2024 South African general election, 29 May:

[Mike88]

The 2024 South African general election is scheduled for 29 May. ANC, African National Congress, leader and President of the Republic Cyril Ramaphosa is candidate for reelection, for a full 2nd term.

Several opposition parties have formed an alliance called the "Multi-Party Charter" in order to form an united front against ANC and the far-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), but, as of now, no unity candidate has been announced.

Polls suggest that the ANC is on track to lose its majority, which would result in a hung parliament. The latest poll by Ipsos:

40.5% ANC
20.5% DA
19.6% EFF
  4.9% IFP
  4.3% ActionSA
  2.1% VF+
  1.0% ACDP
  7.1% Others

[Duke of York]

If there is a hung parliament it would be first since the restoration of Democracy.

[jaichind]

If ANC loses the majority I assume it will need to get EFF support which would shift its policy toward a more Leftist and African nationalist direction.

[Estrella]

The provincial contests are something to watch too. Even if ANC is heading for an utterly catastrophic result, they have enough of a cushion that they'll almost certainly keep their majorities in the very black, very rural and very poor provinces of Eastern Cape (where they won 69% in 2019), Mpumalanga (71% in 2019) and Limpopo (75% in 2019). Western Cape is the only province governed by the opposition (55% for DA and only 28% for ANC) and even though DA has its own share of scandals and failures, they don't look like they'll lose much – even if they don't win a majority, they have a choice of right-wing partners like VF+ and ACDP.

Other provinces are less clear-cut. ANC does better among rural Coloureds in Northern Cape than urban ones in Western Cape (who are the reason why DA holds the province and Cape Town) and they won a majority here with 57% against 26% for DA, but the rise of various small Coloured parties like the frankly scary Patriotic Alliance, plus EFF taking black ANC voters will be more than enough to do them in. The question is if a coalition of DA+EFF+probably also two or three more parties will hold together for more than five seconds. North West is held by the ANC with 62%, but it's also EFF's strongest province (18% and second place) thanks to its strength among unionized miners after the Marikana massacre. I'd guess that opposition wins here too, but trying to hold together an EFF+DA+VF coalition would be... interesting. Free State is held by the ANC by a similar margin (ANC 61%, DA 18%, EFF 13%) but doesn't really have big cities or a strong non-white opposition demographic like miners or Coloureds so perhaps ANC will stay above 50% if they're lucky. In all of these provinces it's possible that if ANC is close enough to a majority, it will instead find a minor party (certainly not DA or VF+ and probably not EFF either) willing to whore itself out for a sufficiently big bag of cash, so who knows.

Gauteng is SA's richest and most populous province, but also one with major social problems (even by SA standards) with poverty, crime and violence against immigrants from other African countries. In 2019, ANC held its majority only by a hair (50.2% ANC, 27.5% DA, 14.7% EFF) and this time they'll obviously fall far behind. I don't think DA has much room to grow, but EFF does very well with frustrated young urban black people, and there's a new kid on the block – ActionSA, the libertarian-ish but mostly anti-immigrant party of Johannesburg mayor Herman Mashaba. Again there's the usual mystery of how the hell do you hold together a coalition ranging from wannabe Mugabe to wannabe Verwoerd, but what makes it worse is that Gauteng already has an experience with how well that goes. Since ANC lost its majority in Joburg in 2016, the city has had nine different mayors, the current one being a member of the tiny Islamist party Al Jama-ah that won literally 1% in the city election.

KwaZulu-Natal could be the most interesting race. A former bastion of the Zulu IFP, after Jacob Zuma was elected ANC leader and dispelled the old image of the party as 'Xhosa Nostra', ANC gained control of the province. IFP was weakened further after a pro-ANC faction left to found the NFP and for a while it looked like the party might be on the brink of death. They had something of a dead cat bounce in 2019 (the provincial result was 54% ANC, 16% IFP, 14% DA, 10% EFF), but they still won less than IFP+NFP together five years before. They've been doing a bit better recently though as a kind of default vote for (especially rural and traditionalist) Zulus disappointed with ANC. As for Zuma, he's still incredibly popular among his people: there were the infamous riots and lootings in Durban after his arrest for corruption, and his recently founded outfit MK Party is making a huge splash. A poll put its support in KZN at 24% (!) and it remains to be seen how far ANC will fall.

[Pouring Rain and Blairing Music]

Is there any reason why an ANC-EFF coalition would be unlikely? I know EFF split off from ANC, but I think ANC would be a better ideological match than DA or especially VF+.

