Venezuela Politics and Elections - Presidential Election (July 28, 2024)
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Author Topic: Venezuela Politics and Elections - Presidential Election (July 28, 2024)  (Read 3985 times)
MRCVzla
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« on: October 10, 2023, 03:26:25 PM »
« edited: March 05, 2024, 09:11:16 PM by MRCVzla »

There is just over a year left until the Presidential Elections can be held in Venezuela for 2024, depending on whether the basic guarantees that the democratic opposition always demands are met, the elections could be a little more "free" and competitive, without excessive persecution (in the form of disqualifications) of their leaders or of "kidnapping" of parties through judicial means, otherwise it will be like in 2018, an "electoral type event" where President Nicolás Maduro and the ruling party PSUV are guaranteed to extend for 6 more years for the so-called "Bolivarian Revolution" regime until 2031, it has even been rumored that, as in 2018, the date of the presidential election will be called early forward to "catch the opposition unexpectedly", although it is generally expected that the election is held around Q4 (mainly December) of 2024, in total, whoever is elected must take the oath of office no matter what on January 10, 2025 as is said in the 1999 Constitution.

First of all, in less than two weeks, in principle on October 22, the Primaries of the opposition Unitary Platform will be held to elect a candidate to face Maduro in 2024. The event will be self-managed by the platform itself, which has its own Electoral Commission, the process will be manual and public places will be used primarily as voting centers, with a total of more than 3,000. The diaspora of Venezuelans abroad will also be able to participate, but only those who are in the "Permanently Electoral Register." official in more than 85 cities in 32 countries (15 of them in the United States), it was originally planned that there would be at least technical help from the CNE to facilitate the use of schools and other educational institutions as voting centers as well as the management of a security plan with the military of the "Republic Plan", in fact a request was submitted in June to the electoral power, but in one of the regime's strategies of doing what they wanted, the CNE board resigned, forcing a new renewal of the entity by the National Assembly of the Chavista supermajority with the mediation of the "co-opted" opposition, the renewal resulted in maintaining the 3:2 relationship of control of the CNE by the ruling party with the until then Comptroller General and long-serving official Chavista rank Elvis Amoroso as the new President of the Electoral Power. A few weeks ago at the beginning of October, the new CNE belatedly "responded" to the request of the National Primary Commission, expressing its willingness to provide the necessary technical help, but in exchange for delaying the date of the Primaries, the background would also be include more candidacies and cancel those where politicians are presented who, in the eyes of the institutions, are disqualified from holding public office, either due to alleged corruption or "having supported the sanctions or being behind plans against the Government/considered Traitors to the Homeland", etcetera.

The latter has been the thorniest issue of the entire Primary process since some of the 13 candidates who registered at the end of June have this type of impediments to finally be a potential candidate for the 2024 election (and de facto, the main opposition leader). According to the order from left to right on the ballot paper:

1. Andrés Caleca (independent supported by Movimiento por Venezuela, MPV, center-left): Economist and frequent electoral expert within the opposition, former member of the CNE between 1998 and 2000.
2. Freddy Superlano (Voluntad Popular of Leopoldo López, center to center-right): former AN Deputy elected in 2015 and the original winner of the election for Governor of the state of Barinas in 2021, he is one of the candidates who has a disqualification ( the same one that did not let him take office and force a partial election where the opposition still won), a faction of the historic left-wing Bandera Roja party also supports him.
3. Andrés Velásquez (La Causa R, very critical center-left), eternal presidential candidate in the 80s and 90s (specially at 1993), former Governor of the state of Bolívar (from whom he alleges that the 2017 election was stolen) and also a former parliamentarian, his party has been in of the opposition's hard line in favor of abstentionism.
4. Gloria Pinho (independent): Doctor in Constitutional Law who even presented a TV show, she was a candidate in 2021 for Mayor of the Chacao municipality (Caracas metropolitan area) for the co-opted opposition (obtaining 4.6%), she has denied having ties with other presidential candidates not present in the primaries who are against the presence of certain disqualified candidates, as most independent candidates, runs a civic platform in favor a dialogue.
5. Henrique Capriles Radonski (Primero Justicia, center) (*): former Mayor of the Baruta municipality and Governor of Miranda, winner of the previous opposition Primaries in 2012 and defeated presidential candidate in 2012 and 2013, also disqualified for alleged involvement in the Odebrecht case but at the same time his figure within the opposition has been diminished by the most radical wing, Maduro still maintains resentment towards him for the protests after the 2013 election...
6. Luis "Baló" Farías (independent): one of the unknown candidates in the race, a veterinarian from the state of Mérida (west), was a member of the movement called "Rebellion of the regions" where several politicians from the co-opted opposition were also found, is presented with a civic, progressive and decentralized platform.
7. Carlos Prosperi (de jure Acción Democrática of Henri Ramos Allup, socialdemocrat): Lawyer from the "llanero" state of Guárico, former Deputy, he is one of the main favorites to win the primaries for his more moderate line, he is part of the official faction of the historic "tolda blanca" and one of the member parties of the so-called internal "G4" of the Unitary Platform, if he wins he would also be one of the candidates that would garner the greatest consensus among those who are not running for the primary, he also has the support of the Movimiento Futuro of former Governor of Lara and 2018 presidential candidate Henri Falcón who distanced himself from the co-opted opposition and the Ecological Movement of Venezuela (MOVEV)
8. María Corina Machado (Vente Venezuela, conservative): the former Deputy is the main favorite to win the primaries and be the new opposition leader, despite having been disqualified for years (the 15-year ban was recently renewed thanks to complaints from politicians of the opposition co-opted by her link with the Guaidó's "interim government" and support for sanctions against the Chavista regime), she and her party represent the hardest and most critical line against Chavismo, counting on strong popular support, also supported by others parties within the same line (previously abstentionist or pro-sanctions) such as Alianza Bravo Pueblo of the exiled-persecuted Antonio Ledezma, Convergencia, Gente Emergente, among others.
9. César Almeida (independent supported by the UPP89 party, dissident Chavismo): another of the unknowns candidates, computer engineer, businessman and agricultural producer, also self-represented within civil society, like almost all opposition candidates, his program specializes in recovery of both institutions and the productive sector and infrastructure to improve the economy.
10. Roberto Enríquez (COPEI-ODCA, centre-right/christian democrat): traditional "Copeyano" politician and former Deputy, he was the leader of the Christian social party COPEI before its judicialization, claiming until recently to remain leader of the "tolda verde", he was persecuted political during the 2017 protests, more recently it seems that he is putting aside the dispute to regain control of COPEI (currently in the co-opted opposition) and present himself under a new, more social conservative movement. dependent on religious sectors (pro-life, against "gender ideology"), one of its allies is the Christian evangelical party NUVIPA.
11. César Pérez Vivas (Concertación Ciudadana, center): another former politician from COPEI, former Deputy and former Governor of the state of Táchira, he presents himself under a moderate and civic platform with the support of several independents and some dissidents of Chavismo.
12. Tamara Adrián (independent): activist for women's rights and the LGBTIQ+ community, she was the first transgender representative in both Venezuela and all Latin America in 2015, previously a member of Voluntad Popular, she runs with the United for Dignity movement and an environmental platform, in favor of Human Rights and also inclusion and gender equality.
13. Delsa Solórzano(Encuentro Ciudadano, center-right/social liberal): former Deputy for the Un Nuevo Tiempo party, she founded her own party in 2018, with a liberal platform and like all candidates, in defense of Human Rights, she is also within of the hard line of the opposition in favor of sanctions and at the time also of abstention as forms of pressure against Chavismo.

