelerate implementation of the nationwide program for this year or now despite the lack of long-term evidence, and the threat of the High Court to strike the CHS down as unconstitutional. That aside, you must also decide what other domestic initiatives to push forward, as well as how to best handle criticism from establishment media and the UAP that you act as “an elected dictator”. What will you do?

Alongside the other Dominion premiers, you are likely to face an important decision regarding Britain itself. With confidential reports stating King Edward VIII is likely to encounter heavy opposition to his desire to marry Mrs. Wallis Simpson, support or opposition from the Dominions might well tip the scales on one or another direction. And should the worst come to pass and the King face the prospect of abdication, local consent – thanks to the Statue of Westminster – will be required to formalize it. What stance will you take on this conflict?

Kingdom of Bulgaria

Your Majesty,

Parliamentary rule has been restored, and the subsequent General Elections has returned Nikola Mushanov as Prime Minister yet again. Having won substantial goodwill with the PM and his Popular Bloc, the government is almost certain to listen to your views on domestic and foreign policy. Those initiatives aside, the issue of Macedonia has gained increased relevance due to the current state of the Third Balkan War, as well as the struggles faced by King Alexander of Yugoslavia. For years, the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), a vaguely pro-Bulgarian revolutionary society, has fought the Yugoslav state to achieve Macedonian independence, and/or for a breakaway Macedonian state to join Bulgaria. Thus, the IMRO had been tolerated by some and allowed to operate out of Bulgarian Macedonia, only for the Zveno to crackdown on it and force its leader Ivan Mihailov into exile. The IMRO has undoubtedly poisoned the Bulgaria-Yugoslavia relationship, but with the removal of the Zveno and the weakness of Belgrade, some wonder what your attitude to Mihailov will be. What should be done about Yugoslavia and the IMRO?

[Lumine]

On the Campaign Trail in 36'

By Dorothy Kilgallen, for the Hearst Press

"Washington D.C. remains submerged in intrigue and speculation following the dramatic developments of the past few weeks, stemming from President Franklin D. Roosevelt's surprising decision not to run for a second term in office. Roosevelt's decision has been likened by many of his supporters  to that of former President Coolidge, a voluntary act motivated either by health or a desire to focus on the implementation of the President's New Deal agenda. Critics - particularly in the Republican Party - have instead explained the President's withdrawal from the 1936 election as motivated by a series of setbacks and failures, the Chaco War intervention - and subsequent surge in isolationist feeling across the nation - cited as the chief cause.

Whichever the case, it has certainly brought several prominent Democrats out of self-imposed lethargy. Treasury Secretary Wallace, the President's loyal adviser and new heir apparent, was quick to announce his own bid for the Presidency upon receiving FDR's public support. Despite only a fraction of delegates being chosen in them, Wallace has vowed to contest most of the Democratic primaries, in which he is expected to battle Louisiana Senator Huey Long directly. FDR's other would-be primary challenge, Virginia Senator Harry Byrd, is only expected to enter one or two contests, taking his efforts directly to the DNC in June of this year.

Whilst reluctant to challenge the President directly, his withdrawal from the field has encouraged other prominent Democrats to consider a run. Vice President John Nance Garner, allegedly spurned and slighted by the President's decision to support Wallace, is said to be planning a late nomination bid at the DNC, an effort in which "Cactus Jack" may well command the loyalty of much of the party's Southern delegates. For their part, Indiana Governor Paul McNutt and 1928 nominee Al Smith are also said to be interested in the nomination, and likely to stand should the convention enter a deadlock. Still, for the time being, it is President Roosevelt and his allies who control the party machinery, and with most of FDR's supporters in the capital behind Wallace many believe the nomination remains his for the taking.

On the Republican side of affairs, the party has found renewed hope at the recent turn of events, having previously despaired of their limited - or non-existent - chances in the coming election. Senators Vandenberg and Borah, both leading isolationist, are currently and bitterly contesting the primaries as the party's standard bearers for the conservative and progressive factions. Former Vice President Dawes and Governor Alf Landon, while not running in the primaries, have also declared their intent to stand, drafted by party bosses as potential unity candidates for the GOP. Ultimately, of the expected candidates only Senator Lester Dickinson has ruled himself out with a Shermanesque statement. Should the RNC also result in deadlock, several potential candidates could start last-minute bids, including Former President Hoover.

Whilst campaigning for the Maryland Primary, Senator Long once again championed his "Share Our Wealth" agenda by..."

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Germany reoccupies the Rhineland!

Citing French occupation of the Saar, Hugenberg escalates crisis,
Several Reichswehr divisions enter the region, crowds cheer,
Capital flight in Paris and Berlin due to growing fears of war

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

The Franco-German diplomatic crisis started last year as a result of the return of German military conscription and the French occupation of the Saar has escalated yet again in a dramatic set of events, signaling Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg's determination not to back down following the collapse of the planned Saar Referendum. With Paris having the advantage despite the enormous financial costs of the occupation and the local resistance to it, the German Chancellor choose to escalate in a dramatic fashion, ordering several Reichswehr divisions mobilized and deployed into the Rhineland region, demilitarized - up to 50 miles from the border - as a result of the Treaty of Versailles and later confirmed by the terms of the Locarno Treaties. Facing no occupying troops and a most enthusiastic reception, the reoccupation was swift, with the Reichswehr taking positions across the French and Saar border within a few hours.

Inhabitants of the region - particularly in large cities like Cologne - have begun celebrating upon the sight of German troops, and foreign journalists report that the ongoing general fear of war across the German Reich may have been tempered by a wave of joy, as well as a temporary approval for Chancellor Hugenberg and the Kaiser. Local inhabitants on the Saar have celebrated as well, reigniting protests against the presence of French troops. On the other side of the border, and with the French Republic in the middle of a tense and polarized run-up to an election, newspapers and public opinion have been quick to condemn German actions, describing it as "a dangerous provocation". In spite of this, most have called for sanctions on Berlin while stopping short of war, a possibility that seems to bring much concern across the nation.

Speaking before the Imperial Diet, Hugenberg has defended the move by portraying it as a calculated response to the occupation of the Saar, promising that, upon a French withdrawal and the holding of a referendum, the Reichswehr would withdraw from the Rhineland. The immediate response abroad remains to be seen, but nations and personalities which have commented thus far have shown a split between those favoring the preservation of Versailles and Locarno, and those defending Germany over a perceived restoration of it sovereignty. Perhaps the quickest to react have been bankers and investors - rather than diplomats -, as near unprecedented amounts of capital flight have been reported in both France and Germany, delivering immediate damage and increasing uncertainty to their respective economies, and pushing the Franc and the Reichsmark into the risk of devaluation.

CRISIS

Macedonia rises in revolt!

Ivan Mihailov and IMRO stage full-scale uprising,
Yugoslav Army weakened by attrition, Italian air raids,
Much of the region falls to rebels, Mihailov marches on Skopje

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

Already crumbling under the combined pressure of both their internal (Croatian and Bosnian) and external (Hungary) fronts, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia has been further rocked by internal dissent in the past few days, with its southernmost province - the Vardar Banovina - exploding into a full-scale uprising staged by Macedonian nationalists. In recent years, intense terrorist activity by the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) resulted both in a harsh policy of "Serbianisation" targeted at the local population and the military occupation of much of the province, with up to 50,000 men battling the IMRO and its friendly militias. By the start of the Third Balkan War, such efforts had successfully pushed the IMRO back into Bulgarian territory, and its new leader Ivan Mihailov into exile. However, the intense pressure experienced by the Yugoslav Army forced Belgrade to weaken its hold over the province, with dramatic results.

Suddenly well-armed and resupplied, the IMRO staged several rural uprisings during the start of April, successfully re-establishing a foothold with substantial support from the local population. Immediate attempts by the Yugoslavian military to crush the uprising were foiled by intense aerial activity by the Regia Aeronautica, which successfully bombed several key targets. Having thus gained the necessary breathing room, the IMRO cause was given a further boost by the reappearance of Mihailov, who was able to smuggle himself back into the Vardar Banovina through as of yet undetermined means. Over the course of the next few days severe attrition through guerrilla warfare forced the Yugoslavian forces to fall back to the industrial city of Skopje, at the northern portion of Macedonia.

Having thus liberated most of the region, Mihailov has declared the foundation of the "Macedonian state", requested international recognition and support, and, according to observers, has planned to march on Skopje for a decisive battle. In the meantime, Belgrade has once again urged its allies and the international community to intervene, with Montenegro and Serbia the sole areas as of yet free of nationalist uprisings. With the Macedonian uprising the Yugoslav route to Greece has been cut off, leaving Romania and/or Bulgaria as the last remaining supply lifelines to Belgrade.

[Lumine]

EVENT

Convention Season in the US

Democrats nominate Wallace as FDR’s heir, Huey Long leads revolt,
Borah seizes Republican nomination in dramatic stampede, GOP turns isolationist,
Long and “Alfalfa Bill” join forces in “Share Our Wealth” third party challenge

FOR: UNITED STATES

An eventful term for incumbent President Franklin D. Roosevelt has seemingly reached its culmination point as the Convention season is about to end, rocked by the President’s unexpected decision not to run for a second term. Speculation on his motives aside, Treasury Secretary Henry Wallace was quick to pick up the mantle for the New Deal, mobilizing the bulk of the President’s supporters to take on primary rivals Huey Long and Harry Byrd. Over the course of fourteen primary contest – which, ought to be noted, only selected a minority of delegates – Wallace bested Long repeatedly, delivering a key blow to the bombastic Louisiana Senator at the California Primary while Senator Byrd, adopting more of a favorite son status, only entered – and won – the West Virginia primary contest. Ultimately, all three candidates entered the convention with a handful of declared candidates, with larger rivals expecting them there.

Having recently changed the party rules to require a majority instead of two-thirds to choose a nominee – the reason for the excessive balloting of previous years -, it soon became clear Long had an immovable body of supporters, and had been able to cajole several delegations to his side. Following the first two ballots, Secretary Wallace’s inability to win a majority – fueled by spite from Vice President Garner – led to a wide array of anti-Long candidates rising and falling, ultimately unable to obtain the necessary support. Former nominee Al Smith led the third and fourth ballots, only to be sunk by staunch opposition from the South. Vice President Garner led the fifth one, only to flop as delegated rejected his conservative economic views. Indiana Governor McNutt tried then, coming close to the nomination before losing momentum.

Having bided its time, and with his flanks covered with the support of individuals as disparate as Governor Sinclair and War Secretary Kennedy, Secretary Wallace relaunched his bid on the course of the eight to the tenth ballot, finally clinching a majority. Ultimately, and in spite of his more internationalist views, delegate support for the New Deal was seemingly best represented by the Secretary, contrasting with more isolationist yet economically conservative alternatives. Wallace will thus get the chance of winning another term for the Democrats, a task for which he will need to choose a Vice Presidential nominee and choose a strategy with which to confront both the Republican ticket and Huey Long, who stormed off the convention and vowed to press on to November on his own.

The Republicans, having viewed 36’s as a lost cause after the midterms failed to yield much gains, were revitalized by Roosevelt’s withdrawal from the race and the aftermath of the Chaco War intervention, sensing the success that had eluded them on economics could be found on foreign policy. With a number of prospective candidates ruling out a run or biding their time until the convention, it fell to progressive and conservative firebrands William Borah and Arthur Vandenberg to battle it out for the soul of the Republican Party, both men championing a staunchly isolationist approach but greatly differing on economics. Fresh behind them came Kansas Governor Alf Landon, whose bid was derailed after a debacle at the Illinois Primary, and former Vice President Dawes, drafted into the race by party bosses afraid of a split as a potential unity candidate. In this case, the insurgent was to best the establishment at the primaries, enabling Borah – a known maverick - to enter the convention with momentum but few delegates.

The Republicans took almost as long as the Democrats to choose a nominee – seven ballots -, partly fueled by unsuccessful late bids by publisher Frank Knox and former President Hoover, which deadlocked the convention at first. Then Vice President Dawes faltered, his lack of enthusiasm showing through in a particularly unfortunate speech. Despite wide expectations that the chosen man could well be Vandenberg, it was Borah who captured the nomination following a series of fiery speech chastising Roosevelt, whipping the convention into a frenzy and causing a stampede. Having thus won an unexpected triumph, Borah was forced to compromise with party bosses too afraid of the Senator’s potential to become a “loose cannon”. To add geographical variety – and perhaps to further spite FDR -, former Governor Theodore Roosevelt Jr. was persuaded to accepted the Vice Presidential nod.

For his part, Huey Long gathered his followers and announced what he may have been planning all along: a third party bid for the Presidency. Despite being seemingly undercut by Borah’s surprise nomination, as both men appeared to share an inclination for isolationism and progressive economics, Long was quick to pronounce both main parties as offering “more of the same” in November. Claiming that his “Share our Wealth” program – famously derided by FDR as “communistic” and “fascist” was “the only way to save America”, Long nonetheless struggled to find a running mate, most Democratic and Republican progressives standing firmly behind Wallace and Borah. In the end, the Senator was forced to seek a more conservative running mate to add balance, choosing longtime ally – and hugely popular – former Oklahoma Governor “Alfalfa Bill” Murray, known for his populist conservatism.

With the stage thus set for November – other than Wallace’s VP selection -, many observers have been caught in the Republican wave of optimism, and have thus declared Borah the favorite to win. Indeed, a poll from readers of The Literary Digest has suggested the Republican nominee could win upwards of 60% of the vote, easily swamping Wallace and Long at the same time. Said poll has been oft quoted, but its conclusions are by no means unanimous. Advertising executive George Gallup, who has begun running a series of groundbreaking scientific polls in the US and the UK, has expressed the view that the election much closer than it is generally believed. Among other factors, Gallup argues Wallace retains sufficient strength in industrial states to have a serious chance against Borah, seen with distrust by many traditional Republicans. The question mark, however, is posed by Huey Long, whose actual appeal seems impossible to predict.

 

CRISIS

Yugoslavia under siege!