[GM Team Member and Deputy PPT WB]

MK seems to have some... worrisome supporters, including the leader of the "too radical and crazy even for EFF" Black First Land First (paywalled article but it does seem like Andile Mngxitama is supporting MK)

For some context on BLF, they had to be forced into changing their party charter to allow for white people to join, in order to re-register as a party. De facto, white people are still not allowed:

[warandwar]

If ANC loses the majority I assume it will need to get EFF support which would shift its policy toward a more Leftist and African nationalist direction.

This seems to be the clear strategy of the RET faction within ANC and Zuma's crew. It has also shifted the rest of the parties into an absurd alliance that would be extremely unstable were it ever to come to power.

[Flyersfan232]

If ANC loses the majority I assume it will need to get EFF support which would shift its policy toward a more Leftist and African nationalist direction.

south africa would be better off with a anc majority

[jaichind]

If ANC loses the majority I assume it will need to get EFF support which would shift its policy toward a more Leftist and African nationalist direction.

south africa would be better off with a anc majority

In many ways, EFF is the true ANC and reflect what the policy positions of ANC back in the 1970s and 1980s

[Frodo]

I had assumed the ANC would pull off a (narrow) majority one last time this year, and then in 2029 be forced to resort to plurality rule with the EFF.  Clearly the South African electorate have other ideas if the polls match the actual votes when they come...  

[Oryxslayer]

I had assumed the ANC would pull off a (narrow) majority one last time this year, and then in 2029 be forced to resort to plurality rule with the EFF.  Clearly the South African electorate have other ideas if the polls match the actual votes when they come...  

Apparently things have accelerated with power cuts/outages returning since the new year.

[Secretary of State Liberal Hack]

How are DA, EFF relationships ? Like ideologically and in terms of voter base they seem to have little in common but in practice they tend to form governments together against the ANC. What kind of government does this lead to in practice ?

[parochial boy]

Well I am just returning from a month visiting the girlfriend’s family in South Africa, so here is a long rambling post. It overlaps a bit with Estrella’s excellent one, he focused more on the provinces while I’ve talked more about the party scene, and it might answer some questions
 
As has been mentioned the ANC could lose their majority, The real uncertainty however is by how much. A score in the high 40s would likely allow them to stay in government through offering cabinet posts and pork to various small parties, but dropping into the mid or even low 40s would make government formation increasingly complex and chaotic. This is something that we have seen in the big metros, in particular Nelson Mandela Bay (Gqeberha/Port Elizabeth) and both Johannesburg and neighbouring Ekurhuleni (the “East Rand”, a combination of Joburg’s less affluent (white) suburbs and of working class mining towns that saw significant violence in the dying years of Apartheid). These have all seen multiple municipal governments collapsing. To an almost meme extent in Johannesburg which currently seems unable to keep the same mayor for more than two weeks and has been “led” by a series of mayors from micro parties like Al-Jama’ah. The reasons for this are multiple, South Africa having no history of coalition or multi-party government means no experience in managing coalition governments. In addition to this, the minor parties propping up these municipal governments shamelessly offer their support in exchange for money and power. Hence the spectacle of Joburg’s Al-Jama’ah mayors, as well as the city’s descent into mismanagement as posturing for power and shameless instances of supporting governments in exchange for winning municipal tenders have been a direct factor in the recent deadly fire in the degraded city centre. It has also been manifested in degrading service provision or the farcical spectacle of “interim” mayor Kenny Kunene (more on him later), using his one day in charge to rip down hijacked buildings inhabited by impoverished migrant workers.
 
Which of course, bodes incredibly badly for the outcome of the election, in particular as the voters deserting the ANC aren’t heading towards the DA or EFF, but instead all three parties are seeing a degree attrition as voters leave towards a plethora of minor parties of various sorts and sizes and who will be involved in an eventual government formation(s). Likewise, and this even applies in the case of the ANC retaining it’s majority, is the anticipation of a collapse in turnout, even further than the already weak 66% in 2019 (even after 1994, the first two decades of democracy saw turnouts consistently in the region of 80%) of registered voters, ignoring the actual low levels of voter registration this year, in particular among younger voters. In other words, the ANC’s vote is collapsing, purely numerically speaking. It is just that – and this is probably the key thing to remember in any discussion of South Africa’s party landscape – the opposition parties are fundamentally too weak to function as viable alternatives. Neither the DA nor the EFF have demonstrated any ability to offer a credibly, election winning alternative to the ANC.
 