Regarding Capriles (*), just this weekend, he announced his resignation as a candidate for the primaries so that the disqualification against him would not harm the election of the opposition candidate. At the moment it is rumored that he would support another candidate (mainly Prosperi), otherwise your votes will be counted as null as the ballots cannot be reimpressed. Other candidates withdrew before or during the registration period, for example one of the members of the G4, Un Nuevo Tiempo does not have its own candidate, the governor of the state of Zulia and leader of the party Manuel Rosales refused to be one and the temporary candidate of the party, José Rafael Hernández, a low-profile leader, resigned a few weeks after formalizing his registration. The comedian and businessman Benjamín Rausseo (the popular "Er Conde del Guácharo") also intended to participate, and in the end he remained an independent pre-candidate outside of the Primaries, and of course the former President of the National Assembly and controversial "Interim President" Juan Guaidó also withdrew from the race and had no choice but to finally go into exile abroad (Miami) to avoid facing political persecution by the alleged cases of corruption due to the management of money confiscated from the Chavista regime by the Western "International Community", especially with the handover of the subsidiary of the state oil company PDVSA in the USA, CITGO to Chevron as well as the "Monomeros case" in Colombia. Outside of the Primary process, the leaders of the co-opted opposition also have presidential aspirations, Bernabé Gutierrez of AD ad-hoc, Juan Carlos Alvarado of COPEI ad-hoc and José Brito of Primero Venezuela, as well as the politician Antonio Ecarri, critic of the internal management of the Unitary Platform, meanwhile some other opposition parties like Leocenis García' liberal Prociudadanos or the Fuerza Vecinal party linked to opposition mayors are very open to support the winning candidate of the primaries.

The Primaries themselves have also been threatened by other presidential precandidates, one of them, Luis Ratti, an independent who calls himself an "opposition" who attempted to run in 2018, has tried through judicial means to suspend the process so that it can be can exclude those disqualified like Machado. Whoever wins the primaries would not only be the opposition candidate in 2024 but also the de facto leader of the opposition, and would probably have influence within the negotiations of the Dialogue process with the Government currently with the main mediation of the Government of Mexico, the opposition wants guarantees for "free elections" and everything that a hypothetical democratic transition entails, the Government wants in exchange the lifting of international sanctions against it or even the release of the businessman of Colombian descent Alex Saab, currently extradited and prosecuted for corruption by USA.

