Free Speech, Free Press, Free Men, Free Labor, Free Territory, and Frémont!
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Author Topic: Free Speech, Free Press, Free Men, Free Labor, Free Territory, and Frémont!  (Read 1406 times)
Sumner 1868
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« on: June 16, 2020, 11:05:45 PM »
« edited: June 17, 2020, 12:37:27 AM by Does the title even matter? »

Free Speech, Free Press, Free Men, Free Labor, Free Territory, and Frémont!



An Election For Disunion

The 1856 United States presidential election was the 18th quadrennial presidential election. It was held on Tuesday, November 4, 1856. In a three-way contest, the Republican Party ticket of John C. Frémont and William L. Dayton emerged triumphant. The election of Frémont served as the primary catalyst of the American Civil War.

Incumbent Democratic President Franklin Pierce was widely unpopular due to the ongoing civil war in Kansas Territory, and Buchanan defeated Pierce at the 1856 Democratic National Convention. Buchanan, a former Secretary of State, had avoided the divisive debates over the Kansas–Nebraska Act by virtue of his service as the Ambassador to the United Kingdom. Slavery, though not its abolition, was the main issue. The nascent Republican party, opposed to the extension of slavery, and the nativist Know Nothings (known formally as the American Party) competed to replace the moribund Whig Party as the primary opposition to the Democrats. The 1856 Republican National Convention nominated a ticket led by Frémont, an explorer and military officer who had served in the Mexican–American War. The Know Nothings, who ignored slavery and instead emphasized anti-immigration and anti-Catholic policies, nominated a ticket led by former Whig President Millard Fillmore. Severe domestic political turmoil at the time of the election was clearly represented by the nominations of Buchanan and Fillmore, who appealed in part because of their recent time abroad and the ability to avoid social issues.

A key moment in the election was the extremely controversial Supreme Court case Dred Scott v. Sandford decided on October 29, 1856, a mere six days before the election. Both observers of the time and historians generally agree that outrage of the case caused large numbers of northern Know-Nothings to shift their support for Frémont in the final week of the campaign.

Frémont carried a plurality of both the popular vote and the Electoral College. Southern Democrats immediately began a campaign to convince Know-Nothing electors to vote for Buchanan. When it became clear Know-Nothing electors had no intention of voting against their party, enraged South Carolina legislators declared secession from the Union on November 24, 1856. Nine other states would follow South Carolina in declaring secession between November 24 and Frémont's inaugural on March 4, 1857, leading to the formation of the Republic of Confederate States.





John C. Frémont: 1,519,351 (37.49%) 138 EV
James Buchanan: 1,495,042 (36.90%) 110 EV
Millard Filmore: 1,037,210 (25.59%) 48 EV
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President Punxsutawney Phil
TimTurner
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« Reply #1 on: June 16, 2020, 11:08:30 PM »

good start.
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Atlas Has Shrugged
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« Reply #2 on: June 16, 2020, 11:14:43 PM »

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S019
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« Reply #3 on: June 16, 2020, 11:54:31 PM »

This board needs more 19th century timelines! Looking forwards to this!
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Sumner 1868
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« Reply #4 on: June 20, 2020, 05:59:37 PM »



Electoral Crisis of 1856

Although outrage at Frémont's electoral victory was widespread in the South from the moment it was announced, by no means did it instantly guarantee a civil war. For a start; despite Frémont's pluralities; it remained plausible in the eyes of many that he would not receive victory in the Electoral College. The Know-Nothings, many Southerners felt, could be persuaded to vote for Buchanan if negotiated with. They quickly discovered the California and Missouri electors had no intention of voting against Fillmore under any circumstances, but electors in other states were more uncertain. It was well-known the Know-Nothings success in border states had largely come from previously Democratic voters who felt after Dred Scott that both parties were fanning the flames for civil war. While these men feared Frémont, many were just as fearful of northern backlash from a Buchanan deal. Southerners moved to convince them a northern backlash would not materialize.

Moreover, it was not clear that northern Democrats would accept a deal after Dred Scott. Democratic papers in the north loudly declared their opposition to a a deal with the Know-Nothings abandoned popular sovereignty for unrestricted slavery in the territories. Rumors spread that many Democratic electors both New Jersey Pennsylvania were willing to vote for Frémont in protest if such an arrangement emerged.

In any case, it wasn't entirely clear how the South would react if Frémont were installed as President. Some, like Senator James Mason of Virginia, had declared loudly during the election that  if the Republicans won the Electoral College, "Only one course shall remain for the South: Immediate, absolute, and eternal separation." But others pleaded for caution. Many, including even the infamous Preston Brooks who had canned Charles Sumner that spring, publicly suggested accepting the results.

John Bell, a Senator from Tennessee, immediately began a series of private discussions between Southern leaders, Know-Nothing electors, and Northern politicians of both parties in the hopes of finding a compromise solution. These so-called "Bell Summits" were intended to remain secret, but word quickly leaked out to the press.

Initially, abolitionists had been pleased that Frémont had carried the largest number of both popular and electoral votes. This enthusiasm cooled upon learning of the Bell Summits, which they feared would result in a agreement to elect Buchanan. Frederick Douglass, addressing an anti-slavery audience in Connecticut, declared, "There can be no compromise. The Republican victory must be respected by all parties without condition." Republican papers made comments to the same effect.

John Brown, the Kansas abolitionist, was particular opposed to the Summits. Upon learning of them, Brown told his son Frederick, "If these Republicans insist on cowardice, then I shall march east into Africa and spread the terror the South needs!" By "Africa," Brown meant neighboring Missouri. The first battle of the Civil War was about to begin.
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LabourJersey
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« Reply #5 on: June 24, 2020, 07:28:52 PM »

Looks good so far.