Bulgarian Army enters Macedonia after ultimatum,
Belgrade declares war on Sofia, King Alexander assassinated,
Regent Prince Paul blames Mussolini, Yugoslavian Army starts to collapse

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

The seemingly unending drama within Yugoslavia as a result of the Third Balkan War and Yugoslavian Civil War has taken yet another dramatic turn, with another foreign power joining the conflict and a sudden turn of events within the Yugoslav capital of Belgrade. After deploying the last remaining reserves to the new Macedonian front to drive back the IMRO, King Alexander and the Yugoslav government received a sudden ultimatum from the Kingdom of Bulgaria. Although the terms are not publically known, sources seem to include Sofia demanded a withdrawal from Macedonia lest they intervene, a demand that was quickly and harshly rejected by the King himself. Almost immediately afterwards, the Bulgarian Army – having recently shaken off the limitations of the Neuilly-Sur-Seine Treaty – crossed the border, starting what Bulgarian diplomats would describe as a limited, “special military operation”.

Neither King Alexander nor the government in Belgrade wasted time in comparing the Bulgarian intervention to the Italian one, describing it as an act of aggression and immediately declaring war on Bulgaria. With the Bulgarian intervention coinciding with the start of new offensives by the Italians, Croats and Hungarians, the Yugoslav Army – steadily deteriorated by battlefield losses, desertion, and logistical issues – continued to lose ground, with the General Staff reportedly telling the monarch – in a comment that reached the local diplomatic corps – that the Army stood on the brink of collapse.  Preparing to rally the Serbian populace to resist to the bitter end, the Yugoslav King restarted public appearances following last year’s failed assassination attempts, delivering a fiery, bitter speech that skewered the Italian Duce and the Bulgarian Tsar, and reiterated calls for international assistance before Yugoslavian efforts faltered.

In the subsequent car ride, the King was intercepted by well-coordinated machine gun crossfire, assassinated by what Serbian military officers described to the press as “professional killers”. With his successor, Prince Peter, only 13 years old – to come of age only in 1941 -, Alexander’s shell-shocked brother, Prince Paul, was made Regent of Yugoslavia. On his first speech to the nation, the Prince Regent blamed Italian Duce Benito Mussolini for the assassination, asserting that Italian envoys had attempted to contact his advisers behind the King’s back regarding the notion of a separate peace for Yugoslavia. Whilst vowing for Alexander to be avenged and calling for international, world-wide sanctions on Rome, Paul has also criticized Yugoslavia’s allies over a perceived inaction, and has asked for an armistice.

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"The Battle of the Decade! Boxing heavyweights Joe Louis (US) and Max Schmeling (Germany) fight in front of thousands at Yankee Stadium in New York. After an epic 12-round struggle, Schmeling was able to defeat Louis with a knockout blow…”

“King Fuad of Egypt dies in his sleep at the age of 68, his passing reported as having been caused by a heart attack. 16-year old Prince Farouk becomes the next King of Egypt, and is expected to return to Cairo from England soon. King Farouk, both enormously wealthy and hugely popular…”

“A joint statement by the governments of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Chile has caused a stir at the League of Nations, with all four nations expressing frustration at the effectiveness of the organization. It is believed at least or two – perhaps all – might abandon the LON sooner rather than later…”

“New Japanese films open to mixed results domestically and abroad. “Battle of Tsushima” epic sparks anti-Japanese riots in screenings; Sessue Hayakawa’s “Snow Country” and Bing Crosby’s “The Road to Tokyo” polarize critics and audiences. California Governor Upton Sinclair, citing Japanese activities in Manchuria, has called for a nationwide boycott…”

“THE KING IN LOVE: Canadian press publishes unconfirmed rumors of love affair between King Edward VIII and American socialite Wallis Simpson. Due to Mrs. Simpson’s status as soon to be twice-divorced, the potential for a marriage to the King has caused quite a stir…”

“Public anger in China after press leaks Japanese diplomatic missive to local warlords, demanding they lay down their arms and stop hostilities against Nanjing and Tokyo. Subsequent riots lead to grassroots boycott of Japanese goods, and there are unconfirmed reports of troop movements near the Manchukuo border…”

“The Kingdom of Greece continues to undergo severe parliamentary deadlock following the most recent general election, in which Venizelist forces came up short of a majority. With the pro and anti-monarchist blocks lacking a majority due to a good performance by the Communist Party, many expect that…”

“In Canada, Prime Minister R. B. Bennett appears to be facing a significant internal revolt, as two cabinet ministers quit over economic policy differences. Almost a dozen Conservative MP’s follow Earl Lawson in voting down the School Lunch Act, which passes only with tepid support from Co-Operative Commonwealth MP’s…”

“With capital flight from Berlin and Paris ongoing, local stock exchanges place hope in Olympics as a chance to reduce tensions. Although London has been the most popular destination for fleeing investors, other increasingly popular destinations include Istanbul, Lisbon and Warsaw…”

[Lumine]

EVENT

1936 Summer Olympics set to open in Berlin

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

Following of extensive preparations - and, it is rumored, large investments to rebuild Berlin after the German Civil War - the 1936 Summer Olympics are to open this week, in a large, luxurious ceremony featuring a flyover by the airship Hindenburg, and, it is rumored, high-profile speeches by Kaiser Wilhelm III and Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg. Athletes and tourists that have already arrived at the German capital were met by a changed city that contrasted with the rubble filled streets of last years, although the signs of struggle and strife - if one knows where to look - can still be found. Around fifty nations are expected to take part, with the Kingdom of Afghanistan, the Principality of Liechtenstein, the Republics of Bolivia and Costa Rica and the Bermuda overseas territory participating for the first time. In what is expected to be a major boost for the international prestige of the restored German monarchy, foreigners have been allowed substantial access across Berlin, and heads of state or government have been invited to attend as well.

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Engelbert Dollfuss assassinated in Vienna!

Austrian President shot dead at Fatherland Front rally,
Triumvirate led by Vice-Chancellor Fey takes office, vows revenge,
Local communists arrested in connection with plot, Austrian borders closed

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

A youthful, unexpected choice for Chancellor back in 1932, Austrian leader Engelbert Dollfuss (43) surprised many by the combination of his burning ambition and his ability at imposing his will on a deeply divided, politically paralyzed country. Taking advantage of every crisis that came his way, Dollfuss was able to triumph against a somewhat hostile parliament and suspend democratic rule after a series of dramatic struggles in 1933 and 1934, starting a new, authoritarian regime that followed the principles of "Austrofascism" and fiercely defended the nation's autonomy and independence. In that process, Dollfuss - aside from leading a violent crackdown on his foes on the political center and left - elevated himself to the Presidency aside from the Chancellorship, left the Treaty of Saint-Germain by reintroducing conscription and rearming Austria, and most recently signaled his firm alignment with Mussolini by signing the Anti-Bolshevik Pact of 1936, thus committing his country to, as stated by the Duce, "lead the fascist vanguard against Asiatic barbarism."

Four dramatic and unrelenting years of a meteoric rise came to an end a few days ago, as, while delivering a speech to a Fatherland Front crowd advocating for the Anti-Bolshevik Pact in Vienna, President Dollfuss was shot dead, sparking panic across the capital and the nation alike. At an emergency meeting at the Hofburg, the leading trio within the government - Foreign Minister Schuschnigg, Interior Minister Starhemberg, and Vice-Chancellor Fey - had to overcome its shock to prevent further chaos, immediately coordinating a harsh government response. The Austrian border was immediately closed down as the Heimwehr and the state security scoured Vienna for the assassins and/or any supporters. Despite fears of an attempted coup d'etat, such a threat failed to materialize. In the following days, the unofficial triumvirate, split over the succession, settled on Vice-Chancellor Fey as the new Acting President on a matter of legality.

In the meantime, the intense, relentless manhunt led the state security to arrest the would-be assassins at an apartment complex, all of them identified as members of the previously banned Communist Party of Austria, which had - apparently - managed to remain operational while in hiding. In subsequent days, multiple of its highest ranking members in hiding were arrested, with unconfirmed reports of extrajudicial killings taking place at the behest of Heimwehr militias. Although the Directorate General for Public Security had made a point of not formally closing down the investigation yet, Vice-Chancellor Fey and his colleagues have been quick to blame both local Communists and Moscow for the assassination, describing as "punishment" for Dollfuss' courageous signing of the Anti-Bolshevik Pact. Ivan Lorents, the Soviet ambassador, has been unceremoniously expelled from the country, and Vienna has asked for an urgent explanation from Moscow.

Despite the lack of further acts of violence, the Austrian border and the state security remain in the highest state of alert, and Dollfuss' upcoming funeral in Vienna is expected to be a massive event for the shell-shocked nation.

[Lumine]

Viénot Accords

I . The Syrian Arab Republic will be granted independence in 1937.
II . France shall have use of air and land bases in Latakia until 1940, with the option for renewal that year and should renewal take place, every five years after that.
III .France shall have use of a naval base in Latakia until 1942, with the option for renewal that year and should renewal take place, every five years after that.
IV . France and Syria shall enter into a customs union until 1947, with the option for renewal that year.
   A . The customs union will be governed by a six member board of three French members and three Syrian members.
V . Syria and the Turkish province of Hatay will enter into a customs union.
   A . The customs union will permit the free travel and commerce between Syria and the province of Hatay.

x Edouard Daladier, Prime Minister

x Hashim al-Atassi, in representation of the people of Syria

[Lumine]

Treaty of Paris

I. The belligerent states of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Kingdom of Romania, Czechoslovak Republic, and the Kingdom of Hungary agree to an immediate cessation of hostilities and the terms below.
II. The belligerent states of the Republic of Slovenia, the Republic of Croatia and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia agree to an immediate cessation of hostilities and the terms below.
III. All belligerent nations, as well as the French Republic and the Kingdom of Italy recognize the independence of the Republics of Slovenia and Croatia.
IV. All belligerent nations, as well as the French Republic and the Kingdom of Italy recognize the following as the new borders of the region:

III . The Kingdom of Hungary agrees to demilitarize the region within 50km of its border.
VI. The Kingdom of Hungary agrees to relinquish any and all claims on Transylvania.
VII. The Kingdom of Hungary agrees to pay reparations to the Czechoslovak Republic.

Edouard Daladier, Prime Minister

  X King Carol II of Rumania

x Paul Karadordevic, Prince Regent of Yugoslavia

[Lumine]

End of 1936

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: Westbrook Pegler

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Pierre de Coubertin

FDR Impeached!

Hearst Press uncovers evidence of corrupt bargain with Argentina,
Vice President Garner and Southern Democrats revolt,
Roosevelt becomes second impeached President, first removed from office

In otherwise normal circumstances, the announcement that American troops were to leave the battlefields of the Chaco would have most certainly reduced some of the political fallout experienced by the beleaguered Roosevelt Administration. Indeed, the intervention had managed to aid Paraguay to crush the Bolivian forces and storm the country, leading the government in La Paz – amidst protests from South American nations – to sue for peace and accept terms dictated by Asunción, granting the entire Chaco region to Paraguay. The Chaco War was over, and Bolivia had been soundly defeated. The withdrawal, however, was followed by unprecedented events in Washington, courtesy of a man many thought defeated. Once the nation’s most prominent media baron, William Randolph Hearst had seen hard times due to the Great Depression, and his previous support of FDR had turned to bitter opposition.

Finding political threats from the Argentine government – should a promised aid package not be granted – suspicious, Hearst had his reporters dig deep. It did not take long for sources to reveal a beyond explosive story, which Hearst – via his outspoken, fiercely anti-Roosevelt columnist Westbrook Pegler – was only too happy to break. In the aftermath of the Democratic National Convention, the Hearst Press shouted the apparent truth across America: the Roosevelt administration had secured passage of US troops through Argentina via bribery, with astoundingly large payments promised to the Argentinian President. The mood in Washington D.C. and in Congress, already restless due to the President’s alarming threats concerning the Neutrality Acts, turned positively mutinous. Secretary of State Hull resigned in protest, and the Republican Party immediately started impeachment proceedings in the House.

Whereas, in a different context, the Democratic majorities and the proximity to the election would have ensured the survival of the President, he had made too many enemies. Southern Democrats, thoroughly alienated by the Wallace/Sinclair ticket, severed ties to the White House, with Senator Walter George leading the charge. Against all expectations, enough Democrats defected to allow impeachment to sail through the House – making FDR the second President to be impeached after Andrew Johnson – on charges of bribery. The Senate trial, despite a bitter defense from many FDR supporters, also attained sufficient support for conviction on a joint Republican-Southern Democrat coalition, so sudden and yet so firm in its determination that many suspected – or outright stated – that Vice President Garner, likely alienated from FDR as well, was behind the political coup.

With only a few weeks to go until the Presidential Election, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was convicted and removed from office, leaving the White House in the cover of night, bitterly disappointed. John Nance Garner took the oath of office as the next President, with some of his first acts of office being to sign the Neutrality Acts passed by Congress, and to put an end – with Congress providing the votes - to FDR’s previous embargoes against a number of European states. In Argentina, the resulting political scandal – involving mass opposition riots and internal jockeying for power – led to the forced resignation of military-backed President Agustin Justo. His replacement, Vice President Julio Roca, is widely expected to be a puppet of the military establishment, now left to pick up the pieces after the scandal.

America Elects: 1936

Borah/Roosevelt Jr. narrowly prevail, Democrats retain control over Congress,
Southern Democrat revolt leads to unpledged elector movement,
Long’s progressive appeal squeezed by Borah and Wallace

In the aftermath of the RNC and DNC, perhaps the candidate most undermined by their outcome was none other than Huey Long himself. Having expected to battle more conservative nominees, he found himself directly challenged over the progressive vote by the Democratic ticket, with Secretary Wallace’s selection of Governor Sinclair – problems with the South notwithstanding – directly cutting into much of Long and Murray’s base of support outside their personal fiefdoms of Louisiana and Oklahoma. To make matters worse, the Republican selection of another progressive in William Borah – despite Roosevelt Jr.’s presence to somewhat moderate the ticket – furthermore restricted his ability to make a serious play for the West and Midwest. Despite some hopes of making inroads within the South, local party bosses proved too distrustful of Long – whom they saw as overtly friendly to African Americans in his state -, and successfully kept the insurgent out of their Solid South.