A consequence of this disintegration of the partisan landscape can be seen in the DA’s announced “moonshot pact”, an alliance with several smaller right of centre parties (including, and potentially “led” by a new formation, “Change Starts Now” started by business man Roger Jardine, although potentially not – more on that later). that would seek to prevent an ANC/EFF “coalition of chaos”. Although in reality even said coalition is unlikely, the ANC in particular has soured on EFF collaboration, feeling that it give Malema too much credibility, and too much of an opportunity to present himself as an eventual successor.
 
This “pact” includes the delightful likes of the VF+, ActionSA and IFP – but excludes potentially influential players like the Patriotic Alliance (understandably, to be fair); COPE and Good (accused of being ANC plants); or Rise Mzansi (who, not being libertarian freaks, racist hatemongers or Christian fundamentalist nutcases are apparently a bit too unreliable for the DA). In any case, the coalition doesn’t have a hope in hell of winning a majority; the idea is that in presenting an alternative government it might seem credible enough to motivate people to turn out who otherwise wouldn’t.
 
In the same vein, relations between the ANC and EFF, never solid at the best of times, have soured recently. Collaboration in the municipalities has been difficult and the EFF often back the DA instead. Which, with some of the minor parties souring on the moonshot, paradoxically all means that a DA/ANC grand coalition is no longer as unlikely as it once seemed. In actual fact, an eventual EFF-ANC coalition is probably no more likely than a grand coalition of the ANC with the DA.
 
Curiously though, one impact of this partisan churn is that for perhaps the first time since 1994, we are going to see big regional voting patterns even among black voters. For instance the even if the ANC are holding up in their Eastern Cape heartlands; the IFP (and now MK Party) are surging in KwaZulu-Natal; EFF are strong in Malema’s homeland of Limpopo and the mining areas of the North West; the DA have had some solid by-election results in black areas of Cape Town while urban areas of Gauteng are being courted by the anti-immigrant discourse of ActionSA and the Patriotic Alliance. So watch out for a much more interesting electoral map than we have seen before.
 
On that note, here is how things stand for each of the relevant parties:
 
ANC – The government is deeply unpopular after years of economic stagnation, corruption affairs and declining public services. In particular, they will be hit by what is the defining issue in South Africa today: “loadshedding”, that is, the rolling blackouts that have only got worse as the apartheid legacy state energy company Eskom becomes increasingly unable to meet demand. There are reasons for this, often cited is the outrageous “state capture” of the Zuma era which diverted resource away from public services in a blatantly criminal way. This isn’t the only cause, under Ramaphosa the crisis has continued to deepen, now increasingly going in hand with a water crisis. Failing public investment and mismanagement of resources is a chronic issue, likely to get worse with announced budget cuts, and has all led the country’s coal power plants falling into disrepair and no public investment in renewables. In the same vein, this mismanagement of public services, under investment and siphonining off of public funds means a lot of people are quite worried about the consequences of the NHI, a proposed National Health Service, more out of fears of how resources are managed than the actual existence of such a system. Ramaphosa has also faced criticism for his own legal affairs and his takes on the Ukraine conflict, although the latter annoys urban liberals it is not on the whole relevant for most people in the country. To add insult to this, Zuma himself has now actually split off from the party to create a new formation, “Umkhonto we sizwe” (or MK Party), a somewhat controversial name for obvious reasons, in particular in KZN where it could eat into the Zuma-loyalist ANC vote.
 
On the flip side, him and the party have won a lot of domestic credibility over the decision to take Israel to the ICJ. For the sake of sanity I will avoid commenting on this too much except to note that the case has been a source of pride for South Africans (especially within the Coloured community) who, for historical reasons, often feel a great deal of solidarity with the Palestinian movement. All this means, overall, that the ANC is shedding voters – in particular in urban areas and especially among younger voters who increasingly perceive the ANC as being a “party for grandmas” as a generational divide opens up among black South Africans; but also increasingly in certain rural ones – even while it does hold strong in the former Eastern Cape homelands (Mandela-land), where it is in particular benefitting from the decline into irrelevance of Xhosa led opposition parties like COPE or the UDM.
 