In parallel, the Chavista regime with Maduro at the head, facing international sanctions against it, has focused on carrying out a serious fight against the corruption caused by the Chavista leaders themselves (such as that of former Minister Tareck el- Aissami who was in charge of the state oil company PDVSA) and also against organized crime (they recently intervened in the Tocorón prison, which was corrupted and controlled by the infamous criminal group of the "Aragua Train" that has expanded throughout Latin America by same rhythm as Venezuelan migration), the economy continues to be marked by inflation and the continuous devaluation of the Bolívar and the purchasing power of ordinary Venezuelans (the so-called "economic war"), although less serious than in other years due to the flexibility of the use of the American dollar as an everyday currency, to the point that despite the sanctions against Chavista officials, some private or foreign investment has been revitalized as well as the presence and organization of large sporting and musical events of renowned and popular artists, even so, there are still restrictions to freedom of expression with the closure and persecution of critical media outlets (mostly radio stations or newspapers/news sites), as well as the lack of basic services such as electricity, water, gasoline distribution, public transportation, better salaries for the education sector, and how we say "pare usted de contar", obviously in foreign policy they are aligned with China, Russia and other "anti-imperialist" countries or contrary to the influence of the United States and the West on their sovereignty, and in the region with their similar countries. Cuba and Nicaragua, as well as Lula's Brazil, AMLO's Mexico or the internal movements of their long time allies Rafael Correa and Evo Morales, while they have recovered and improved relations with Colombia under the government of Gustavo Petro, in the ongoing major international conflicts are on Russia's side in the invasion/War with Ukraine and Palestine against the "State of Israel", the one that Hugo Chávez "infamously" cursed against during his lifetime.

Maduro himself and the PSUV (his wife Cilia Flores and son Nicolás Maduro Guerra, Diosdado Cabello, the Rodríguez Gómez brothers, with also the implicit roles of Attorney General Tarek William Saab, the leadership of the Military High Command, among other high ranks) have been in the pre-campaign for their own re-election for a third term until 2030, they have recovered another judicialized party to their alliance such as the Communist Party (PCV) that was led by dissidents, and suddenly to rival the Primaries opposition, have once again brought out of the drawer the issue of the defense of Guyana Essequiba as part of Venezuelan territory, a long-standing territorial dispute based on the Geneva Agreement of 1966 (and in response to the Paris Arbitration Award of 1899 that ruled in favor of the United Kingdom) where Venezuela claims this territory as its own, to the point of forcing the inclusion of said territory in all official maps, the claim of Essequibo is one of the few issues where Chavismo and the Opposition are in complete agreement, many opposition leaders they have been active defenders of Essequibo (including María Corina Machado), in the face of the inaction of the Government when someone more allied to Chavismo/pink tide governs in Georgestown and which is revived when there is a more pro-USA government that is willing to open the exploitation of the present assets of the Essequibo (that is, oil or gold) to companies like ExxonMobil. Maduro and his Government, in response to a recent contrary ruling from the International Court of Justice, have shown their willingness to hold a Consultative Referendum on the defense of the Essequibo Territory within this year, 2023, and to reactivate the advancement of solutions in a manner peaceful between Caracas and Georgetown to resolve the border dispute, massive collections of signatures have previously been carried out by the ruling party but to show their rejection of the international sanctions against them, especially those dictated by the Obama and Trump administrations, in this case The regime is accused of wanting to politically use a consensus position that does not necessarily have to be supported by a referendum, but rather by diplomatic and legal defense action for the Essequibo territory.

Anyway, this is how things are going in Venezuela for 2024.
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Lumine
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« Reply #1 on: October 10, 2023, 04:00:09 PM »

I'll be honest, I have stopped reading on Venezuela for a while now out of sheer despair - other than stumbling on the latest "here's how Maduro will fall tomorrow" clickbait or headlines on María Corina Machado's rather brave challenge to the regime -, so I have to ask...

Is there any hope for any improvement of the situation? Or are we to resign ourselves again to Chavismo until 2030 and beyond?
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #2 on: October 10, 2023, 05:03:51 PM »

Is there any hope for any improvement of the situation? Or are we to resign ourselves again to Chavismo until 2030 and beyond?

There will be hope if the entire opposition (unitarians, scorpions and others on the outside) decides to put their things together, to achieve better electoral conditions (less advantageousness and arbitrary disqualifications, open the Electoral Registry for new voters and that the massive diaspora can also vote freely), without so much admonition to their leaders or parties, otherwise Chavista advantage will continue to prevail to 2030 or beyond and depress any option of real progress and prosperous future.

I am going to vote for Prosperi, for me Maria Corina, despite having a strong influence in the opposition electorate with her combative style against Maduro and the rest of the PSUV entourage, her desire to be the opposition leader at all costs if she wins, despite her arbitrary disqualification. It may represent a setback for some progress made by the opposition leaders for the population that still resides and can vote in Venezuela to continue maintaining the trust that has been gained again through the electoral process as a way out of Chavismo.

Because if the conditions are not achieved and the Dialogue Process fails again, whether by the opposition itself or by the Chavista regime itself (mostly the latter), I fear that they could call for abstention again and as in 2018 or 2020, because like in those "electoral type events" not all the other candidates who call themselves "opposition" are reliable for their main electorate (a mix of urban middle class voters with low-income popular sectors), allowing Chavismo to carry out its usual advantage and fraud with the voting centers, extending the closure of tables and force public officials or anyone who depends on subsidies or bonuses to vote for them or sign on the "1x10" forms of their electoral machinery, thus giving themselves another 6 years and who knows if they will return to "shaking up the street" with another round of protests with who knows how many unnecessary violent deaths and police and judicial abuses towards political leaders, the so-called "foreign intervention" with the "arrival of the American marines will not happen and will never occur" (if Trump never exercised that "action that had on the table" at the time, even less will Biden, nor again will Trump himself or another Republican if they manage to win in 2024), nor is any rebellion or desertion of the FANB military effective because of how corrupt the military leadership is. self-defined as "revolutionary and Chavista", as seen in 2019.