Those party bosses, having allegedly conspired with Vice President Garner to impeach and remove FDR – by then seen as a liability – faced a further dilemma on where to move forward. Having expected an olive branch from Wallace, the selection of a self-avowed socialist as his running mate took things too far. However, Garner had been elevated to the White House too late to enter the ballot, which made fulfilling the ambitions of “Cactus Jack” a significant challenge. Once the so-called “Justo-Roosevelt affair” played out, the Southern Democrat rebels promptly introduced slates of nominally “unpledged electors”, meant to shut Long and Wallace out of the south and deadlock the election, in the hopes of installing Garner via Congress. Wallace was thus left with only the remaining FDR diehards and progressives seduced by Sinclair, having to rely on northern states to keep Borah at bay. Despite a clever campaign strategy focusing on economics instead of foreign policy, Wallace was to be kept in a defensive stance through the campaign.

Which left Borah. Despite the deep distrust of conservative Republicans and even the bulk of the party establishment, the Senator consistently remained the most credible of the available alternatives, preventing efforts at deposing him from the ticket. Alas, even the utter collapse of the FDR administration did not prevent Borah from finding much hostility, with voters remembering the Hoover years all too well. Not even Borah’s known anti-Hoover credentials were enough to prevent a number of embarrassing campaign stops, in which both Borah and Roosevelt Jr. were hurled abuse and thrown enough rotten fruit to last for a lifetime. Borah’s platform, a combination of staunch isolationism and vaguely progressive economics, was undoubtedly well received, but the GOP consistently struggled to overcome resentment within the electorate.

In the end, the Democratic split in the vote proved too much to overcome. With less than 43% of the vote Borah prevailed in enough states to secure 291 electoral votes, enough to elect him President outright. While undoubtedly impressive given the utter collapse of the Republican Party since 1930, many noted that the election would have been sent to the House of Representatives had Borah lost New York, a state in which Wallace showed surprising resilience and almost captured. Secretary Wallace came a very distant second in the electoral college despite a narrow gap in the popular vote, the Southern Democrat machine sweeping most of the South with large margins. Huey Long, despite a major achievement in terms of the popular vote – almost 11% - only broke through in two competitive states.

A joyful night for the GOP was coupled with major Congressional gains, fueled by voter anger against the FDR Administration. However, despite a Republican sweep of most competitive races, the hole in which they had been in was just too deep to climb back, a problem enhanced by the utter domination of the South – which provided the bulk of the Senate seats open for election that year – by the Democrats, who weren’t divided in the Congressional vote. Therefore, Borah and Roosevelt Jr. are due to take office in January facing demoralized, but still large Congressional majorities for the Democratic Party. Against all expectations, the GOP is set to return to the White House amidst predictions that it would be locked out of power for a generation, which is likely to force the now ousted party to go through some difficult soul-searching.

1936 US Presidential Election:

Party		Votes (%)		EC
Borah / Roosevelt Jr.		43%		294
Wallace / Sinclair		38%		115
Unpledged Electors		6%		85
Long / Murray		11%		38

Incoming President and Vice President:
William Borah and Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (GOP)

1936 US Senate Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		54 (-7)
Republican Party		41 (+7)
Farmer Labor Party		1
Total		96 Senators

1936 US House Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		238 (-52)
Republican Party		192 (+51)
Farmer Labor Party		5 (+1)
Total		435 Representatives

Olympic Season in Berlin

Germany successfully hosts event, giving boost to regime,
South Africa, United States and France lead partial or full boycotts,
Hungary, Italy, China and Japan surprise, Germans win medal count

It could be argued that, in many ways, German national prestige was on the line as the hosts of the 1936 Summer Olympics, particularly amidst harsh diplomatic infighting with France and due to the host city of Berlin having been a warzone until a few months ago. It took substantial investment from the Reich’s government to clean up and rebuilt the capital, an investment that, while taxing on the pressured German economy, appeared to have paid off handsomely when the grand event was over. Despite a full boycott of the event by South Africa – enhancing Jan Smuts’ local popularity – and strictly political ones by France and the United States, a record number of nations sent Olympic teams and political delegations, allowing for a veritable parade of European, Asian and American statesmen through the city.

Chancellor Hugenberg and Kaiser Wilhelm III enthusiastically opened up the Olympics with well received speeches, an effort that was equally matched through other well received interventions or speeches by other foreign dignitaries. It was, in effect, a vindication both of the Olympic dream started a few decades ago and a much needed boost for the German Reich’s international standing. Perhaps more decisively, it was also a propaganda triumph by Hugenberg, whose previous and intense unpopularity dramatically softening in the aftermath of the combined Olympics and Rhineland triumphs. For the first time, and in spite of subsequent crackdowns on the trade unions, the new German regime – further embedded to the monarchist cause after the return of all the German princes to symbolic power – appears to have a solid footing.

This success was matched in the medal count, with Germany taking first place – though by less than expected – and leaving the US in a distant second. Italy also surprised many, having come close to surpassing the US. Outside of the new “big three”, other positive surprises involved Hungary and Japan, both with a large medal count; and Spain and China, both of which made significant progress on previously meager or non-existent medal count. The last official act was the selection by the IOC of the 1940 Summer Olympics host. Following a highly competitive vote, which saw Montreal narrowly left behind, Rome defeated Istanbul by a healthy margin, providing Italian Duce Benito Mussolini with a key victory to, in turn, showcase Italian fascism in four years’ time.

Perhaps the clearest sign of the Olympic’ success was the decision of the Nobel Committee – allegedly also influenced by the lack of candidates following events in Belgrade – to award French Baron Pierre de Coubertin, the father of the modern Olympics, with the Nobel Peace Prize.

Soviet Thermidor?

Soviet leader delivers dramatic speech at Party Congress,
Planned crackdown disrupted, rumors of military and NKVD betrayal,
Stalin and leading acolytes missing, a veil of silence covers Russia

After almost fifteen years of political rule and growing supremacy over the Soviet Union, General Secretary Stalin faced a most fateful decision. Following years of inactivity, the various groups comprising the opposition had seemingly resuscitated from the dead to launch an unexpected challenge to Stalin in an emergency Party Congress, an act of defiance motivated either – depending on whom you ask – on a previous easing of political repression or on a nefarious conspiracy that had been years in the making. Whichever the case, the opposition – or parts of it – had seemingly united under figurehead candidate Alexei Rykov, who had dared to stand in opposition to try and replace the thus far invincible General Secretary. Detailed and specific reports on the events that ensued remain scarce due to the usual Soviet veil of silence, only broken by a handful of defectors that have crossed the border into Poland or sought refuge in Istanbul.

Sources claim General Secretary Stalin made extensive preparations for what was to be a St. Bartholomew’s Night for the opposition and for perceived – or real – traitors within his own camp, seeking to exploit the environment of the Party Congress to its maximum. Speeding up the call to the Congress to avoid wasting time, Stalin was full and center on its first day, delivering what many observers called a blistering and effective speech against his critics. Defending his record and recent policies – including what may have been controversial foreign policy stances -, Stalin harangued and belittled his opposition, in what some have called the “Unity speech” (stating that it would come by force if need be). By all indications, Stalin’s forceful challenge to the opposition – and their intimidation – appeared to have won the Congress for him, with unconfirmed reports that any subsequent balloting would, if necessary, be rigged.

What happened next remains unclear. Some blame a failed outreach to the military. Others believe the NKVD caught wind of a supposed purge of its ranks. Others still believe either group made a concerted play for power, or that a foreign power plotted Stalin’s downfall. What is known is that, instead of the mass arrests of opposition leaders planned for that night, gunfire was heard across the streets of Moscow, Lazar Kaganovich and Lavrenti Beria were seen being dragged from the Kremlin and into a truck, and NKVD agents appeared to have swarmed the Kuntsevo Dacha, Stalin’s personal residence. Official silence has followed, alongside unconfirmed reports that Stalin, Kaganovich, Beria and other high-ranking Stalinists are missing. Other than the fact that the Party Congress has been unable to meet, and that figurehead head of state Mikhail Kalinin may be trying to keep government functioning, it is believed a large-scale power struggle is taking place.

With few details to go on other than the apparent and sudden downfall of Josef Stalin, many have drawn direct parallels to the fall of Robespierre, speculating that a “Soviet Thermidor” may be taking place. Until a new government is announced, it remains unclear whether the opposition, the remaining Stalinists, the army or even the NKVD have, at least temporarily, come up on top.

[Lumine]

A Very British Election

PM MacDonald surprises critics by forming new party,
After strong campaign, “Progressives” displace Labour as the opposition,
Neville Chamberlain and the Conservatives

Seemingly left for dead following the collapse of the National Government and the political backlash surrounding the Government of India Act, Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald chose not to accept defeat. Barred from pursuing electoral reform due to an unassailable Conservative majority in the House of Commons, the Prime Minister quickly moved into Plan B. Taking advantage of earlier efforts to reorganize his small National Labour parliamentary grouping, overtures were made to the National Liberal and continuity Liberals, with MacDonald planning to lead a new center-left party with which to prevent a Conservative victory. Despite harboring doubts, former Prime Minister David Lloyd George (cont. Liberal) fell in line first after a series of promises, and then – in a key blow to the Conservatives – John Simon and the National Liberals followed. Due to the pressure from both Liberal groupings opposing an immediate merge, this new group ended up campaigning under a “Progressive banner”.

Despite his terrible health, MacDonald insisted in leading the campaign, a strategic move that was to prove a double-edged sword as the successful touting of his accomplishments was balanced by the limited campaigning the PM could make. Perhaps his biggest gamble was to be a private overture to King Edward, whose intention to marry Wallis Simpson had become increasingly public and raised significant controversy with the Dominions as well as the Conservative-backed establishment. MacDonald successfully persuaded Edward – in what ended up being a course of action actually favored by Mrs. Simpson – to postpone a decision. In the meantime, MacDonald’s Progressive candidates campaigned furiously, defending the PM’s record, turning fire on George Lansbury’s Labour, and trying to keep the Conservatives at bay. By all accounts, a reasonably successful campaign, undermined by the sheer challenge of having to take on a party with over 470 incumbent MP’s.

On the eve of the election, a revolutionary “opinion poll” published by George Gallup gave the Progressive’s an eye-opening 150’s MPs, a notion dismissed as outlandish.

To the shock of many, MacDonald secured a result that was nothing short of a miracle, with a record 194 MP’s and well over 30% of the vote, firmly cementing this new force as the new official Opposition. But, as expected, it was just not enough. Although the Conservatives, by virtue of holding so many vulnerable seats, lost 130 of them – a full quarter – as well as their National Liberal allies, they retained a reasonable yet disappointing majority. By virtue of Stanley Baldwin’s recent resignation, it was Neville Chamberlain’s turn now. As to the other parties, Labour crashed itself in terms of the popular vote, their expectation of dozens of gains turned to ash when it became clear Lansbury – who resigned the next morning – had only been able to hold to the remaining group of ultra-safe seats. Just as surprising were strong performances by the Communists and by Oswald Mosley’s BUF, both of which entered the Commons with over 7 MP’s total.

Almost as old as Baldwin and MacDonald, Mr. Chamberlain is widely expected to serve only for a few years before finding a suitable heir. He enters office with a strong economy – for which he is partly responsible as the former Chancellor -, but facing peril in multiple foreign and domestic fronts.

1936 British General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Conservative Party		44% (-11)		340 (-130)
”Progressive” Coalition		32% (NEW)		194
Labour Party		16% (-13)		43 (-9)
British Union of Fascists		3% (+3)		4 (+4)
Communist Party		2% (+2)		3 (+2)
Others		3%		4
Total				615 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Neville Chamberlain (Conservative)

Incoming Government:
Conservative Majority (65 Seats)

A Farewell to Arms

Treaty of Paris ends Third Balkan War, region remains unstable,
Hungary reckons with unlikely survival, Croatians make deal with Mussolini,
Prince Paul deposed in coup d’état, Serbian hardliners take over

Three years of unholy carnage, foreign embargoes and intervention, and the ever rising prospect of an initially localized conflict spiraling into a second Great War finally added enough pressure to the participants to seek a negotiated solution to the war. With King Alexander out of the picture, Prince Paul was forced into a secondary status as the rest of the Little Entente and France negotiated terms with Admiral Horthy and Il Duce, hoping that an arrangement could be found. In the end, the Treaty of Paris – signed under protest by Paul – stopped the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the eradication of Hungary, but only just. The Yugoslavians lost Slovenia and the bulk of the Croatanian Banovinas, a bitter pill to swallow after starting what had promised to be a swift war back in 1933. Hungary, though making a miraculous survival, had to concede to border demilitarization, relinquishing ancestral claims, and issuing reparations.

But the war, at last, was over. Or so it seemed.

Regent Horthy returned to a hollowed-out, shell-shocked Budapest to find a country in utter domestic ruin, likely to require years – as well as substantial foreign investment – to recover. And though he was received as a hero for “saving Hungary from the Entente hordes” – as a newspaper put it -, the Treaty of Paris was nonetheless controversial. Many found the end of the Transylvania claims a humiliation, and others resented a demilitarization scheme that, in their minds, signaled the prospect of another invasion in the future. In Slovenia, the provisional government led by conservative – and former Yugoslavian PM – Anton Korosec celebrated its unexpected independence and quickly consented to closer ties with Rome, including membership of the new Transalpine Economic Community (TEC). The Croatians, also ecstatic after gaining independence, negotiated a treaty with the Duce, entering the TEC and begrudgingly ceding Dalmatian territory in return for substantial concessions. In spite of this, the HSS-backed Macek government in Zagreb and the Ustache forces of Pavelic in Dubrovnik have been unable to form a joint, unity government.

Ultimately, the most dramatic and drastic consequences would be felt in Belgrade. Prince Paul’s signing of the treaty made him something of an international celebrity, with the Nobel committee having allegedly considered the Prince for the Nobel Peace Prize after making peace despite the assassination of his own brother – a notion over which more than a few French diplomats were said to have scoffed at -. In Serbia proper, however, he was seen as a traitor. The Serbian officers, aware enough of the collapsing state of the Yugoslavian Army, yet too embittered by the defeat and the loss of the King, decided to take action. Near the end of the year, army units swiftly mobilized in Belgrade, capturing key government targets and taking custody of the King in a military coup. Prince Paul disappeared from sight, with rumors within the diplomatic community stating he is under house arrest.