Democratic Alliance – in recent years, under the impulse of Helen Zille, the party’s undisputed source of power, the DA has swung towards an increasingly libertarian and now “anti-woke” messaging. This is in part a response to the disappointment of the Maimane years, but has also scared off much of the black middle class electorate that it thought it had been building – as well as pushing out a number of black and coloured figures, Maimane himself for example, out the door. The DA is also having an increasingly difficult time among the Cape Town Coloured electorate who have formed its base in recent years with an often blatantly favouritist, dare I say racist, policy agenda in areas like public services, police resources, housing and evictions. This degree of racism is something very much perceived, and very much commented on in discussions surrounding the party, even among liberal whites this is increasingly a source of frustration as they feel the party is becoming less and less serious about even trying to win power, is too obviously out of touch and doesn’t have any serious solutions beyond ideological gimmicks to solve the issues the country is facing. Further compounding the problem is the increasing number of Afrikaners deserting it for the VF+.* *
 
The claim is often made of the that the DA run the best public services in the country in Cape Town, in practice that means filling in potholes, although they do indeed seem to be doing some Ok stuff on social housing, even if tentatively; and have some decent younger municipal leaders in Cape Town and Umngeni (Howick in KwaZulu-Natal) who seem a bit more lucid than the ageing national leadership.; But even here, there has often simply been a cruel neglect of poorer areas when it comes to resource allocation, which have sprung major protests in recent years and contributed to the desertion of poorer Coloured voters. For instance, in the small town of Swellendam, recent protests and violence broke out over claims that the DA municipal government were treating poorer coloured areas blatantly worse when it came to service provision; and cutting subsidies to people living in informal housing compounded this perception of racism in the city administration. Such perceptions have hardly even decreased in recent times, the DA’s stance on Israel being unpopular with these same Coloured voters, exemplified in the recent painting over of a Palestine flag mural in the struggling Cape Town suburb of Lavendar Hill, with the oft repeated comment that the police turning up to paint over the flag was the first sign of any “public services” that the township had seen in years.
 
One a more material level, the DA buffed up its racist credentials in response to the Cape Town taxi strike. Broadly speaking, in response to the chronic violence in the Cape Town shared taxi industry, the CT administration started a crackdown on the taxi operators, including confiscations of taxis. The taxi operators then responded with a city wide strike; which, while barely impacting the city’s rich white inhabitants, was massively punitive to its poorer black and coloured ones who rely on share taxis for any access to mobility at all. A fact which is compounded by the DA’s urban planning, which has revolved around removing poorer inhabitants from the gentrifying city centre and placing them in far flung suburbs without access to public amenities or the jobs market and ever more reliant on the taxis. The DA’s response to the strike, condescending and refusing to admit that this sort of urban separation was literally what the Apartheid regime used to do obviously did not help perceptions. (writing a lot about the DA because people often seem to think they are harmless liberals, or somehow a milquetoast and reasonable outfit).**
 
EFF – Like the other two, a more schizophrenic outfit than people realise. For instance, Julius Malema appears to have undergone a recent woke turn; the party adopting a pro-LGBT and pro-migrant line (in fact the only party to actively defend migrants) that not many people would have expected, and while possibly a testament to the influence of the party’s grassroots, has not always been met favourably by people who might be tempted to vote for them. Likewise, the often publicized statements about the Boere or white monopoly capital and appeals to racial resentment are certainly there. But at the same time, in practice they are often the only party even present in the lives of people living in informal and illegal settlements, in terms of helping them access basic public services, which does actually matter (and fwiw, the party does have white supporters and members, occasionally even putting up white candidates for election). Unsurprisingly, the unashamedly tankie Malema is also the biggest mainstream Russia fan. The party on the whole are looking pretty stagnant in the run up to the election, don’t expect a big surge, and while strong in the mining areas of the north (Limpopo and North West provinces), are seeing their fortunes decline in urban areas in Gauteng and in particular in KZN where they are losing wholesale to the IFP, something that has led to Malema recently launching a series of violent attacks on the nationalist party.
 
What remains to be seen with the EFF however, is the degree to which the party will/can, develop an existence outside of Malema himself. Malema recently expelled a full fifth of all of the parties elected officials over them not providing enough buses to bring supporters to the EFF’s 10th anniversary bash, continuing a tradition of purging any figures developing any sort of a public profile in the party and who might emerge as long term rivals. Clearly, Malema intends to continue to rule the party with an iron fist, but at the same time, it’s participation in various municipal governments inherently means profiles developing. In particular in Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni (the East Rand), where they seem to have actual competent figures involved in housing and transport policy and interested in discussing a wider variety of areas such as a public investment bank and often close to what would be perceived as standard woke fair in the west. The point being, it is up in the air as to whether the EFF will survive a post Malema era. Malema, despite undeniably being a self-serving egomaniac populist, is probably the best “politician” in the country right now. That is, the person best able to wield a level of charisma and create a buzz, so it is telling that the party is struggling to get a higher level of support than something in the low to mid teens under his leadership. All of which means is that without him it might die out completely, might radicalize, but might also transform into a conventional left wing party, as there are clearly parts of the membership who want that. Who knows.
 