If Prosperi wins or is designated a consensus candidate, he is more likely to reunify all those opposition sectors that distanced themselves from the main group of the G4 (Ecarri, Rausseo, Leocenis, the MAS...), he could even reunify the own "adecos" who are with Bernabé and are in the Assembly. Fight adequately for the fair conditions and carry out a more or just fair and joyful campaign so that the alternative change can occur sooner rather than later. in the most peaceful manner possible and faith in public institutions being reestablished.
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #3 on: October 13, 2023, 04:39:56 PM »
« Edited: October 13, 2023, 05:35:27 PM by MRCVzla »

An update: both Freddy Superlano (VP) and Roberto Enríquez (COPEI de jure) have retired their candidacies to the Primary, Superlano and VP are supporting María Corina after a "long debate" with Leopoldo López (some "strong differences" between both VP figures), while Enríquez will side with "the winner of the Primary", he says there is "not time to remount in the last week of campaign" so his votes will be likely null, neither PJ, UNT and this faction of COPEI have an "official" candidate so their potential votes are probably going either MCM, Prosperi or Delsa Solorzano who are the most strongest, Andrés Caleca is also claiming that potential votes. They are rumours of other minor candidates without any chance (Almeida, Baló Farías) to dropping out in the next hours/days while other candidates in this group like Pérez Vivas are staying believing on the "citizen exercise" who the Primary is.

Fuerza Vecinal, the party of the opposition mayors questions the viability of process saying as "the primary as it is planned will lead us to the path of defeat and would be a victory for the government", similar questions come from Bernabé Gutiérrez (AD ad-hoc) about the process will be a "fiasco" for allow disqualified candidates "until the end".

Meanwhile, the usual suspects of José Brito and Luis Ratti claims to the TSJ and CNE to intervene and suspend the primary, fearing a potential MCM win who "lead into a time of violence".
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« Reply #4 on: October 13, 2023, 05:35:36 PM »

I was about to ask if you could make a rundown of who is who among the million different non-PSUV parties, but I started wondering... do parties, like, exist in Venezuela anymore? Or is there just a bunch of intervened zombies and individual politicians who might as well be independents for how many indistinguishable and powerless one-man parties they're members of? And, for that matter, does PSUV still have some party structures or is the "campaigning" all done by the state, the army and gangs now?
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #5 on: October 13, 2023, 09:08:59 PM »

I was about to ask if you could make a rundown of who is who among the million different non-PSUV parties, but I started wondering... do parties, like, exist in Venezuela anymore? Or is there just a bunch of intervened zombies and individual politicians who might as well be independents for how many indistinguishable and powerless one-man parties they're members of?

I can try to do some summary, but many of the things at the party level that have been discussed in previous forum topics, for example in the 2020 parliamentary event or in the 2021 regional elections, are still in force.

The parties in Venezuela exist, but it is somewhat complicated, it is a mixture of both types that you say, there are the satellite parties of the PSUV that could be divided into three groups:
1. A civic wing and closer to the Maduro or Rodríguez brothers circle (Somos Venezuela Movement or Alliance for Change, led by former opposition student leaders who "jumped the talanquera"), a party linked to the evangelical Christian church also belongs to this group (ORA, his former leader, a former minor presidential candidate passed away a few years ago)
2. A more radical, almost "paramilitary" wing of left-wing nationalists (UPV, Tupamaros).
3. A wing composed of traditional left parties composed of communists (PCV), democratic socialists (PPT) or social democrats (PODEMOS, MEP)

In general, all these parties, especially groups 2 and 3, have their own internal structures but in the end their mobilization machinery is a smaller fraction than that of the PSUV-State, without forgetting of course any admission to critical dissidence. Otherwise another almost unknown group of militants complains to the TSJ about the lack of an internal process and they grant them the party, first they were PPT and PODEMOS in 2012 (in the case of PODEMOS, its founder had been in exile for "persecution" but was reconciled with Chavismo and reclaimed the party when those who had control then had already supported the Opposition for some time), later the Tupamaros and the last to fall was the PCV, in 2020 a large part of the critical Chavistas who still define themselves as " revolutionaries" ran in the parliamentary elections under the symbol of the PCV and obtained 1 seat. In the end, they all de facto act electorally as if they were internal factions of the PSUV, they contribute to increasing votes and ensuring that there is a certain "plurality" within the alliance that is the Great Patriotic Pole.

In the unitary and majority opposition, each party has its structure and machinery, with the G4 parties (AD, PJ, UNT and VP) being what moves the most, plus others that also have consolidated structures but many also suffer from the "caudillo syndrome." ", UNT with Rosales, VP with Leopoldo, La Causa R with Velásquez, ABP with Ledezma, the currently "missing" Proyecto Venezuela with the Salas family, etc., even though many are in fact splits from already established parties (UNT or ABP come from AD, PJ comes from COPEI and in turn VP comes from PJ and part from UNT, MPV is from PPT...), then you already have more personalist movements such as those from María Corina (Vente) or Delsa Solorzano (Encuentro Ciudadano).

This same thing can be said to be repeated with the co-opted opposition grouped in the Democratic Alliance, where there are intervened parties (AD with Bernabé, COPEI of Alvarado, VP of Noriega), splits (Primero Venezuela of Parra and Brito coming from PJ, Cambiemos de Timoteo Zambrano coming from UNT), established parties (MAS) or grouped around a personalism (EL CAMBIO of Pastor Bertucci, SPV of Claudio Fermin), Avanzada Progresista was also a little under this last concept but now that Falcón returned to the "unity" with his new FUTURO movement, AP is once again treated as a split (from PPT and Podemos) with a certain structure and machinery at the local level.