Although the coup is said to be the work of a group of young colonels, the need for legitimacy and seniority as led to the appointment of Chief of the General Staff Milan Nedic as the new Regent, presiding over a military-packed Regency Council. Remaining silent thus far on the Peace of Paris – perhaps in a tacit acknowledgement of an inability to overturn it yet -, the new regime, identifying itself with Serbian nationalist, has taken immediate steps. Despite its state, the remnants of the Yugoslav Army have been deployed south, to relieve Skopje and prevent a siege by the Bulgaro-Macedonian forces; and west, to crush Bosnian resistance and – so it is claimed by Zagreb – put any Croatian settlements outside the new borders to the torch. Whatever happens, it is clear ethnic strife will not end in the Balkans for now.

Triumph of the Cinematic Will

Cinema emerges as key propaganda weapon for audiences,
Italy and Japan lead the way in state-backed films, with mixed results,
Insurgents also experiment, including the Chinese Communists

That cinema and motion pictures hold immense potential has been undeniable for years, but thus far, most governments and even political groups have been slow at trying to realize such potential with sufficient economic and logistical support.

In the previous decade, it was the Soviet Union – through the work of men like Eisenstein – that led the way in propaganda films, a success only partially matched by some German directors with a vision or an ideology to promote. Now, both Italy and the Empire of Japan have taken key steps into the world of cinematic propaganda and a national film industry, a concept some insurgents have also proved keen to try. The smaller effort was committed by Italy, which – in 1935 - commissioned a number of films depicting the plight of Croatia and demonizing King Alexander, resulting in several such pictures being released this year. Italian audiences have successfully flocked to see local hits, but European critics have by and large dismissed such productions as too blatant. Audience response outside of Italy has been more divided, but it has certainly stirred feelings of sympathy for the Croatians.

Within Japan, the Empire embarked in a large-scale effort starting in 1935, a joint collaboration with Hollywood – and the White House – encompassing the war epic “Battle of Tsushima”; the Crosby-Burns comedy “The Road to Tokyo”; and the romantic film “Snow Country”, all of which were meant to showcase different aspects of the Empire and to conquer – so to speak – the key American market. Ultimately, the enormous effort and resources invested were nearly derailed following the revelations from Manchukuo and the Kwantung Army, generating much negative publicity and leading American politicians like Governor Sinclair to pursue boycotts and disrupt production as much as possible. The films were even delayed in their release to 1936 to minimize the fallout, alongside a number of careful and/or clever stratagems to maximize success. In all of this, despite their calculations, the Japanese have found decidedly mixed success.

“Battle of Tsushima”, an epic retelling of the 1905 naval battle and the life of Admiral Togo (portrayed by Sessue Hayakawa), proved very successful in Japan, though there were public incidents as the film became exceedingly politically relevant after the September 11th Incident. Conversely, its American release sparked anti-Japanese riots in certain theaters, with Sinclair – who has declared war on the Hollywood Studios – calling it “a disgusting piece of imperialist propaganda”. Others, however, have flocked to its anti-Russian message. “The Road to Tokyo”, a zany Bing Crosby and George Burns comedy, was far more successful with audiences in America – at least up to a point – and also found a niche with staunch anti-communists, all while receiving the exact oppose reaction in Japan.

“Snow Country”, also starring Hayakawa, had to bypass anti-miscegenation restrictions by the Hays Code via casting Asians in order to portray the doomed romance between dilettante Shimamura (Hayakawa), rural geisha Komako (Anna May Wong) and local girl Yoko (Toshia Mori). In spite of having to avoid screenings in the American South – where the film also sparked riots – audiences in both Japan and America proved to be lukewarm, but not hostile. Critics generally praised the film, while taking issue with screenwriter Yasunari Kawabata’s bleak ending. Although the future of Japanese cinema in America remains dubious – particularly as Governor Sinclair wreaks havoc with productions he’s hostile to -, there are rumors of future releases for the European market, in what could be a make or break opportunity for the local industry.

Lastly, insurgent – and non-state – forces have also scored a goal of its own in China through the use of cinema. A number of Communist-aligned directors and actors residing in Shanghai, while mourning the recent crushing defeats experienced by the CCP, took to the medium to criticize and/or humiliated Generalissimo Chiang in any way possible. Although their efforts have been repeatedly and consistently repressed by the government in Nanking, preventing their productions from being screened or sold within Kuomintang-controlled territory, the anti-Chiang films have nonetheless continued to be screened in Shanghai, catapulting little-known actress Lan Ping into icon status after the success of “Red Detachment” and “Wolf Mountain”.

Walkout at the League of Nations

Motion after motion fails at the LON due to multiple vetoes,
Egypt’s bid for membership rejected, King Farouk denounces LON,
Five Latin American nations leave the organization, call it “ineffective”

1936 was not a quiet year for the League of Nations, which took center-stage in 1934-1935 as a number of different conflicts were debated and key motions voted upon, the majority of which were defeated through a lack of unanimity. This phenomenon, a problem for the LON since its foundation, was greatly exacerbated during the year as motions were debated on South West Africa, the remilitarization of the Rhineland, and the assassination of Austrian President Engelbert Dollfuss. All were defeated, sometimes with multiple vetoes. The only one to survive was a motion condemning Dollfuss’ murder, itself a watered down version of a previous failed motion. To make matters worse – for those critical of the LON and its internal functioning -, successful membership bids by Afghanistan and Ecuador were matched with the defeat of Egyptian membership, sunk down after multiple abstentions and opposition from Spain and Poland – among others – kept it from attaining the two-third majority. Young King Farouk reacted bitterly at these news, denouncing the organization and withdrawing the Egyptian application.

Having previously expressed frustration at the organization’s apparent inability to agree on a course of action regarding key events, as well as the general failure of global disarmament, a planned protest by Latin American members soon devolved into a dramatic step. By the end of December, with the year’s session drawing to a close, five Latin American representatives took the main stage at Geneva and announced, one after another, that their respective nations were leaving the LON effective immediately, arguing that it had devolved into an “ineffective” grouping unable to reach consensus. Although one of the five are vital members, the departure of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Chile – with Venezuela cited as a potential sixth drop out – is a significant blow to the League, which has lost seven members in only two years.

[Lumine]

Ask Not for Whom the Bell Tolls

As Spain recovers from revolution, the Basques gain autonomy,
PM Lerroux cracks down on the left, calls snap general election,
Hurt by unexpected corruption scandal, Lerroux sees CEDA make gains

The Revolution was over in Spain, but the nation’s political troubles were not. Despite the collapse and swift suppression of separate rebellions before they could form a credible alternative to challenge Prime Minister Lerroux in Madrid, the nation remained filled with embittered leftists, restless trade unions, and a number of hostile deputies still holding onto their seats at the Cortes. Lerroux, determined not to let an opportunity go to waste, nor to risk a further uprising by giving his weakened opposition on the left room to maneuver, decided to act swiftly. In the course of the next few months, the bulk of the trade unions responsible for the Asturias Soviet – particularly the UGT – were banned and then repressed following the inevitable strikes, leading a long list of street battles that, slowly but surely, weakened the trade union movement at – much like in Germany – significant cost to an already vulnerable economy.

The Prime Minister, fully backed by a CEDA out for revenge, followed up by breaking up much of the opposition’s ability to organize, communicate and consolidate it vote, banning or suspending newspapers, outright banning the Esquerra and suspending self-government in Catalonia, limiting the right for local meetings, and a combination of imprisonment and/or exile for prominent Revolution supporters who lacked parliamentary immunity. In this Lerroux finally met with internal dissent from the CEDA, who demanded a systematic and liberal use of the death penalty for traitors and, in a highly publicized debate at the Cortes, openly criticized the fact that only former Catalan President Companys – now living in exile in Paris – was sentenced to death.

Such was the “stick”. The “carrot” – so to speak – consisted on relatively successful attempts to co-opt local political machines, further weakening the PSOE and a number of smaller centrist parties; and finally securing a deal with the PNV to enact an autonomy statue for the Basque Country, with local elections – which the increasingly moderate PNV won resoundingly – taking place at the end of the year. Whilst the government remained divisive in its popularity in large cities, efforts to sway farmers and smallholders also bore fruit, unexpectedly weakening junior government partner PAE -  a conservative and agrarian party – to the benefit of CEDA and Lerroux’s own PRR. Having achieved all this, with the country under an uneasy calm and benefiting from an encouraging performance at the Berlin Olympics, Lerroux chose to gamble. Against the advice of President Alcalá Zamora – who was at the same time critical of Lerroux yet terrified of a CEDA triumph -, the Prime Minister called for a dissolution of the Cortes and a snap election, which the President finally granted.

By all accounts, despite the CEDA’s disappointment and the President’s silent opposition, Lerroux should have sailed to victory in the course of the campaign, a planned victory lap that would easily proper the center and right coalitions to crush the left. The latter part, for all purposes, was accomplished, with the PSOE in free fall, Esquerra banned, the moderate nationalists – the Catalan Lliga and the Basque PNV – gaining ground, and their only silver lining being former PM Azaña’s determined campaign, which allowed his new party Izquierda Republicana (IR) to retain a number of seats for the beleaguered left. What Lerroux could not expect, however, was the campaign being blown wide open by a gambling machine. The Straperlo, a fraudulent roulette created in the Netherlands, had been introduced into Spain by a group of self-proclaimed businessmen looking to make a profit.

In order to do this, the Straperlo partners bribed a number of high ranking officials to obtain the necessary permits, a bribery scheme that, so it was later claimed, reached as high as at least two PRR members of Lerroux’s cabinet. How the story got to the press remains unclear, with suspects ranging from the CEDA (wanting to surpass the PRR), Azaña and the left (wanting revenge) and even the President himself. Whichever the case, even newspapers friendly to the government were unable to bury the story and its lurid details, including gold watches being handed around as bribes, and a subsequent crackdown from PRR officers offended that their bribed – so it was claimed – weren’t high enough. Nothing appeared to link the Straperlo to Lerroux in the slightest, and the suppression of opposition newspapers did much to limit the scope of the scandal, but the harm was done. All the way to election day, the PRR would be at the defensive instead of being able to champion its record.

When the smoke cleared, the government’s electoral triumph was undeniable. The left had been eviscerated, pushing PSOE back as Azaña emerged as the leader of the opposition. The extremist parties, including the vaguely pro-Fascist Falange, had flopped. And the Spanish right, having already won big in 33’, catapulted itself to securing almost half of the Cortes, a fear previously thought impossible. Ultimately, Lerroux’s gamble failed in regards to the CEDA, which catapulted itself further and cemented its role as Spain’s largest and strongest political force. Instead of surpassing CEDA, an accomplishment that would have strengthened his authority over government, Lerroux narrowly staved off disaster through the voters swayed by his earlier successes, a net loss of one seat that, at best, was to be a disappointment.

Despite the President’s dislike of Lerroux, the lack of any alternative to CEDA ensures the Prime Minister will remain in office, now having to decide how to form his next government… and how much to concede to his partners on the right.

1936 Spanish General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
CEDA (Right)		28% (+4)		134 (+19)
PRR (Center)		20% (-1)		101 (-1)
IR (Left)		11% (NEW)		53
PSOE (Left)		8% (-4)		36 (-23)
Lliga (Catalonia)		7% (+2)		34 (+10)
PAE (Right)		5% (-1)		27 (-3)
RE (Alfonsism)		4% (+2)		27 (+7)
PNV (Basque)		3% (+1)		15 (+4)
CT (Carlism)		3% (-1)		14 (-6)
PRC (Right)		3% (-1)		12 (-5)
Falange (Fascist)		1%		1 (=)
Others		7%		34
Total				473 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Alejandro Lerroux (PRR)

Incoming Government:
TBD (237 Seats required)

The Grand Survivor

Daladier secures peace in Syria and the Balkans,
Despite SFIO faltering, PM retains position at General Election,
Far-right crackdown leads to backlash and riots

Having already surpassed Poincaré’s record three consecutive years as PM, Prime Minister Édouard Daladier was able to remain the French Republic’s so-called “Grand Survivor”, managing to fight his way – at times only narrowly – across multiple international crises and a dangerous general election. Despite some trouble on the horizon, these developments may well signal a significant shift from the usual short-lived nature of French Premiers. Facing a number of international challenges, Daladier was generally seen as rising to the occasion, helping secure a peace deal in the Balkans – whose future, however, may be uncertain due to events in Belgrade -, maintaining the occupation of the Saar against sustained local opposition, trying to chart the remilitarization of the Rhineland whilst politically boycotting the Olympics, and, in a particularly surprising development, finding an apparent solution to the Syrian crisis.

Following intense negotiations between Daladier and nationalist leader Hashim al-Atassi, the “Vienot Accord” were signed, ending the general strike in Syria and charting a path to independence – with a number of temporary economic and defense caveats – by mid-1937. Aside from the weakening of the Little Entente, perhaps the largest defeat for the Premier, unavoidable in light of rising Franco-German tension, was the surprise announcement by Brussels that Belgium would be abandoning the 1920 Franco-Belgian Accord, with the Benelux country announcing that it would rely on neutrality moving forward. On the bright side, Belgium – as well as a few other European neighbors – signaled some interest in a potential customs and currency union, with their main concerns being the long term stability of the French economy, which – in what would later spell major trouble for Finance Minister Blum – failed to rebound as strongly as hoped.

With all of this, the stage was set for the General Election, in which Daladier’s PRRRS and the SFIO joined forces to fight the first and second legislative rounds in close coordination. What Blum may not have quite foreseen was that his record, impressive enough to warrant a surge for his own party, gave an opening to an already embittered right. While not agreeing amongst themselves, the more moderate AD and the hardline FR took turns drawing fire on Daladier for either not standing up to Berlin enough, for conceding too much to the Syrians, and even of being too friendly to Moscow. And while these criticisms may have not undermined Daladier’s base, they also polarized the election as the right grew in strength as the SFIO, challenged from the left by an insurgent PCF and weakened by virtue of taking responsibility for economic troubles, saw a steady deterioration.

When the votes were counted, Daladier had taken the PRRRS to its best result in almost twenty years… all while the PRRRS-SFIO ticket actually lost seats in total due to major underperformance on behalf of the socialists. As several moderate parties faced decline and multiple independents – roughly split in half between left and right-leaning – got elected, it was the extremes that benefited the most as the Communists broke the 10% barrier – underperforming in seats due to the electoral system – and the FR recover the dominance of the right with a strident anti-Daladier message. With the right nowhere near close to a majority, Daladier – much like Lerroux in Spain – remained the only plausible Premier, with the added benefit of having his main partner weakened. A government was immediately formed, but, due to lacking over 20 seats to command an actual majority, Daladier will have to choose on whether to partner with the Communists, centrist parties, or left-wing independents.