As for the smaller parties:
 
ActionSA – after their 2021 breakthrough, the assumption is that they will continue to be strong in urban areas down to their delightful appeal to both libertarian whites and xenophobic blacks. Although this is speculation as they have largely avoided standing in any municipal by-elections to test that out.
 
IFP – are surging in KwaZulu-Natal, including areas outside of the old KwaZulu homeland, to the point they might actually be favoured to emerge as KZN’s largest party and govern the province. In particular, there have been persistent rumours of an outreach attempt to crime fearing Indian voters in Durban and the tough law and order message after the riots does appear to have worked well for them. Of course, so has the fall from grace of Jacob Zuma, which has turned Zulu nationalists away from the ANC, although on that note, the Zuma’s new MK party might eat into their gains, as deserting ANC voters turn towards it instead of the IFP. All in all, really delightful to see such a surge for the party that possibly has the nastiest history of all relevant players. For all the VF+ are apartheid apologising, white genocide conspiracy theorists – at least Viljoen helped put out the fires back in the 90s, at the same time the IFP were raping and murdering progressive Zulus.
 
Good – are a busted flush, won’t play a relevant role. Ditto for COPE.
 
MK Party – As mentioned, Zuma’s ANC splinter that stand for, well in theory left-of-the-ANC; in practice, corruption? They will likely be relevant in KwaZulu-Natal, where Zuma still has a strong degree of support; and in particular will make the ANC’s life difficult in a province where they are already contending with the IFP as serious rivals. In fact, recent by elections show the party as having had a very strong start in the province, and seeming to take votes fairly equally from each of the ANC, IFP and EFF. MK have also managed to build a constellation of support from certain other minor leftist parties such as the PAC (Pan Africanist Congress). For the moment this is hardly relevant as we are talking about barely relevant micro parties, although the potential of an alliance with the EFF, barely a rumour at the moment, could mean them being a combined force that gets up to 20% of the national vote.
 
Change Starts Now – As mentioned, led by Roger Jardine, a well known business man, who could possibly become the Multi Party Charter’s (the DA alliance) official Presidential candidate. The DA feel that they need to have someone who isn’t, you know, white as figurehead, or at least that was the expectation. Originally expected to offer standard neoliberal technocratic policies, the party has actually come out with a strongly redistributive manifesto. One centred around a large wealth tax and tax increases on higher earners to fund a roll out of public services and welfare spending.
 
Patriotic Alliance – these are an… interesting bunch, at first a sort of catch all populist party but now fairly unambiguously a far right one led by Gayton McKenzie, a convicted gangster; and Kenny Kunene, a seedy ex-fraudster and the type of “businessman” who unironically eats sushi off of naked models. The party have been surging in the both Cape Town and the rural Western Cape among coloured voters deserting the DA, as well as in black areas in Gauteng. The party basically stands on a platform of being angry at everyone, but in particular foreigners, mixed with some fairly bog standard right wing fair like bring back military service – mostly brought up as a defence against the fact they only talk about foreigners. In Gauteng they pick on foreign migrants, with close links to Operation Dudula an anti-immigrant vigilante outfit (who have also launched their own party, however) who like to pick on street traders from elsewhere in Africa or the Indian subcontinent. In Cape Town they PA pick on Xhosa migrants from the Eastern Cape; in Port Elizabeth they accuse the DA of racism. Always in tune to what makes people angry, they do a line in fuelling this, as seen in Kunene using his day as mayor of Joburg to demolish hijacked buildings - here is a bad thing, so let’s destroy it, regardless of the consequences. Or the law. And it seems to be working well, or at least did, as recent signs seems to indicate the surge is trailing off.
 
Rise Mzansi – this years think tank backed, black led, moderate “soc dem” option that will be popular with online progressives. They were launched by Songezo Zibi, a journalist and founder of the “Rivonia Circle” a left of centre think tank. The offer is basically a combination of “good governance” and soft Social Democratic policies. They do indeed seem to have a strong online following with plenty of support, also appearing well organized and generally doing a good job of putting themselves out there, in particular they have seemingly managed to put up posters on every single lamp post in the country. Although the degree to which this translates into any form of electoral success remains to be seen. Zibi himself has cited a target of 20-30 seats, but with no by-election results to go off to date, it is hard to estimate how realistic this is.
 