From the "ni-ni" group within the opposition, Fuerza Vecinal has the leadership of the mayors (many of them with origins in PJ, VP and UNT), there is also Unión y Progreso which is a COPEI split led by "El Tigre" Fernández and his loyalists, while there are also the personal vehicles of Antonio Ecarri (LAPIZ, a party focused on education) or Leocenís García (Prociudadanos, self-proclaimed as liberal right but not abstentionist), and then the plethora of minor parties within or not of the great alliances where there may be other dissident Chavista or moderate left-wing/progressive groups, Christians, liberals, socialdemocrats or many regionalist/local movements.

And, for that matter, does PSUV still have some party structures or is the "campaigning" all done by the state, the army and gangs now?

A mix of all the cases, they have their structures spread throughout the country (the so-called UBCH, Bolívar-Chávez Battle Units), coordinated with other non-electoral social entities that have been created or nurtured "in Revolution" such as the Social Missions, the Communal Councils, the "Collectives" as well the Militias (the "gangs"), the financing is almost unknown although it is obvious that they do use a lot of money for the (forced) mobilization of people and public officials to appear large crowds, there is something voluntary for public employees to donate one day of their salary to the party, and the rest is... complicated, the military seems to doesn't help enough is they are claim themselves as "bolivarian, revolucionary and chavista"

Although the advantage is notorious, as I already said, today they are not seems to be as strong as in 2018, it is difficult for them to fill the streets like before when they hold rallies, the objective that they imposed on themselves with Chávez alive of the "10 million votes", I don't think it will be fulfilled in 2024 either, at most 6 million and something even with "fraud" like in 2018 but I think it will be much less (more than 4-5 million) even if there are finally conditions for a "free and fair contest" for the competitive Opposition.
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« Reply #6 on: October 14, 2023, 11:45:29 AM »

Doubt the election will be free and fair.
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« Reply #7 on: October 16, 2023, 10:23:43 AM »

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/10/16/venezuela-us-sanctions-deal/
Interesting development--will this result in Machado being allowed to run?
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« Reply #8 on: October 16, 2023, 11:01:43 AM »

All I know is that gas prices are not going to be as terrible as they were before. Thank you Joe for understanding reality on the ground.
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #9 on: October 17, 2023, 05:30:07 PM »
« Edited: October 17, 2023, 05:46:51 PM by MRCVzla »

Government and Unitary Opposition retaked the Dialogue Process thru signing a Partial Agreement in Barbados, not only with the mediation of Mexico and Norway, but with some high representatives of the US, EU and other LATAM countries.
The first partial agreement is about the "promotion of political rights and electoral guarantees":
- Recognize and respect the right of each political actor to select his candidate for the presidential elections freely and in accordance with his internal mechanisms.
- Jointly promote electoral guarantees for all actors before the CNE in 2024.
- Propose that the Presidential Election be carried out in the second half of 2024 (most likely around October).
- Execute the updating of the Permanent Electoral Registry (inside and outside the country)  including registration days, data promotion campaigns, establishment of registration points with the presence of witnesses from political actors, continuation of the identification process throughout the country, holding a registry update day electoral abroad and purification of the electoral register
- Develop all the audits planned in the electoral system, including the Electoral Registry with the participation of all political actors and international observation.
- Make a request for an invitation to agreed technical electoral observation missions including the European Union, the UN, the African Union, the Inter-American Union of Electoral Organizations and the Carter Center.
- Promotion of a public discourse and political and social climate favorable to the development of a peaceful electoral process without external interference.
- Exhort actors (public officials) to respect electoral regulations and decisions of the CNE.
- Require competent authorities to adopt measures to guarantee security and freedom of movement for all candidates throughout the country.
- Recognition of candidates and their campaigns having transparent financing mechanisms without limitations beyond those provided for in the law.
- Promote balance in public and private media and ensure equality for all candidates in access to media and social networks, as well as to public spaces under the administration of the Venezuelan regime.
- Promote participation of all media, national and international, in coverage of the electoral campaign.
- A public recognition of the results of the electoral elections.
- All candidates in the presidential election who meet the constitutional requirements will be allowed to register.
- Parties will ensure that the conditions of the Agreement are applicable to the rest of the electoral processes contemplated in the schedule (parliamentary, regional, etc.).
- A monitoring and verification mechanism in accordance with the guidelines that govern the dialogue process.
- The process of dialogue and negotiation will continue to strengthen an inclusive democracy.

The second partial agreement refers to "the protection of vital interests to the Nation", surely the recovering of the actives of the country abroad who are in "hostage" from US, UK since Guaido's "interinato", maybe some lifting to the sanctions against Chavista ranks and a common position relative to the Esequibo problem.

Most of this things are already in the Constitution and the ongoing Electoral laws, it's just an attempt to chavista regime to accomplish this and not do their usual shenanigans. Disqualification of Opposition politicians was barely discussed on the agreement, but still is a kind of "elephant in the room", more if MCM wins the Sunday' Primary.