The last act of the year’s political drama was swiftly provided soon after Daladier returned to office, with the government announcing a crackdown on far-right “violent organizations” that combined both police actions and propaganda describing them as treasonous. As the first bans were delivered, paramilitary groups – all too mindful of Hugenberg’s crackdown on the other side of the Rhine – took to the streets, resulting in a number of violent encounters between police and anti-fascist groupings in one side, and the far-right paramilitaries on the other. The nation, as a result, remains polarized and in a tense mood, as newspapers on both sides – and deputies in the National Assembly – deploy increasingly outlandish and violent rhetoric.

1936 French General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
PRRRS (Center-Left)		22% (+3)		176 (+16)
FR (Right)		19% (+6)		92 (+33)
SFIO (Left)		16% (-4)		108 (-24)
AD (Center-Right)		15% (+1)		87 (+7)
PCF (Left)		10% (+2)		26 (+7)
RI (Center)		9% (-1)		44 (-3)
PDP (Center)		2% (-1)		11 (-5)
Independents		7%		56
Total				610 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Édouard Daladier (PRRRS)

Incoming Government:
PRRRS-SFIO Coalition minority (22 seats short)

The Post-Purge Election

Voters go to the polls in Japan as nation seeks return to normalcy,
Minseito prevails in contest marked by the rise of new parties,
Government formation deadlock leads to new PM, Prince Higashikuni

In many ways, Japanese society had been shaken to the core. The September 11th Incident, the assassination of yet another premier, the purge of large parts of the nation’s officer corps and the unprecedented intervention of the Emperor had all provoked a deep sense of uncertainty. Thus, the scheduled return to the polls for the first time in four years was something many dreaded rather than hoped about, for which – if any – of the alternatives could guarantee any return to normalcy? During the long, bitter winter of 1935-1936, amidst repeated ritual suicides by disgruntled officers, cadets and pro-Kodoha fanatics, barely repressed reports of infighting across Manchukuo, and continued international hostility resulting from the previous exposé on the Kwantung Army, that sense of uncertainty only deepened.

Perhaps the only sign of stability – other than the ruthless rule of Prince Konoe, the new Premier until the election was held – was provided by His Imperial Majesty himself, and even then many Japanese still found it hard to be used to his growing number of speeches and broadcasts. Reassuring at it was to know that they had a Divine Emperor and that, perhaps, he cared, something in his voice still felt distant from the majestic figure most had pictured sitting on the Chrysanthemum Throne. But the winter came and went, and with it the 1936 Election, held with the recently purged Army stationed at the polls to guarantee safety. Many called it the “election of the headless soldiers”, which a Western journalist would – rather infamously – mistranslate for the wider world.

Expectations that the conservative, pro-military Seiyukai were soon dashed when it became reasonably clear that Japanese voters, shocked that the Kodoha faction would rise against His Imperial Majesty, turned instead to marginally less deferential options. The centrist Minseito, led by veteran old bureaucrat Machida Chuji, delivered a surprise blow against Suzuki Kisaburo’s Seiyukai, crushing Kisaburo’s dreams of being elevated to the premiership. Still, the Minseito was unable to win a majority of its own, the resulting confusion and anger within some voters leading to unprecedented success for the two new, more radical parties: the vaguely leftist Shakai Taishuto, and the fascist-inspired Kokumin Domei. That only a handful of candidates were assassinated by extremists and that Prince Konoe was only shot at once – unsuccessfully – was, given the circumstances, the sign of a calmer election than it was expected.

But Chuji, perhaps the symbol of a potential return to civilian rule, was not to attain the premiership. None of the remaining three parties would back him – either out of principle or, in Kisaburo’s case, outright jealousy -, and the subsequent deadlock was broken by His Imperial Majesty himself. His uncle-in-law, respected military commander Prince Higashikuni, would ascend to the premiership, unofficially backed – in separate issues – by Seiyukai and Minseito in the hopes that continued military rule would end sooner rather than later. During the rest of 1936, Prince Higashikuni set to work, securing deals to invest in Japanese industry – taking advantage of rising imports of key raw materials -, seeing the mixed results of cinema experiments, and generally presiding over the gradual reconstruction of the Army, its discipline and its officer corps with support of the triumphant Toseiha faction.

1936 Japanese General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Minseito (Center)		41% (+6)		222 (+76)
Seiyukai (Right)		35% (-23)		143 (-158)
Shakai Taishuto (Left)		8% (NEW)		31
Kokumin Domei (Fascist)		7% (NEW)		28
Others		9%		42
Total				466 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni (Military)

Incoming Government:
Seiyukai/Minseito-backed military majority (264 Seats)

[Lumine]

The Prague Crash

Despite the welcome arrival of peace, Czechoslovakia faces deadlock,
President Masaryk passes away aged 86, nation has Acting PM and President,
Prague Stock Exchange collapses, fears of new depression spread

Disappointed by high casualty rates, the costly efforts required to conquer Budapest, and rising ethnic tension fueled by opposition to the Third Balkan War, the arrival of peace was initially well-received in the Czechoslovak Republic. Even more so when, in spite of lacking territorial gains, reparations and relative demilitarization was achieved. It was a silver lining to the country’s rising woes, with an economy virtually destroyed by the exorbitant cost of the war and a political system hopeless deadlocked after the moderate Petka parties were unable to secure a new majority in Parliament by reaching some kind of agreement. No matter the nature of their overtures, the ethnic parties would not relent to support a Petka government, and the price for receiving Communist support appeared to be just too high, particularly after the war came to an end.

Amidst all this, aged President Masaryk – who should have been able to step down soon – was found dead in the Presidential Palace in Prague, aged 86. By all indications, the so-called “Grand Old Man of Europe” had died peacefully on his sleep. The nation mourned deeply, even if an uncharacteristic inactivity – which many associated with age – had paralyzed the Czechoslovak government in recent years. Having lost their father of the nation, things were about to get worse. Acting PM Jan Malypetr had to temporarily assume the Presidency, holding both offices despite lacking the necessary legitimacy for them. And as Parliament remained paralyzed, the ticking bomb that was the ailing Czechoslovak economy exploded. The direct source of the disasters remains unclear, but when a number of high-profile moves based on speculation at the Prague Stock Exchange proved faulty… the dam broke.

Matching the events of Wall Street back in 1929 up to a point, investors began selling in a panic, and soon thereafter the Stock Exchanged crashed. Next went the banks, crippled through bank runs from desperate citizens, who had already invested much of their savings on various – often fraudulent – war bonds. And the currency, devalued before solutions could be found. Soon, fears of a repeat of the Depression only fueled a worsening of the situation, to the point in which Parliament – still unable to decide on a course of action – is already counting on Hungarian war reparations and/or substantial foreign investment as the only way to save the once vibrant Czech economy. Already the neighboring economies tremble as the shockwaves start to be felt, with only the Polish economy – whose strength may soon be tested – looking strong enough to weather the first wave of the storm.

Tory split in Canada

R. B. Bennett remakes Conservative Party in the Keynesian mold,
Earl Lawson forms “National Party” after parliamentary revolt,
Followed by five MP’s, Lawson terminates the government’s majority

Upon committing to a far more interventionist course of action in economics than many once thought possible, R. B. Bennett had seemingly saved his premiership from collapse and potentially expanded the Tory voting vote, but it had come as a cost. Internal rumblings and opposition to what was described as “Keynesian” policies had escalated to the point of a revolt, and Bennett’s confrontation of his parliamentary party and cabinet, while successfully securing him the support of the bulk of the party, had lost him two ministers. When one of them, Earl Lawson, dared to oppose the PM’s next School Lunch Act – which, nonetheless, passed with some opposition support - alongside a dozen colleagues, Bennett saw the opportunity to cement his authority, and subsequently made it clear harsh punishment would be delivered.

Half of the rebels, including prominent MP Charles Cahan – one of the ministers who resigned – either accepted the punishment or sought to return to Bennett’s good graces. Six of them, led by Lawson, seeing their future careers in the party dashed, promptly crossed the floor and declared themselves opposition MP’s. In one swift stroke, Lawson erased the small government majority – leaving Bennett four short – and declared his intent to form a new “National Party”, which would “uphold and defend traditional conservative policies”. These developments, potentially ruinous, come at a strange time given additional events. Bennett, now in danger in Parliament, is fresh from another successful tour of the nation, and more importantly, with his international standing increased after a high-profile European tour.

The Prime Minister has thus seemingly achieved a noteworthy transformation of his party, at the cost of immediate, short term vulnerability. And with Lawson declining to give any indication of his future parliamentary tactics, many wonder what will happen.

Austria in Mourning

Austrofascism mourns its fallen leader, reports of internal strife,
Austrian independence championed by Stressa Conference,
Murder investigation leads to press speculation

Just as many Serbians were traumatized by the assassination of King Alexander of Yugoslavia, seemingly leading to the reactionary coup against Prince Paul’s signing of the Treaty of Paris, so were many Austrians affected by Engelbert Dollfuss’ death. Despite remaining unpopular within the groups he crushed to cement his power, Dollfuss’ funeral in Vienna proved to be a mass attendance event, with Italian Duce Benito Mussolini providing a noteworthy eulogy to his fallen partner and ally. Although Dollfuss’ death has allowed the Austrofascist regime, nominally led by a triumvirate presided by Emil Fey, to present a united front in public, rumor has it that the regime is already undergoing severe internal strife and infighting. With triumvir Kurt Schuschnigg emerging as something of a – failed – peacemaker, it is reported that Fey and other triumvir Prince Stahremberg are increasingly opposed to each other, a rivalry that many believe is likely to escalate.

Other nations reacted strongly to Dollfuss’ death, with Italy taking on a leading role in promoting and defending Austrian autonomy and independence. This has culminated on an unprecedented joint statement by Paris, Rome and London in the so-called Stressa Conference, reiterating support for Austrian independence in a statement many see directed against Germany and pro-unification elements within Austria proper. The murder investigation on Dollfuss has also degenerated into a confusing affair, with unconfirmed reports of foreign agents – from multiple nations – swarming Vienna in search of answers and, perhaps unintentionally, further muddying the waters. Whilst Vienna continues to blame the local Communists and the Soviets – a notion fueled by Stalin’s potential disappearance at the hands of the NKVD -, alternative theories also take hold elsewhere. The Swiss press has begun to speculate on involvement by Berlin on Dollfuss assassination, while American newspapers have done the same with France, neither presenting evidence thus far.

Rumblings in the Middle East

Turkey puts down Kurdish revolt, Dersim occupied,
As Eurasian Alliance consolidates, British businessmen identify Atatürk as a threat,
Egypt, Iran and Iraq grow ever more distant from London

Upon unsuccessfully exploring a diplomatic solution to the most recent Kurdish revolt – not helped by the fact that neighboring countries had their own issues with their own minorities -, the Turkish government in Ankara decided enough was enough. Field Marshal Cakmak, Chief of the General Staff, prevailed upon President Atatürk, resulting in the immediate military occupation of the Dersim region and a crackdown against insurgent that would last through the year. Countless skirmishes and ambushes ensued, steadily whittling down the strength of the Kurdish rebels who, nonetheless, were able to inflict heavy casualties on the Turkish garrisons. By the end of the year, the rebellion had been all but crushed, but efforts to get local inhabitants to cooperate had only been marginally successful, leading Cakmak to use every method available to suppress the enemy.

Despite taking a backseat to more urgent events in Asia and Europe, the Middle East has been gaining on prominence lately, a phenomenon many attribute to the Turkish President himself, Kemal Atatürk. Having founded the Eurasian Alliance whilst taking an active role in the Balkan and Syrian crises, Atatürk has undoubtedly expanded Turkish influence abroad whilst securing a potentially decisive rapprochement with the new Arab nations, a partnership with Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan – in which Iraqi King Faisal plays a key role – that appears to be ever expanding. Thus far, and leaving aside Syrian resentment over the Turkish annexation of the Hatay, this has gone mostly unnoticed, but increasingly assertive moves in Teheran, Cairo and Baghdad have raised the alarm for British officers, for Britain – it being otherwise occupied notwithstanding – still holds a key presence in the region.

Although London seemingly retains a strong partner in Saudi Arabia, the Iraqi and Iranian government – the former of which still has to contend with a British military presence – have started to demand greater participation in the local oil industries, controlled by the British-owned Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) and Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). Young King Farouk of Egypt, embittered by humiliation at the League of Nations, has demanded a renegotiation of the treaty between Egypt and Britain, seeking to diminish British presence in the Arab nation. Thus far, the Ankara-London relationship remains cordial, but a few businessmen linked to IPC and AIOC have already denounced Atatürk to the press, calling the Turkish statesman “a threat to the stability of the region”. A new Prime Minister taking office, many are wondering about the future of the Anglo-Turkish relationship.

China on the brink of war

Conference fails to reach accord, Hu Hanmin survives health scare,
Japanese forces restore partial control in Manchukuo, remain in Shanghai,
Rising pressure from public and warlords to declare war on Tokyo

Amidst hopes that it could lead to a much hoped United Front between Generalissimo Chiang’s KMT and both Northern and Southern coalitions, the conference between warring warlord factions dragged across the year with no firm results, undermined by different expectations on both sides. To their collective credit, all factions managed to keep an unofficial peace, preventing an immediate return to all out civil war. However, neither the South or the North felt Chiang’s promises – in any sense – were sufficient enough, with the warlords increasingly demanding more and more aggressive measures to be taken against Tokyo and the Manchukuo regime. In the end, a health scare for Hu Hanmin – who almost suffered a cerebral hemorrhage – and the appearance of a supposed Japanese missive calling on the warlords to stop fighting Nanjing and Tokyo collapsed the conference, ending in no firm result.