VF+ - worth mentioning as they are doing very well with Afrikaners at the moment, in particular in rural areas, and could overall be picking up close to half the Afrikaner vote. The whole “Boerestaat” things is no longer really relevant, but they have molded into a sort of Afrikaner rights interest group. Closely linked to AfriForum and making a big deal out of farm attacks, which are still a very sore topic.

* In fact, anecdotally, and this is obviously a Durban/Joburg/Cape Town bubble – but not exclusively – it is quite hard to find any white South Africans contemplating the idea of a DA vote with any more than the deepest reluctance. And this includes among people with, shall we say, views on race that would be seen as rather dubious in Western Europe or North America

** As Estrella mentioned Gauteng’s problems earlier, although the Western Cape is often cited as being the best governed province, not really a matter for debate, many of it’s social problems are in fact worse. Although CT’s Atlantic seaboard is walkable, and open, and feels safe with hundreds of people out an about; the city does have – and this is readily acknowledged – far worse violence than Joburg. It’s just that it is hidden miles away in the Cape Flats. Because CT is actually a far more segregated city than Joburg is. Cape Town – the nice parts at least – feels and looks White. Joburg is different in so far as in Joburg you do actually see black people with money. So take a judgment on which gets the moral highground.

[The Free North]

Should the EFF get into power either through coalition or on their own (less likely in 2024, perhaps more likely in 5-10 years), I will be selling South African equities, bonds, and the Rand with gusto.

[Coldstream]

Well I shall be cheering for the unified opposition, which I’m sure will go as well as it did in Hungary & Turkey - but a guy can dream.

[Flyersfan232]

How are DA, EFF relationships ? Like ideologically and in terms of voter base they seem to have little in common but in practice they tend to form governments together against the ANC. What kind of government does this lead to in practice ?

the eff have arming hamas in their manifest they added this after October 7th

[Flyersfan232]

Well I shall be cheering for the unified opposition, which I’m sure will go as well as it did in Hungary & Turkey - but a guy can dream.

i mean to be fair these parties to seem to have more in common politically then the ones in hungary and turkey did

[jaichind]

https://twitter.com/AfricaElect/status/1762895753733713975

MK seems to be a pro-Zuma ANC splinter

[MRS DONNA SHALALA]

Worth mentioning is that access to expatriate voting has been much more accessible this election. I was able to register to vote online for the first time, and I will be able to fill out a ballot at the consulate. Previously, the process was far more cumbersome. Lots of caveats here but given that the expat community is A) overwhelmingly white/pro-DA and B) over two million people strong, it could certainly make a difference on the margins.

[Logical]

Worth mentioning is that access to expatriate voting has been much more accessible this election. I was able to register to vote online for the first time, and I will be able to fill out a ballot at the consulate. Previously, the process was far more cumbersome. Lots of caveats here but given that the expat community is A) overwhelmingly white/pro-DA and B) over two million people strong, it could certainly make a difference on the margins.

Do expats get a vote for Provincial Parliaments too?

[MRS DONNA SHALALA]

Worth mentioning is that access to expatriate voting has been much more accessible this election. I was able to register to vote online for the first time, and I will be able to fill out a ballot at the consulate. Previously, the process was far more cumbersome. Lots of caveats here but given that the expat community is A) overwhelmingly white/pro-DA and B) over two million people strong, it could certainly make a difference on the margins.

Do expats get a vote for Provincial Parliaments too?

Alas, no - national election only

[Reactionary Libertarian]

If EFF gets into power the US must immediately grant asylum to all white South Africans.

[Oryxslayer]

If EFF gets into power the US must immediately grant asylum to all white South Africans.

This is bait, especially since the EFF govern locally with the DA and if they hypothetically do get into government it would probably be though such a anti-ANC coalition.

[warandwar]

If EFF gets into power the US must immediately grant asylum to all white South Africans.

https://twitter.com/RapportSA/status/1759110564469485725?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ct...

[GM Team Member and Deputy PPT WB]

If EFF gets into power the US must immediately grant asylum to all white South Africans.

EFF are crazy but they're not quite to that level. That'd be BLF (Black First Land First) which I mentioned earlier in the thread, and they've struggled to even get 0.1% of the vote.