Let's see how long this agreement lasts if it is fulfilled or if it will be like others that have tried to agree, breaking down (mainly on the part of the government) and ending up as "wet paper"
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #10 on: October 20, 2023, 05:16:59 PM »
« Edited: October 20, 2023, 11:22:38 PM by MRCVzla »

The CNE, by suggestion of the National Assembly, has officially called the Consultive Referendum about the defence of the Guyana Esequibo territory on December 3rd, the questions will be revealed in the next days (three to be exact).

The first effects after the Partial Agreement are here: OFAC temporary lifts for 6 months the sanctions to the Government to export and sold Venezuelan oil and gas abroad, meanwhile the Government, as is usual during this dialogue process, liberates some opposition political prisioners, like journalist Roland Carreño (member of VP).

This sunday Opposition Primary will not to be hold for Venezuelan expats in Argentina (due to the General elections there and the country' Electoral Authority not give permission to even hold the Venezuelan Primary earlier) and Israel (for the ongoing war). A controversy is also happening as Prosperi-backed AD are calling to postpone the Primary (36 hours before) allegedly for logistic reasons as last-minute reasignments of voting centers or the draw of the precinct witnesses, very favourable to MCM' Vente and not so for AD or the other candidates.

The Primary National Comission will reunite with Prosperi and AD on the next hours, rumors say if the reunion ends without solution, Prosperi may would drop.
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #11 on: October 22, 2023, 02:28:54 PM »
« Edited: October 22, 2023, 02:35:12 PM by MRCVzla »

Despite all the controversies surround Prosperi and his AD faction hours before the voting centers were installed, voting is underway until 4:00 pm (GMT-4) in the more than 3000 centers carried by the CNdP (National Commission of the Primary) plus some others abroad were Venezuelans can updated their "electoral status" to vote.

I voted with my parents after noon in a public square were most of the precincts of my parish were grouped. High turnout (i live in one of the opposition strongholds, Diego Bautista Urbaneja municipality in the eastern Anzóategui state, the "little Miami")... but a lot of heat wave at that hour, they are 7 precincts ordered by the last numbers of the ID card ("cédula de identidad") and mostly two files per precinct (one of the "third age" over-60yo voters, other one for the "younger" under-60), my precinct' queque lasted long so i voted after hour and half after arrived, but as the process is manual is kind of "quick", other thing who retards the process is searching the ID number thru the "cuaderno de votación" to firm and validate my participation. I ended up voting for Andrés Caleca (supported by the progressive MPV) due to Prosperi and AD's "meltdown" in Social Media over the allocation of precinct witness ("testigos de mesa")... but the mood is most people is voting for MCM no matter is she cannot be the candidate for 2024, but as a fierce and strong new Opposition leader.

Results may be know in the night after 8:00 pm, the media regulator CONATEL has forbidden every single coverage on Radio and broadcast TV stations, so most of the coverage is doing by independent pro-opposition online or abroad/expat media as well in social networks.
VPI TV: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I_w3Tu8EQcs
EVTV (El Venezolano TV): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lwD-pyfha4E
TVV Network: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3tEZdlDxTY
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Ferguson97
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« Reply #12 on: October 22, 2023, 04:27:51 PM »

So what happens if the candidate who is banned wins the primary? Does Venezuela even pretend to have an election next year?
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« Reply #13 on: October 22, 2023, 04:31:56 PM »

So what happens if the candidate who is banned wins the primary? Does Venezuela even pretend to have an election next year?

Well the banning happened before Brandon's deal with Maduro. It could go either way IMO
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Mike88
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« Reply #14 on: October 22, 2023, 06:49:03 PM »

In Portugal, María Corina Machado won with 97.7% of the votes cast, 904 out of 925. There were 3,375 voters registered in Portugal.
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #15 on: October 22, 2023, 10:05:29 PM »
« Edited: October 22, 2023, 10:10:41 PM by MRCVzla »

The first bulletin with the results of the Primary were delayed to probably tomorrow as CNdP president Jesús María Casal says the totalization servers were the votes will be reported are blocked by a fail (suposedly sabotage by the state-owned telephone company and main internet provider in the country, CANTV) and they are fixing this problem. Still projected a María Corina landslide, the doubt maybe is who is coming 2nd as Caleca or Delsa Solorzano could be surprise and what would be the difference respect to MCM, rumors says Prosperi may not recognize the result.
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #16 on: October 23, 2023, 12:34:08 AM »

The first bulletin finally was released after midnight, just 26.06% counted and a 6% of the total registered voters (still projected around 2 million turnout, which is ok known the circunstances)

María Corina Machado 552.430 votes - 93,13%
Carlos Prosperi 28.153 - 4,75%
Delsa Solórzano 4.565 - 0,77%
Andrés Caleca 3.383 - 0,57%
César Pérez Vivas 1.671 - 0,28%
Andrés Velásquez 1.558 - 0,18%
Luis Farías 641 - 0,11%
Gloria Pinho 543 - 0,09%
Tamara Adrían 424 - 0,07%
Cesar Almeida 295 - 0,05%

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MRCVzla
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« Reply #17 on: October 23, 2023, 12:54:06 PM »

The CNE has just revealed the questions that the Consultative Referendum on the defense of Guayana Esequiba will have that will be on December 3, there will be a total of 5 questions, the last question could take a step further in the historical claim of said territory to the seriously consider the creation of 24th State of Guayana Esequiba (Venezuela is made up of 23 states and a Capital District) with its own authorities and granting citizenship to those who reside in that area.