The leak of the missive, seen by many as a provocation – and/or outright insulting – was widely distributed and maximized anti-Japanese sentiment in China proper, resulting in protests, riots in Shanghai, and even attempted boycotts of Japanese and Manchurian goods, an effort which, if it were to grow in size, could well harm the Japanese economy in the long term. In the meantime, and as the Chinese public increasingly called for revenge at all costs, the Japanese maintained a presence in Shanghai, stating that they would not withdraw until mid-1937 due to a number of reasons. Sensing vulnerability in Manchukuo as the vast region became populated with gangs of bandit soldiers and a new pro-Zhang guerrilla forces, General Tojo Hideki quickly emerged as an effective – if ruthless – administrator for the hollowed out Kwantung Army, hunting down and destroying bandit units and pushing them back into more isolated regions.

Perhaps Tojo’s most remarkable accomplishment – other than ensuring the voluntary return of some of the defecting officers – was the voluntary surrender of “Lawrence of Manchuria” himself, as General Kenji Doihara gave himself up, thus preventing the isolated Kodoha remnants from acquiring a valuable leader of their own. In spite of this, violence across Manchukuo remains very much real, and border skirmishes between Northern Coalition troops and the Kwantung Army units has already claimed dozens of casualties without – as of yet – degenerating in any large-scale battles.

[Lumine]

Turn V: 1937

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (RGM2609)
United States of America: President William Borah (S019)
Empire of Japan: Emperor Hirohito (Devout Centrist)
British Empire: Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain (GoTfan)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Edouard Daladier (YPestis25)
Soviet Union: Acting General Secretary Sergei Kirov (JacksonHitchcock)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (Spiral)
Dominion of Canada: Prime Minister R. B. Bennett (DKrol)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Spanish Republic: Prime Minister Alejandro Lerroux (Dereich)
Kingdom of Hungary: Regent Miklós Horthy (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Romania: King Carol II Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (Muaddib)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Jack Lang (iBizzBee)
Chinese Northern Coalition: Warlord Zhang Xueliang (Carolyn)
Irish Free State: Executive Council President Éamon de Valera (NYE)

Economic Performance:
Empire of Japan: High
British Empire: High
Polish Republic: High
Soviet Union: Moderate
Kingdom of Italy: Moderate
Union of South Africa: Moderate
Dominion of Canada: Moderate
Republic of France: Moderate
German Reich: Moderate
Republic of Turkey: Weak
United States of America: Weak
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Weak
Spanish Republic: Weak
Commonwealth of Australia: Weak
Kingdom of Romania: Weak
Republic of China: Weak
Northern Coalition: Weak
Irish Free State: Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:
Tsar Boris III: Very High
President Kemal: Very High
Duce Mussolini: Very High
Warlord Zhang: High
Prime Minister Bennett: High
Regent Horthy: High
Prime Minister Chamberlain: High
Prime Minister Smuts: High
Chancellor Hugenberg: High
President Borah: Moderate
President Koc: Moderate
Emperor Hirohito:  Moderate
Prime Minister Daladier: Moderate
Prime Minister Lang: Moderate
King Carol II: Moderate
Prime Minister Lerroux: Moderate
Executive Council President de Valera: Moderate
Acting General Secretary Kirov: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Northern Coalition
Partial Mobilization: None
Conscription: Republic of France, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Spanish Republic, Polish Republic, Kingdom of Bulgaria, German Reich, Republic of Turkey, Kingdom of Italy, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Romania
Volunteer Army: United States of America, British Empire, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, Commonwealth of Australia, Irish Free State
Demilitarized: None

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

Having been a rather polarizing – some would dare say unpopular – leader in recent years due to the continuous, yet thus far successful crackdowns against the Reich’s internal enemies, you have enjoyed an unexpected winter of popularity in the aftermath of the Olympics and the success Remilitarization of the Rhineland. And though not all dissent against the government in Berlin has died down, for the eviscerated trade unions resist still, and exiles rage from abroad, Von Papen and most of the Cabinet concur that there is now some available political capital to spend. Thus far you brought back the Monarchy and ended the Weimar Republic, restored the supremacy of the Lutheran Church, and turned the Reich into a one-party state. How much further dare you go? Or, on the contrary, should any concessions or decentralization of power be enacted?

In spite of its significant propaganda benefits, it is undeniable that the costs of rebuilding Berlin for the Olympics have placed strain in an economy that is yet much too shaky for the Reichsbank’s taste. Making matters far more complex is the drastic collapse of the Czech economy, with the effects of the stock market crash in Prague threatening to hit a German market that has already suffered greatly over Franco-German related uncertainty. Opinions on how to proceed, as always, are not unanimous. Some would have you take action to support the beleaguered Czech economy, if only to either spare the Sudeten Germans from potential misery or prevent a Berlin-related crash. Others would prefer to see Czechoslovakia weakened, reasoning they have gained enough after a partial victory in the Third Balkan War. What should be done?

As has become the norm, international affairs continue to demand much attention and effort, particularly in light of the Reich’s relatively disadvantageous position. The Saar enters a second full year of occupation, with internal defiance unable to dislodge the French without risking mass bloodshed. Tensions in Vienna are at an all-time high, and new President Fey remains something of a cypher as Berlin – alongside Moscow, Paris and others – is blamed in some quarters for Dollfuss’ assassination. German influence, while successfully established in a few would-be partners or allies for the future, is still shaky. In terms of the headlines, the old and conservative-leaning German Colonial Society, seemingly emboldened by the return of the monarchy, has started lobbying in the media – and with friendly deputies at the Imperial Diet – for the need to recover the colonies lost after Versailles. How will you handle these affairs? Should the return of Germany’s colonies be sought?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

Welcome into office. Five years of a National Government now give way to a purely Conservative ministry, elected with a reasonable mandate, yet stung by losses suffered at the hands of Ramsay MacDonald’s new grouping. Now free from Baldwin’s shadow, you are now free to assemble your Cabinet, determine priorities for the new Conservative government, and see how much of the previous government’s policy to retain or to alter. Perhaps the most pressing political affair is that of the Simpson affair, with Wallis Simpson – now Wallis Warfield – now formally divorced and His Majesty, while uncharacteristically cautious, still determined to marry her. The King’s current intent remains bitterly resisted by the bulk of your party – serial rebels like Churchill notwithstanding -, the Church of England and much of the establishment, not helped by the King’s recent public outbursts on political matters. How will you handle this most complex affair?

Over the past couple of years, the British economy has recovered substantially from the depression, fueled by sound management – under your rule as Chancellor of the Exchequer -, a lack of foreign adventures and, to significant public acclaim, by the refusal of MacDonald to pursue rearmament. A small surplus has thus been achieved, and it will be a key test of your premiership to decide how to use it. One alternative it is to maintain focus on expanding the surplus, keeping things steady. Another is to invest it in social programs, in light of your known ambition to be a “domestic PM”. Yet another is to pursue rearmament, leaving Britain more prepared for a crisis while risking domestic backlash. Finally – and perhaps most unpopular -, some Treasury civil servants are pressuring you to bail out the Czech economy with an aid package, to prevent its collapse from spiraling out of control. What will you do?

Having thus far stayed away from most of the meaningful foreign policy conflicts – particularly in the Balkans -, the Foreign and the Colonial Office have sounded the alarm in terms of the Middle East, a key region for Britain’s strategic interests. Aside from violent Arab riots in Palestine, rallying against a Jewish state in the region, King Farouk of Egypt, King Faisal of Iraq and Reza Shah of Iran have all variously challenged British rule and influence lately: Farouk and Faisal by demanding new treaties reducing the British military presence, and Faisal and the Shah by starting to complain about the oil monopoly of the British-controlled, Anglo-Iranian and the Iraqi Petroleum Companies. In these acts many officers have identified Turkey as a rising rival, with the Eurasian Alliance gaining strength as influence while only a handful of previous allies – including Saudi Arabia – remain visibly pro-London. How will you deal with Middle East affairs?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

Against the odds – and a close call in light of the SFIO losses – you have maintained yourself in office while also surviving a complex General Election, not an accomplishment to look down on. However, this return to power is somewhat marred by the lack of an outright PRRRS/SFIO majority, forcing you – in spite of being the only plausible PM – to seek allies in order to have a legislative majority. Barring rapprochement with the moderate right, unlikely given rising polarization, at least three alternatives appear possible: the centrist Independent Radicals (RI), who, while aligned with your political goals, demand a more fiscally responsible, conservative approach to economics; the Communists (PCF), in what would signal a further – if not implausible – turn to the left; and the various left-wing independents (almost thirty in total), all of them with local demands likely to be a drain on the treasury. What sort of government majority will you seek?

Political violence is at the forefront after the election, as the crackdown on far-right paramilitaries has devolved in street-fighting, large protests, and the first few casualties. In Paris alone hardly a day goes by without an encounter between the far-right and either the police or anti-fascist organizations, the subsequent tension reaching the media – which, depending on ideology, supports the government or defames the responsible ministers – and the National Assembly as well, with even moderate-right groups now attacking the government and mischaracterizing it as “too left-wing” or “too radical”. It is a most difficult environment to handle, one increasingly fueled by appeals to populism that invoke other foreign experiences or rally against parliamentarism as a whole. What should be done about it? Should the government seek a negotiated political solution to the crisis? Should it follow Hugenberg’s example and push through regardless of the cost?

Once again, internal affairs prove to be a source of trouble and/or dissent, even after the successful handling of several previous crises. There is, for one, the occupation of the Saar, its cost still weighing down in more ways than one. The end of the revolution in Spain and the current succession crisis in the Soviet Union raise the matter of prominent exiles who reside in Paris, including former Catalan President Companys – sentenced to death in absentia – and Soviet political dissident Leon Trotsky, who may well be wanted for extradition by the new General Secretary. Then there is the matter of the Balkans, with the coup in Belgrade and the arrest of Prince Paul – as well as the ongoing Yugoslav-Bulgarian conflict – risking the hard won peace. And finally, the collapse of the Czech economy amidst political deadlock, a vital threat not only to the Little Entente, but potentially to the beleaguered European economies. What should be done?

United States of America

Mr. President,

Though not as large as in 33’, crowds of citizens welcome you to Washington D.C. as you are inaugurated into office. Against all odds, the Republican Party has returned to power only four years after Herbert Hoover’s ignominious defeat, though it has taken impeachment and a divided Democratic Party to bring about this unlikely victory. Politically, you must contend with a Republican Party that is sure to be bitterly divided between progressives and conservatives. You must also deal with a Democratic-controlled Congress, weakened but not humbled by November’s results. Finally, you will also be forced to decide on your own agenda and goals for office, to assemble a Cabinet, and to find a way for the country to move on after the traumatic scandal that resulted in Franklin D. Roosevelt’s removal from office. What are your instructions, Mr. President?

Perhaps one of the keys to the Republican victory in 1936 was the party’s strong shift towards isolationism, ever growing in popularity due to the Roosevelt administration’s unpopular foreign policy. Still, even as Congress successfully passed the Neutrality Acts, removing much of the President’s powers by forcing him to seek congressional approval for a number of actions, there is the question of how far should the Borah Administration go, and how to best exploit the apparent national desire to be uninvolved in foreign matters. Despite FDR and Hoover’s successful withdrawal from Haiti, the Philippines and Nicaragua, the US continues to hold enormous influence – and/or occupy – the Dominican Republic, Panama and Cuba. Senator Gerald Nye (R-ND) is currently chairing a powerful Congressional committee, which calls to curb the US arms industry. And lastly, Congress is now debating a Constitutional Amendment by Rep. Louis Ludlow (D-IN), which would institute a national referendum on any declaration of war barring an attack on the United States. What should be done?

With the economy starting to reverse its partial recovery under the umbrella of FDR’s New Deal, it falls onto you to make urgent and personal decisions on how to best handle the economic situation, particularly given your known progressive roots. Your advisors are already briefing you on the Prague market crash, wondering if Washington should get involved. The Governor of Ohio, Clarence Brown (R-OH), reports that a catastrophic flood by the Ohio River has left more than a million homeless, and urges for help despite the lack of funds. The enormous bureaucracy built to support the New Deal, should it be retained, must be managed. And crucially, with the Supreme Court spared from any FDR appointees, there’s the question of whether its (economically) conservative majority will not try to launch a far more aggressive assault on the New Deal, most of which remains in place despite the abolition of the minimum wage and much of its social and healthcare provisions.

Soviet Union

Comrade (Acting) General Secretary,

You and your deputy Andrei Zhdanov have recently arrived in Moscow via train from your Leningrad stronghold, an arrival not unlike that of Lenin himself back in 1917. The combination of the botched challenged by the joint opposition at the Party Congress and the apparent self-coup by the NKVD and parts of the Army have created an enormous vacuum of power, one that Head of State Kalinin has sought to resolve by making you Acting General Secretary, reasoning you could command support from the Stalinists not yet arrested (Molotov and Khrushchev, both of which have rushed to pledge loyalties and request protection from the NKVD), whilst being in a position to deal with all the various groups currently making a play for power. With Stalin and other key members of the Politburo missing – in what is thought to be the work of NKVD Director Yagoda -, a historic opportunity appears to you, of high risk and high reward. How will you seize it?

Zhdanov takes the liberty to brief you on the various factions as they stand, for the critical task of building alliances and choosing where and how to fight stands at the most crucial point. There’s the Left and Right Oppositions, the collection of old relics like Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukharin, all of which joined forces behind the abortive Rykov candidacy and which now demand the Party Congress be restarted to reach a consensus. There’s the Red Army, or at least the units that have mobilized in Moscow, thought to be under the influence of Tukhachevsky. There’s those Stalinists who have come to beg for mercy, who could be either relied upon or thrown to the wolves. And, of course, there’s the dangerous NKVD, whose leading Yagoda-Yezhov duo is thought to be behind Stalin’s forceful, seemingly permanent disappearance. It seems unlikely you can bring all of them under the same roof, so who will you deal with? And how will you battle those you deem to be your enemies?