Will be interesting to see how someone like Frémont handles a crisis of this magnitude
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We Live in Black and White
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« Reply #6 on: June 25, 2020, 01:39:37 AM »

I have a feeling that having a military officer in charge of the Union will considerably speed up the end of the Confederates.

Either way, this is already excellent stuff.
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Sumner 1868
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« Reply #7 on: September 19, 2020, 02:32:07 AM »

The Union Falls



Quote
DECLARATION OF THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE

WHICH

INDUCE AND JUSTIFY

THE

Secession of South Carolina

FROM THE

FEDERAL UNION;

AND THE

ORDINANCE OF SECESSION.


PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CONVENTION.


CHARLESTON:

EVANS & COGSWELL, PRINTERS TO THE CONVENTION,
No. 3 Broad and 103 East Bay Streets.
1856.

DECLARATION OF THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES WHICH INDUCE AND JUSTIFY THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA FROM THE FEDERAL UNION.

The People of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, on the 26th day of April, A. D., 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States, by the Federal Government, and its encroachments upon the reserved rights of the States, fully justified this State in then withdrawing from the Federal Union; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to exercise this right. Since that time, these encroachments have continued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be a virtue.

We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assumed the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institution of Slavery; they have permitted the open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books and pictures to servile insurrection.

...


For twenty years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the Common Government. Observing the forms of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the Common Government, because he has declared that that our peculiar institution shall not exist in the common Territory, and that the public mind must rest in the belief that Slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction.

This sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution, has been aided in some of the States by elevating to citizenship, persons, who, by the Supreme Law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its peace and safety.

On the 4th March next, this party will likely take possession of the Government. It has announced, that the South shall be excluded from the common Territory; that the Judicial Tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States.

The Guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy.

Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief.

We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates, in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.

Although the prospect of a Frémont presidency had outraged South Carolina instantly, it was not until the news of John Brown's raid through Missouri successfully liberating over one hundred slaves that a consensus for secession developed. Upon learning of the raid on November 24, the legislature of South Carolina called an emergency session and unanimously voted for separation from the Union. Mississippi would follow a mere four days later.

Upon learning South Carolina's actions, many urged Frémont to denounce Brown's action in a effort to avoid dissuade South states from secession. Frémont issued a statement denouncing the secession ordinance as unconstitutional, but made no statement on John Brown. Frémont believed silence over Brown would calm tensions, but Southerners took it as a sign of approval.

Brown had a difficult issue to avoid, as many congressional Republicans loudly criticized Democrats for being more concerned with Brown than the Union itself. Lyman Trumbull was particularly vocal in this attack: "They denounce Mr. Brown an ape, a stupid brute, a most dangerous lunatic, a bloody monster, a merciless tyrant, ect., ect; but when the negro drivers threaten to tear this republic apart they offer no words."

Abolitionists began demanding that Brown and his men receive a full pardon and that the slaves he liberated remain free. Pierce's deliberately vague statement on whether the administration would consider a pardon sent Fire-Eaters into a frenzy. "Doughfaces," William Yancey scoffed, "are abolitionists without passion."

The Bell Summits essentially collapsed as South Carolina delegates walked out. Bell nonetheless believed a final compromise could be reached. It was unclear, however, what sort of compromise Frémont would accept. In truth, all anyone really knew about Frémont what that he opposed slavery in the territories.


-Rebirth of a Nation, Eric Foner (pg. 363-367, 1989)
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Snazzrazz Mazzlejazz
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« Reply #8 on: September 23, 2020, 05:25:28 PM »

Good update.
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Sumner 1868
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« Reply #9 on: July 29, 2023, 05:02:59 PM »

I'm ending my long hiatus and working on the next update. Stay tuned.
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Sumner 1868
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« Reply #10 on: August 29, 2023, 01:39:51 AM »

"General, I realize the hour grows dark, but I truly believe that cooler heads may still prevail," John Bell told Frémont in a meeting on December 7th. "If we exhaust the possibility of compromise blood shall spill across this land."

Frémont sighed. "Mr. Bell, I deeply admire your desire for peace. But I fear that ship has sailed. Are you aware of the rhetoric currently being spread in the South?"

The "rhetoric" Frémont spoke of was what was being dubbed "The Slaver's Manifesto" by abolitionists; a fifty page document called A Plan For Reconstruction by William Lowndes Yancey listing a series of demands in exchange for Alabama renouncing their November 29 declaration of secession. The demands included federal legalization of the slave trade, declaring all negroes in America were for sale and none shall be free, immediately invading Cuba with the goal of conquest and executing John Brown, William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglas as soon as possible.

What few realized was Yancey knew perfectly well the North would never agree to the supposed terms in his manifesto. Rather, the point was to enrage abolitionists enough so that they would radicalize enough that it would coax more Southern states into declaring secession. Yancey had been pleased when not only both Garrison and Douglas denounced his work, but so did even John Brown. Brown, who was still on the run after his victory in Missouri, sent an open letter to The Liberator decrying Yancey's pamphlet in the most venomous of language.

"You can not hold the hotheaded Fire-Eaters against the whole South," Bell responded. "that is unfair as declaring that John Brown is the leader of the North."

"I don't claim that all Southerners are Fire Eaters," Frémont explained, "however, it is clear the moderates in the South are afraid of crossing them. I do not another attempt at a summit can succeed."

While Bell was attempting to receive Frémont's support for another summit, James Buchanan was failing miserably at convincing Know-Nothings that they must form a compromise with him. "I have been attacked by beasts from all sides and cannot move without another round of controversy," Buchanan complained in a letter to President Pierce. "This election will be decided by whoever buys the most Know-Nothing electors."


John C. Frémont: The American Liberator (pg.212, Carl Sandburg, 1924)
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