Quote
1. Do you agree to reject with all means, in accordance with the law, the line fraudulently imposed by the Paris Arbitration Award of 1899, which seeks to deprive us of our Guayana Esequiba?

2. Do you support the 1966 Geneva Agreement as the only valid legal instrument to reach a practical and satisfactory solution for Venezuela and Guyana regarding the controversy over the territory of Guayana Esequiba?

3. Do you agree with Venezuela's historical position of not recognizing the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice to resolve the territorial controversy over Guayana Esequiba?

4. Do you agree to oppose by all means, in accordance with the law, Guyana's claim to unilaterally dispose of a sea pending delimitation illegally and in violation of International Law?

5. Do you agree with the creation of the Guayana Esequiba state and the development of an accelerated plan for the comprehensive care of the current and future population of that territory that includes, among others, the granting of citizenship and Venezuelan identity card in accordance with the Geneva Agreement and International Law, consequently incorporating said state on the map of Venezuelan territory?
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Peeperkorn
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« Reply #18 on: October 23, 2023, 03:08:58 PM »

The CNE has just revealed the questions that the Consultative Referendum on the defense of Guayana Esequiba will have that will be on December 3, there will be a total of 5 questions, the last question could take a step further in the historical claim of said territory to the seriously consider the creation of 24th State of Guayana Esequiba (Venezuela is made up of 23 states and a Capital District) with its own authorities and granting citizenship to those who reside in that area.

Quote
1. Do you agree to reject with all means, in accordance with the law, the line fraudulently imposed by the Paris Arbitration Award of 1899, which seeks to deprive us of our Guayana Esequiba?

2. Do you support the 1966 Geneva Agreement as the only valid legal instrument to reach a practical and satisfactory solution for Venezuela and Guyana regarding the controversy over the territory of Guayana Esequiba?

3. Do you agree with Venezuela's historical position of not recognizing the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice to resolve the territorial controversy over Guayana Esequiba?

4. Do you agree to oppose by all means, in accordance with the law, Guyana's claim to unilaterally dispose of a sea pending delimitation illegally and in violation of International Law?

5. Do you agree with the creation of the Guayana Esequiba state and the development of an accelerated plan for the comprehensive care of the current and future population of that territory that includes, among others, the granting of citizenship and Venezuelan identity card in accordance with the Geneva Agreement and International Law, consequently incorporating said state on the map of Venezuelan territory?


lmao
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Estrella
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« Reply #19 on: October 23, 2023, 03:47:35 PM »

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MRCVzla
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« Reply #20 on: October 23, 2023, 07:32:13 PM »
« Edited: October 23, 2023, 07:35:44 PM by MRCVzla »

The controversial questions in the Esequibo referendum are mostly the 3rd, because chavismo gives for loss the ICJ rule about the Esequibo and could unrecognize the court, this could affect the tons of cases about Human Rights violations against the regime, and the 5th also could suggest a scenario about a potential Russian-esque military invasion to Guyana in order to reclaim effective sovereign on that territory, also the mentality in the people against of "if you can barely sustain our house (the problems about basic services, electric, water, gas, transport, health, security...), how can you support another one?"

Meanwhile, there is the 2nd bulletin of the Opposition Primary, with the 64.9% of the precincts counted and a turnout of 1,59 million, no great movement, Maria Corina still wins 9/10 voters.

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MRCVzla
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« Reply #21 on: October 24, 2023, 11:44:38 PM »

Third and final bulletin of the Opposition Primary has been released, with a 91% of the precincts counted and a total turnout of 2.4 million votes (2.3m in Venezuela proper plus more than 132k abroad), good numbers above the expectatives for an internal election (less than the 3 million of the 2012 Primary but still), tomorrow more detailed results will be published on the Primary National Commission site, for transparency sake.


Both Chavismo and the scorpion "opposition" are so mad with the result who are chanting "fraud" over the process with their usual lies, taking the early first bulletin as the total and the "huge" abstention according to the total of the REP and the landslide result in favor of MCM is "inflated" as well all the inconvenients of electing a candidate in paper "disqualified".

For now, MCM seems to moderate more their discourse and almost all the Unitary Opposition is rally behind her (except Prosperi who didn't recognized yet her victory, despite ended 2nd thanks to the AD' machine, party who recognized the result and disapproved his candiate' attitude), the challenge now is, likely under extensive talks with "the enemy", trying to qualify MCM again and accomplish the Agreements of Barbados and other ones in future about electoral conditions in order to some kind of "free and fair" elections, but with chavismo in charge, who knows....
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MRCVzla
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« Reply #22 on: October 30, 2023, 12:05:56 PM »

The strategy of criminalize the Opposition Primarty from the chavista regime seems to "work", the Supreme Court (TSJ) has anulled the Primary results suspending “all the effects of the different phases of the electoral process conducted by the National Primary Commission”, in the middle of process open for the Public Ministry (MP) against the CNdP because under the chavista relate "the only institution who can hold elections in the country (even internal) is the CNE"

I'm translating this note from El Diario (opposition leaning news site): https://eldiario.com/2023/10/30/tsj-dejo-sin-efecto-eleccion-primaria-oposicion/
Quote
TSJ annulled the opposition primary election
The National Primary Commission must present the administrative background of the phases of the electoral process

The Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ) announced that it will annul the primary election held on Sunday, October 22, in which María Corina Machado won.