Aside from the eventual outcome of the struggle for the succession, the truth is that many affairs demand decisions, with a number of crisis either flaring up or presenting danger should they be left unattended. The nation-wide industrialization drive, while producing remarkable results, is somewhat stalled due to inefficiency and efforts being directed elsewhere. A softening of Stalin’s policies regarding Soviet Jews and the Orthodox Church has sowed dissent among many in the party, while nonetheless bringing new sources of support elsewhere. Stalin’s foreign policy, thought by many to be too timid, and/or too in line with Western powers, will need reaffirming or an update. And that, of course, is without mentioning what the attitude of treacherous, capitalist – or fascist – power may be given this sudden instability, and whether they’d seek to profit from it. What are your orders?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

Despite the somber mood surrounding your return from Dollfuss’ funeral in Vienna, you return to adoring crowds outside the Palazzo Venezia, celebrating the end of the Third Balkan War and, more importantly, the achievement of Italian aspirations in the Adriatic after securing border revisions with the new Croatian state. It is a major success for Italy, but given the fluid, chaotic nature of the region, Count Ciano believes the Balkan situation is far from over: Despite the Italo-Croatian treaty, Pavelic and Macek continue to struggle to form a united government, a situation that many feel could end up in a civil war. The Yugoslavs, having overthrown Prince Paul, could endanger the peace agreement, whilst their military continues to fight the Bosnians and the Bulgarians. King Zog, having recently fallen back in line due to practical reasons, remains a very uneasy partner. Hungary lies in utter ruin, raising the prospect of having to bail out Regent Horthy lest the country collapses. And finally, the uneasy return to power by Venizelos in Greece – with apparent Turkish support – raises the question of just how friendly – or not – Ankara’s eventual aspirations in the Aegean might be.

Thus far, both of Italy’s main African colonies have enjoyed a few years of peace, investment and, perhaps crucially, an increased flow of migration from the mainland, all of which have nonetheless proved insufficient to make the colonies in Libya and Eritrea economically profitable. And now, this peace appears to be threatened according to reports by Riccardo di Lucchesi, the Governor of Eritrea. According to di Lucchesi, Italian troops on patrol in the Italo-Abyssinian border have been recently harassed by the Abyssinians, who have established new border posts and allegedly attacked the Italian ones, accusing them of being inside Abyssinian territory. Although the information is still scarce, there’s even talk of Italian casualties. Many officers in the Royal Italian Army are suggesting a punitive expedition – and/or further escalation – is needed to teach Emperor Halie Selassie a lesson, and others envision an opportunity to further expand Italian influence in East Africa. What should be done?

Years of economic expansion under an innovative economic policy – which has gained approval amongst British economists, including begrudging, reluctant praise from Keynes himself – have allowed the Kingdom to expand its industrial output significantly, though Italy still lags far behind regional rivals in France, Britain and Germany. And while the birth of the Transalpine Economic Community brings the promise of further economic gains, the steady rise of the deficit, the foreign debt, and even inflation – without mentioning the cost of the Croatian adventure - all raise serious questions as to whether the current strategy can truly be sustained for much longer. These questions also come at a time of uncertainty given the recent Czech crash, which could just as well leave Italy destitute as it could leave Central Europe ripe for Italian influence. What should be done on the economic front?

[Lumine]

Empire of Japan

Your Majesty,

The election has been held, and in spite of a few isolated incidents, it was conducted successfully. It did not, however, result in an immediate return to fully civilian rule, partly due to Minseito’s inability to win an outright parliamentary majority despite a crushing defeat for the Seiyukai. Prince Higashikuni is thus Prime Minister as per your instructions, but there are questions to be unanswered as to the fate of the government. There are those who support a new election in the hopes either Seiyukai or Minseito can win an actual majority, opposed by those – particularly at court and within the military – who prefer the Prince continue governing and postponing the notion of a civilian Premier until the next election. And, among those still bitter by the deadlock caused by the results, grumblings have started to grow regarding the Shakai Taishuto and the Kokumin Domei, the new parties whose surprising surge might demand some reaction – with some officers going as far as suggesting a ban -. How should the political situation be handled?

With Japanese domestic security seemingly consolidated – save for the occasional ritual suicide or attack by a disgruntled radical -, the Toseiha-aligned leadership of the military is starting to wield pressure for the Empire to take on a more aggressive foreign policy, citing both China and the Soviet Union as areas ripe for “intervention”. Regarding the former, the need to end the threat posed to Manchukuo by the Northern Coalition is cited, alongside the prospect of expansion in Northern China, the destruction of any remaining loyalists to Zhang Xueliang, and even the dream of Chinese economic vassalage. In terms of the latter, the succession struggle caused by Stalin’s disappearance is seen by the new leadership of the Kwantung Army – as well as by the sizable White Russian community in Manchukuo - as an opportunity to counter previously rising Soviet influence and power in the Far East. What will your approach be to these expansionist aspirations?

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

With a year to go until the promised local and municipal elections, reforms continue to take place as ordered back in 1935, with particular emphasis on infrastructure, education, and potential land reform. Some positive results can certainly be perceived and are indeed championed by local KMT officers as proof Nanjing can indeed govern, and govern well. However, the first clear obstacles have emerged both in terms of landowner resistance to land seizures – which has grown serious enough for local officers to fear potential uprisings by wealthy landowners -, and perhaps more worryingly, by the dismal state of the Chinese economy, which – having to fund and maintain the enormous National Revolutionary Army – struggles to fund the necessary investments for planned reforms to be expanded and enacted. Due to this, many have argued for the need to increase revenue drastically, with proposals ranging from foreign loans, to appeals to France – as the French have thus far helped train the NRA -, to more ruthless means. What should be done about this?

Despite your best efforts, it has proved impossible to restore unity to the nation, as the much heralded conference with the warlords fell apart amidst apparent distrust and/or rejection of promises made by Nanjing as insufficient. Perhaps the conference might have been more successful were it not for apparent provocations from Tokyo, with a missive threatening the warlords sparking mass outrage and anti-Japanese riots, protests and boycotts, all of which are – as of yet – not sanctioned by Nanjing. With Hu Hanmin weakened by his health, and the young marshal Zhang rapidly emerging as the most prominent warlords, the KMT government stands at the crossroads. Should Japan – which is yet to leave Shanghai – be dealt with aggressively once and for war? Should another attempt at reconciliation be made with the warlords? Or should either the Northern or Southern coalitions be struck with all of your might?

Polish Republic

Mr. President,

Economic data released by the government confirms – to the likely relief of Sanation – what many had dared to dream about: the Polish economy has recovered from the Depression and is now seemingly roaring ahead, the controversial economic strategy being seemingly vindicated. This comes at a fortuitous time, as the apparent collapse of the Czech economy threatens to drag down the economies of Central Europe. Strictly speaking, the Polish economy now appears strong enough to weather the storm without collapsing, but many wonder if the focus should be on preserving the hard-won gains – particularly now that there’s a noteworthy drain of foreign currency – or on assisting the Czechs. Some of the more hawkish members within Sanation, of course, also see further opportunities in expanding economic influence to make Prague more subservient, or even to seize the opportunity to occupy and annex territories Poland has previously claimed. What will you do?

Although movement has been limited, officers at the new border fortifications in the East report an increased influx of exiles or refugees from the Soviet Union, seemingly fleeing what appears to be a most uncertain state of affairs. Despite the amount of emigres not yet placing any strains on the state, the seemingly weakened state of the Soviets raises some interesting questions as to whether the Polish Republic, ever threatened by Moscow’s rampant ambition, should seek to profit from it. Alternatives range from assisting dissident groups, to a partial mobilization in case the succession struggle turns violent, to even war, with several officers enthusiastic enough about current reforms to believe Poland would stand a much better chance than many would think. What should be done about the situation in the East?

Republic of Turkey

In spite of your age (56), your lifestyle appears to have finally caught up with you, your health having visibly resented itself in the past few months. Regardless of what the doctors do or say about it, this raises the question of political succession and the future of Kemalist reforms, as well as the eventual fate and destination of the CHP. Aside from long term questions about how to best bind the party and society to maintain and preserve your reforms, you must also consider whether appointing a successor is desirable. Many look towards Prime Minister Ismet Inonü as the likelier choice, but it is undeniable that Field Marshal Fevzi Cakmak has impressed many with his performance against the Kurdish malcontents, and is viewed by some as an alternate successor. What will your approach be to these matters?

Thus far, Turkey has done an admirable job of expanding its foreign influence, both through the Eurasian Alliance and through bilateral relations, including a positive relationship with the new Venizelist – supported by the Communists – government in Greece. However, the first signs of pushback may be starting to emerge, particularly fueled by British interests in the region and their appeal to Prime Minister Chamberlain to take action. Recent tension involving the oil industry in Iraq and Iran, the ongoing uprisings in the Mandate for Palestine, the status of Turkish Cypriots in the British-occupied Cyprus, the succession struggle in the Soviet Union, and even the struggle between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia all make for interesting challenges and opportunities for Turkey. How will you handle them, as well as the prospect of a British rivalry?

Kingdom of Romania

Your Majesty,

After finishing up its four-year session, Parliament is to be dissolved in order to have a General Election for the 1937-1941 term. Last time, the centrist National Liberals (PNL) won almost three quarters of the seats by surpassing over 50% of the vote, obliterating the opposition and almost wiping out the – also centrist – competition in the National Peasant Party (PNT). Thus far, the PNL has proved a more or less subservient party, supporting your initiatives and being more or less open to expanding the King’s political power. Despite victory in the war, a weak economy and much publicized scandals have weakened the PNL, sparking fears of a PNT victory – which would strengthen liberal democracy and reduce your influence – as well as good performances by the fascist Iron Guard and even the usually irrelevant Communists. How will you handle the election? Will you intervene at all?

The war is over, and its end comes at a necessary point due to the weakness of the Romanian economy, eroded by the costs of the war, the now removed US sanctions and embargo, and a lack of a clear economic direction. Despite Romania’s significant advantage in terms of its oil resources, it is undeniable that the country is struggling, with very realistic fears that the Czech crash could hit Romania particularly hard due to the strong economic ties between both nations promoted by the Little Entente, at a time in which funds are scarce. Manoilescu continues to lobby hard for autarky and protectionism as the necessary response, turning Romania into a “fortress” that is less vulnerable to the events in Prague, while others push to seek foreign investment, loans or aid to prevent the economy from deteriorating further. What should be done?

Spanish Republic

Prime Minister,

The elections are over, signaling what can only be considered a very awkward moment for the PRR. Despite a strong performance, the fallout from the Straperlo scandal and other factors fueled a worrying rise by the CEDA, making it by far the strongest force in the Cortes despite its apparent inability – though not by much – to form a government on its own. Although the President resents and distrusts you – leading some to name him as a prime suspect for scandal being leaked -, he certainly loathes the CEDA far more, putting you in a very curious position as a government must now be formed. Unless a new election is sought, you must now decide how broad or how narrow a coalition you desire for the next government, as well as how much the CEDA – emboldened and increasingly baying for blood against revolutionaries – should be appeased. What kind of government will you seek to form?

Leaving aside the parliamentary arithmetic of the Cortes Generales, it will also be necessary to make decisions on how to best handle the Straperlo scandal, the Cabinet ministers seemingly involved, and how to restore the PRR’s image. Aside from this, other issues demanding decisions include the exiled Companys, currently flouting his death sentence by residing in Paris; the CEDA’s demand to systematically apply the death penalty to those tried for involvement in the Revolution; growing demands by the Catholic Church for greater autonomy and privileges, hoping to recover what was lost in the first few years of the new Republic; and, of course, the economic outlook, which remains concerning despite some progress being made in terms of stimulating the agricultural sector.

Dominion of Canada

Prime Minister,

The loss of the government’s parliamentary majority comes at a strange time in many ways. With the defection of Lawson and his “National Party”, you are now four seats short, but the government’s apparent popularity – fueled by the School Lunch Act and the completion of the so-called “Keynesian shift” – makes it unlikely that the opposition would dare attempt a vote of no confidence. Ultimately, you must now decide – aside of which new policies to enact – how you will react to this political setback. Some proposed alternatives include trying to deal with Lawson or the Social Credit grouping, to seek a new mandate in an early, snap general election, or simply moving ahead with a minority government, daring the opposition to vote down an agenda that, aside from some minor exceptions, has been well received. What will you do?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

Over the past few years, and in spite of the painful setback of South West Africa – with now several European nations joining Germany in blocking your intentions -, it is undeniable that the South African Party has consolidated power. The National Party sinks into irrelevance as its more moderate MP’s defect to you, and the first batches of European immigrants start to arrive in Cape Town, a flow that could drastically increase if the fears of another European economic crisis materialize. Having achieved this, many wonder what lies ahead, and what your ultimate goals might be. What will be your vision for the future of South Africa? And what policies should be implemented to achieve this vision?

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

After three controversial years in office, the time has come to seek another mandate from the electorate. The election comes at a sensitive moment, with economic recovery and the popularity of the National Health Service pilot being compromised by a lack of activity over the past couple of years. The slender government majority is also cause for concern, sparking fears that the UAP could achieve a comeback and return to government without too much difficulty. Ultimately, the election could well depend on your ability to persuade the public to trust Labor again, as well as the agenda that the party puts forward, and how you handle outstanding crises, including the ever present threat of the High Court, the controversial marriage plans of King Edward VIII, and the issue of Australia’s place and influence in the region. How will you fight this election?

Kingdom of Hungary

Regent,

You have returned to a Budapest left in utter ruin, the clearest sign of the major struggle the nation has undergone over the past few years. Although the Treaty of Paris is not without controversy, as many view it as humiliating on its demands, there is a clear sense of relief that the nation has managed to survive, a prospect that appeared to be impossible. Now, an equally difficult task begins. With the country wounded, in debt, and even threatened by the crash in neighboring Prague, you must find a way to reconstruct the Kingdom to avoid losing this hard earned peace. Moreover, you must also decide what to do with the Archduke, and with the previously suspended parliamentary elections, particularly now that Prime Minister Gombos has passed away due to ill health. It is an unenviable position to be in given the challenges ahead, but much can still be achieved and there is a wide array of alternatives to follow. What will you do?

Kingdom of Bulgaria

Your Majesty,

The Bulgarian Army had previously and successfully swarmed most of Yugoslavian Macedonia with assistance from Mihailov and the IMRO, coming close to besieging and capturing Skopje before the Yugoslavian Royal Army was able to react. Still, the end of the Third Balkan War has allowed the new military government to refocus, rejecting peace overtures and successfully relieving Skopje. The Yugoslavs are undoubtedly superior in terms of manpower, but the strain and attrition of several years of war have gone a long way in establishing some sense of parity within the Macedonian battlefields. Short of – somehow – getting Belgrade to accept a negotiated settlement, you must now decide how to prosecute this conflict. Should the Bulgarian Army play defense, or should it seek to win the main prize by capturing Skopje? Will you seek foreign assistance of any kind?

Chinese Northern Coalition

Field Marshal,

Over the past few years, and following you bitter exile from your father’s territories in Manchuria, you’ve been able to rebuild something of a powerbase with the assistance of Feng Yuxiang and Yan Yishan. Thus, the so-called “Northern Coalition” of warlords has successfully resisted Generalissimo Chiang and, despite its inability to liberate Manchuria thus far, it has undoubtedly caused trouble for Tokyo as bands of your loyalists continue to resist within the region. With overtures from Chiang proving unsuccessful thus far, and as Hu Hanmin recedes into the background, your closest advisors – including your American friend – sense an opportunity for you to cement your power not only within the Northern warlords, but perhaps also with the South. Many decisions must be made, including how to handle Chiang and the Japanese, whether to seek foreign assistance, and ultimately, what your goals are for the future.

Irish Free State

Mr. President,

Five years of government by Fianna Fáil - who possesses a small, but workable majority in the Oireachtas - have been both momentous and controversial, and are soon to face the verdict from the electorate in a General Election at the end of the year. In the run-up to said contest, many issues require decisions, most of which are related to the Free State's complex relationship with the United Kingdom. Although the Statue of Westminster granted long desired autonomy, it is no secret that you and your party desire to truly break free from London, a task in which you've made some headway. Still, Ireland remains a British dominion with a Governor General, the British military still controls the so-called "Treaty Ports", and Northern Ireland, of course, remains under the yoke of Protestant "unionists". Thus far, you've fought London for the past five years with a costly trade war, one which has ruined the Irish economy - and forced it into autarky - whilst inflicting lesser damage on the British. How will you handle the coming election, and should be done about the British?

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Carnage in Yugoslavia

Royal Yugoslav Army crushes Bosniaks, "Rape of Sarajevo",
Bulgarian counteroffensive gains ground in Macedonia, Skopje surrounded,
Serbian nationalism on the rise, Belgrade sees talk of a "Greater Serbia"

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

Upon crossing the Hungarian and Croatian borders back into Yugoslavian territory, the battered units of the Royal Yugoslav Army - now in firm control over the remnants of the nation - geared up for new campaigns, having to face the threat of the Bosniak and Macedonian uprisings, the latter of which was now fully backed by the Bulgarian military. Efforts during the first few months of the year focused upon the Bosniak rebels, who had gained control over several Muslim-majority areas and were on the verge of establishing a provisional government in the captured regional capital of Sarajevo. Despite their exhaustion and attrition, the Yugoslav military proved to be far better armed and battle-hardened than their militia counterparts, resulting in defeat upon defeat for the Bosniak commanders. The campaign appeared to reach its culmination when the Yugoslav military reached the gates of Sarajevo. With the city captured, and with open acts of defiance and/or skirmishes in the streets, tragedy ensued.

Already embittered over defeat in the Third Balkan War and angry at a perceived foreign betrayal, the predominantly Serbian officer corps further blamed non-Serbian minorities for the outcome of the war. It had become common in Belgrade to hear talk of the martyr King Alexander and his Army having been stabbed in the back by Croats, Bosniaks and Macedonians, and the increasingly radicalized Serbians, unable to punish the Croats, at least had a chance to avenge defeat by occupying Sarajevo. And so they did. In what was officially described as the "liberation" of the city, unconfirmed reports - backed by Bosniak sources - allege that the city was subjected to an orgy of violence at the hands of the Royal Yugoslav Army, a week-long nightmare of looting, summary mass executions, and other unspeakable acts, resulting in thousands of civilian casualties. For their part, sources in Belgrade have dismissed such talk as the result of enemy propaganda.

Thus crushed on the field, Bosniak rebels have been forced to turn towards guerilla warfare and to move towards rural areas. Despite attempts to take refuge by crossing the Croatian borders, there are reports that the local Croatian forces - regardless of their allegiance to Macek or Pavelic - have firmly denied access to any Bosniak refugees, while at the same time destroying Muslim villages or militia units established within Croatia's new borders. The fall of Sarajevo has also threatened to cause an international incident, for the Regency Council in Belgrade stated that German weaponry and supplies had been found in the hands of Bosniak rebels. Immediately recalling its ambassador to Berlin and expelling his German counterpart from Belgrade, the Yugoslav government has threatened to sever diplomatic relations and demanded compensation.

Down south, it was Bulgaria's turn to strike following the most recent Yugoslav offensive. After undertaking significant moves to gear the nation towards war, as well as redeploying much of their armed forces, the Bulgarians - together with the IMRO Macedonian rebels - struck hard in a counteroffensive, breaking through the Yugoslav lines and recovering lost territory. Shortly after destroying isolated Yugoslav pockets of resistance, an assault on the regional capital of Skopje was repelled with heavy IMRO casualties. However, the Bulgarians were able to surround the city, forcing the local - and sizable - garrison into a siege with the rest of the Royal Yugoslav Army withdrew and regrouped. In Belgrade proper, Regent Milan Nedic has continued to reorganize the new military government, with a number of younger and junior officers quickly emerging as the driving force behind the new regime.

Among the many rumors associated with the military regime, one of the most dramatic point towards Colonel Draza Mihailovic - the new Minister of Defence - and his close associate Stevan Moljević - a government ideologue - as the leaders of a rising hardliner faction, thought to have recently endorsed a plan calling for a "Greater Serbia". According to this vision, defeat on the war and the separation of Slovenia and Croatia would warrant the replacement of the old Yugoslavia into a proper, ethnically pure, "Kingdom of Greater Serbia". With Serbia standing stable and Montenegro remaining loyal to Belgrade, the idea is believed to be gaining steam quickly - even across the public -, and may be seen as one of the causes of the harsh retribution imposed upon the Bosniaks. With further talk of ethnic cleansing on the rise, it appears the end of the Third Balkan War will not mean peace in the Balkans just yet.

[Lumine]

CRISIS

War in the Far East!

Chiang and Zhang reach accord, declare war on Japan,
KMT invades Shanghai and Manchuria, meets initial success,
Carnage in all fronts, Japanese preparations prevent debacle

FOR: CHINA, JAPAN, NORTHERN COALITION

Years upon years of disagreements between Generalissimo Chiang and the Nationalist warlords, themselves a direct result of the controversial Sino-Japanese Treaty, appeared to have no end in sight. At least that's what American journalists reported back to a world which, in spite of some heightened interest following the revelations of the Kwantung Army and the failed coup in Japan, did not pay much attention to the whole affair. It was therefore understandable that new meetings went unnoticed, as foreign observers essentially missed what became a historic rapprochement between Chiang and Zhang Xueliang, the Young Marshal. Although the terms and context of this understanding remain a mystery, it soon became evident that Zhang had been rehabilitated by the KMT, and that the warlords had dropped most of their outward hostility towards Chiang. The reasons became clear soon enough.

Despite having set up a screen of aerial reconnaissance across the Manchukuo border, the Kwantung Army originally thought that advancing forces were another futile movement by Zhang loyalist militias, realizing - almost too late - that it was the Northern Coalition standing forces, supported by several divisions of the Kuomintang's National Revolutionary Army. Having already been preparing defensive positions for a while, General Hideki Tojo immediately sought to concentrate his forces, with several elements spread across Manchukuo to fight militia or bandit attacks. Outnumbered, yet vastly better supplied than the opposition, the Japanese Army blunted the joint Chinese offensive in the south and turned it into a debacle, a so-called slaughterhouse as hundreds - thousands - of invading troops were viciously gunned down or bombarded to oblivion having only gained a few kilometers.

In the north, however, the Chinese were able to use Jehol Province - and the Great Wall - as far more useful staging point, penetrating the Japanese lines in a far more successful dash towards inner Manchuria. Although this northern offensive has placed the Chinese in a position to deliver a potentially significant blow, the breakthough has taken place in a region outside all the main lines of transport and communication, with the Greater Khingan Range - alongside other obstacles - standing in the way. Far down south, the other key battleground proved to be the city of Shanghai, in which a large KMT force stormed into the supposedly demilitarized zone to strike at the Japanese garrison. In this the Japanese forces also benefited from extensive preparations, having boosted the garrison with well-equipped forces.  It was a fortuitous choice, as in spite of clear superiority in training and weapons, Chinese morale proved to be sky high, which coupled with an enormous superiority in numbers overran the initial Japanese positions and pushed them deep into their own area of influence.

Although the local KMT commander dared to dream of an early victory, pushing the enemy to the sea, initial successes soon turned into butchery when the small Japanese naval squadron - led by the cruiser Izumo - provided naval gunfire, destroying scores of advancing platoons. From there, a combination of aerial and naval bombardment has brought the Chinese advance to a temporary end, narrowly preventing a disaster for the Japanese. Much of the city has been rocked by gunfire and aerial combat, with both the French and International Settlements becoming involved and suffering hundreds of civilian casualties, including a few dozen international citizens. In the aftermath of these bloody offensives into Manchuria and Shanghai, the Republic of China delivered a formal declaration of war to the Empire of Japan, citing "the atrocities committed by the Kwantung Army and Japan's refusal to withdraw from rightfully Chinese territory".

Whilst initial anti-Chinese protests have begun to erupt in Tokyo, an apparent surge of patriotism and national morale appears to be taken place in major Chinese cities, even in the now bombed, hollowed-out Shanghai. Although it is too early to tell how the war will develop and how Chinese morale might be impacted by it given thus far astounding casualties, it is clear that the Chiang-Zhang alliance has, for now, captured the mood of the nation.

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"Divini Redemptoris: Pope Pius XI issues strident papal encyclical denouncing "atheistic Communism" and expressing concern at the "growth of marxism" across Western and Central Europe..."

"European stock enchanges show slight rebound after Czechoslovak Parliament narrowly approves motion in favor of the Krakow Conference. The situation, however, remains tense for the financial markets...."

"Aviator Amelia Earhart successfully completes a circumnavigational flight of the globe after landing at Lae Airfield, becoming the first woman to do so. Mrs. Earhart, by her own admission, risked death many times while flying over the Pacific Ocean..."

"Whilst the Japanese economy mobilizes into a war footing, China wakes up to a full naval blockade from the Imperial Japanese Navy, preventing any war material from reaching either Nanjing or the local warlords..."

"Following bitter denounciation by Sergei Kirov, NKVD Deputy Chief Nikolai Yezhov was been shot dead while resisting an improvised arrest by what is assumed to be Kirov loyalists in the Red Army. There are reports of tanks in the streets of Moscow..."

"Embarrassed by Justo-Roosevelt affair, the Argentinian government is forced to acknowledge defeat on the most recent Presidential Election, won by opposition candidate - and former President - Alvear. Despite the concessions, fears of a military coup dominate Buenos Aires..."

[Lumine]

CRISIS

Turnmoil in the Balkans

Italy invades and occupies Albania, Zog flees into exile,
Military coup in Greece, PM Venizelos caught off guard while in Ankara

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

The larger conflict may have been over, but the Balkans themselves were neither peaceful nor likely to be in the short term. And while this alone could have been proved merely by glancing at the fall of Sarajevo and the siege of Skopje, further events have added greater uncertainty to the mix as war and revolution take place. In Albania, tension had been rising since Rome blamed King Zog's government for mistreating local Italian residents and showing defiance against Italian forces established in the country, which led to an ultimatum. The King, unwilling to lose political autonomy, chose to defy it. The response was swift. Within a few days, the Regia Marina showed up across the coastline and outside the main port of Durres, bringing over 20,000 men under the command of General Giovanni Messe. Having expected an easy landing and in spite of wisely undermining Albanian resistance through intrigue, a nasty surprise was found when the Regia Marina came under attack from newly installed coastal artillery, covertly procured by Zog to try and buy time.

This, in turn, delayed the Italian landings and caused a significant setback when the heavy cruiser Pola was sunk by an artillery barrage, killing hundreds of sailors. In the end, however, such efforts came too late and proved to be too limited due to the need to maintain secrecy, with further shelling being prevented after the batteries that had managed to be installed in time were ruthlessly destroyed by the Regia Aeronautica. Now in control of the coast, Messe pushed ahead as Zog fled to Tirana and then into the mountains, a delaying action fought alongside a few thousand loyalists. Outnumbered and weakened by defections, Zog nonetheless evaded Messe and kept up resistance for over three weeks, inflicting heavy casualties to the overstretched Italian forces in the process. In the aftermath of the total collapse of his positions, the King and his entourage crossed the Yugoslav border and requested political asylum from Belgrade, the status of which remains undetermined. Despite some limited setbacks, Italy is now in firm control over the Kingdom, further expanding its control over the Adriatic.

The other significant event took place in the newly restored Kingdom of Greece, which had only recently gained a brief respite from instability after a minority pro-Venizelist government - led by the elderly Eleftherios Venizelos himself - was able to take office with unofficial support from the local Communist movement. Keen to double down on his previous policies, Venizelos did his best to bring the army back into civilian control and pursued intense negotiations with the Republic of Turkey, which would have had Greece entering the increasingly relevant Eurasian Alliance. The negotiations proceeded successfully up to the point in which Venizelos himself - alongside Prince Paul, heir to the throne - was able to fly to Ankara to finalize his entry on the Alliance. With the Prime Minister out of the country, the military - ever discontent over Communist participation in the government, and now incensed at the prospect of a Turkish alliance - chose to strike.

Either with King George's support or tacit acceptance after the fact, Generals Ioannis Metaxas and Alexandros Papagos mobilized the Army, declared martial law and suspended Parliament. As scores of Venizelist or Communist leaders - the former of which were held captive, and the latter of which were summarily executed - were arrested, Metaxas was elevated to the premiership as Papagos was confirmed as the Chief of the General Staff. Although infighting remains in some isolated areas of the country, particularly in Crete, the military has proclaimed a successful end to "the international conspiracy against Greek sovereignty", justifying their coup d'etat on the threat of a Communist dictatorship and declaring that, for the foreseeable future, the Kingdom of Greece would remain under a state of emergency. As Prince Paul quietly returns to Athens without saying a word to the potentially deposed premier, Venizelos has denounced the coup from Ankara as "an act of treason", and vowed to fight.