The announcement comes after Tarek William Saab, attorney general of the Maduro regime, announced that he opened an investigation for alleged fraud in the electoral contest in which more than 2.5 million Venezuelans participated.

The judicial entity ordered the suspension of “all the effects of the different phases of the electoral process conducted by the National Primary Commission” (CNP), after receiving an appeal filed by deputy José Brito, of the National Assembly elected in 2020, which requested a review of “irregularities.”

In accordance with ruling 122 of the Electoral Chamber of the TSJ, the organizing commission of the opposition elections must record “the administrative background, containing the twenty-five phases of the electoral process” of the primaries, ranging from the call to the event to the minutes. of scrutiny, totalization and proclamation.

Other TSJ requirements
Among the demands of the TSJ is to record the minutes of acceptance of the candidacy of the candidates disqualified by the Comptroller's Office from holding elected positions, as is the case of the winner of the internal elections María Corina Machado, on whom this administrative measure weighs, imposed in 2015 for a period of one year, but recently extended until 2030.

Likewise, they must deliver the resignations of the candidates Henrique Capriles and Freddy Superlano , who declined to participate just a couple of weeks before the elections, also disqualified, as well as those of any other citizen who has decided to renounce their candidacy.

The TSJ gives the CNP a period of three days to submit “a report” indicating “the mechanism used to safeguard electoral material and the place designated for this purpose.”

Finally, he orders to notify the attorney general, Tarek William Saab, and other public powers of this sentence and of the facts reported by Brito that, he assured, could constitute “the alleged commission of electoral crimes and the alleged commission of common crimes,” without specifying what type of illegal acts they committed.

Disqualification of María Corina Machado
Eugenio Martínez, teacher and specialist in electoral coverage, explained that the TSJ ruling would seek to reinforce the disqualification imposed on Machado.   

“The late ruling of the TSJ seems aimed at ratifying the disqualification of María Corina Machado, at the same time as constructing the narrative so that the PU cannot argue (according to the Barbados agreement) that she was elected in the primary and therefore should be allowed to participate. in 2024,” Martínez published on his official X account on Monday, October 30.

Other note translated for the newspaper El Universal (since almost a decade ago, owned by pro-government leaning businessman's or "boliburgueses"): https://www.eluniversal.com/politica/167553/tribunal-supremo-de-justicia-suspende-todos-los-efectos-de-las-primarias-opositoras
Quote
Supreme Court of Justice suspends "all effects" of the opposition primaries
The highest Court announced that the internal electoral process carried out by a sector of the opposition is suspended due to an ongoing investigation

Caracas.-  The Electoral Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ) of Venezuela ordered the suspension of "all the effects of the different phases of the electoral process conducted by the National Primary Commission" (CNP), held last Sunday, after receiving an appeal introduced by opposition deputy José Brito that requested a review of "irregularities."

"All the effects of the different phases of the electoral process conducted by the National Primary Commission are suspended"; says part of the sentence.

Sentence number 122, file 2023-0000065, "admits this Contentious Electoral Appeal filed by citizen Deputy of the National Assembly José Dionisio Brito Rodríguez, Venezuelan, of legal age, holder of identity card number V- 8,263,861" .

Likewise, it declares "the request for precautionary protection is appropriate, and consequently all the effects of the different phases of the electoral process conducted by the National Primary Commission are suspended."

The TSJ also ordered the National Primary Commission , in accordance with article 184 of the Organic Law of the Supreme Court of Justice:
- Administrative background of the 25 phases of the primary process.
- Regional and national totalization records.
- Voting notebooks.
- Voting ballots.
- Scrutiny records.

In addition, they must submit to the Supreme Court the minutes of acceptance of the candidacy of the candidates disqualified by the Comptroller's Office from holding elected positions, as is the case of the winner of the internal elections María Corina Machado, on whom this administrative measure weighs. imposed in 2015 for a period of one year, but recently extended until 2030.

Likewise, they must hand in the resignations of the candidates Henrique Capriles and Freddy Superlano - who declined to participate just a couple of weeks before the elections -, also disqualified, as well as those of "any other citizen who has decided to renounce his candidacy."

The TSJ gives the CNP a period of three days to submit "a report" indicating "the mechanism used to safeguard electoral material and the place designated for this purpose."

Finally, he orders to notify the attorney general, Tarek William Saab, and other public powers of this sentence and of the facts denounced by Brito that - he assured - could configure "the alleged commission of electoral crimes and the alleged commission of common crimes."

They are really scared after MCM victory didn't you... anyway seems to have no major problem to the Unitary Platform, as i said, they are still fully rally around MCM and try to negociate her disqualification and delay "as possible" some Plan B of an emergency consensus candidate (or falling again on the trap to calling abstention). The only worry is the possible leak of the voting notebooks (if they not already destroyed) who contains the list of people who voted at the Primary and their use for the regime to discriminalize public officials or any benefactor of social programs (ala the so-called "Tascon list" from the time of the "firmazos" in favour of the 2004 Recall referendum)
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« Reply #23 on: October 30, 2023, 02:09:10 PM »

Here is an article in English: https://www.voanews.com/a/venezuela-s-top-court-suspends-results-of-opposition-presidential-primary-/7333108.html
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Jingizu
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« Reply #24 on: October 30, 2023, 03:50:47 PM »

I see the far-left in Venezuela is still the pack of authoritarian, corrupt a-holes they’ve always been. Oh well, clearly another victory for The Global South!
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