Unfortunate Son

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part II

The first contest of March would be Massachusetts on the 4th. While both Jackson and McGovern were looking at a good chance to capitalize on recent victories, for Brewer that battle was that of merely staying alive. Both McGovern and Jackson had good bases of support to work from. For Jackson, it would be Catholics and blue collar workers, while McGovern had college students, anti-war liberals, and intellectuals. Jackson and McGovern waged a hard fought campaign in the Bay State. However, with a last minute push by Brewer for middle class and working class voters, McGovern was able to win a narrow plurality. While Ted Kennedy was vocally non-committed, he was nonetheless satisfied to see Brewer, a man who in his view had disgraced his brother's legacy as commander-in-chief, take a distant third.

Nevertheless, the race now moved South and the incumbent was at last able to score several easy victories, taking Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, and Oklahoma by good margins. McGovern, fresh off his double victory in New England (having taken Vermont the same day as Massachusetts), won nothing that day. It would be the hawk, ironically, that walked away with three Pacific victories. Jackson's home state of Washington went for him by well over 70%, and his record of support for Alaskan and Hawaiian statehood was able to overcome even the liberal leanings of Democrats in those states. Hawaii, of note, went only barely for Jackson as Vice President Daniel Inouye was able to get Brewer heavy turnout from Native and Asian voters. Political observers, when looking at obscure exit polls, would note that Jackson had nonetheless been competitive among Asians due to his hawkishness.

Illinois would be the first state that Brewer took outside the South. Managing to build up solid margins down state and taking a good chunk of the suburban Democratic vote (what of it there was), the President's victory was nonetheless under 40% of the vote. However, Jackson regained the advantage when he took both Connecticut and New York on March 25th. Both states had significant Catholic populations that Jackson, despite his Protestantism, had been working hard to win over. As well, Jews would vote heavily for the Israel-supporting "Senator from Boeing".

April would bode better for Brewer, however. While McGovern continued to build up support in small, rural states in the West and Mid-West and Jackson was able to use organized labor and industry to his advantage, Brewer worked hard to win the party's "solid center" and combine it with heavy favor from the South. He found himself campaigning both to his right and left to strengthen his coalition. This would help deliver him a plurality in the crucial state of Pennsylvania, where Jackson had been expecting victory. By the end of the month, the President had a delegate lead and was looking with hope towards May, where he would hopefully finish off his opponents with crucial wins in rural and Southern states, in which several primaries would be held.

Blue - Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington
Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota
Red - President Albert P. Brewer of Alabama.

The 1980 Republican Primaries, Part II

While Brewer had spent the last two months attempting to get onto equal footing with his primary opponents, the Republicans were seeming to be coming a lot closer to selecting a nominee. Dole had come out on top with a solid coalition of Mid-West voters that had delivered him states ranging from his home state of Kansas by an over 90% margin, to the much more liberal Illinois where he had triumphed despite not getting Charles Percy's endorsement and Congressman John Anderson campaigning heavily in favor of Weicker. Other victories, equally as narrow as that in Illinois, had occurred in New York and Florida, proving Dole's cross-regional success. In contrast, it seemed that Disraeli had virtually disappeared, that Weicker was isolated to the North-East and Pacific Coast, and that Grover was trapped in the South. Dole had even won Arizona, a state where Grover had been hoping dearly for victory. While Dole ended the month sourly, conceding Pennsylvania to Weicker thanks to the strength of liberal Republicans in the state, he nonetheless had a clear advantage over his opponents after his several victories. "This primary race has gone on too long," his campaign manager told him the night of his Pennsylvania loss. "If May doesn't end this, we may have to face a floor fight, and we are sure as Hell not doing that."

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

[Oldiesfreak1854]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part II

The first contest of March would be Massachusetts on the 4th. While both Jackson and McGovern were looking at a good chance to capitalize on recent victories, for Brewer that battle was that of merely staying alive. Both McGovern and Jackson had good bases of support to work from. For Jackson, it would be Catholics and blue collar workers, while McGovern had college students, anti-war liberals, and intellectuals. Jackson and McGovern waged a hard fought campaign in the Bay State. However, with a last minute push by Brewer for middle class and working class voters, McGovern was able to win a narrow plurality. While Ted Kennedy was vocally non-committed, he was nonetheless satisfied to see Brewer, a man who in his view had disgraced his brother's legacy as commander-in-chief, take a distant third.

Nevertheless, the race now moved South and the incumbent was at last able to score several easy victories, taking Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, and Oklahoma by good margins. McGovern, fresh off his double victory in New England (having taken Vermont the same day as Massachusetts), won nothing that day. It would be the hawk, ironically, that walked away with three Pacific victories. Jackson's home state of Washington went for him by well over 70%, and his record of support for Alaskan and Hawaiian statehood was able to overcome even the liberal leanings of Democrats in those states. Hawaii, of note, went only barely for Jackson as Vice President Daniel Inouye was able to get Brewer heavy turnout from Native and Asian voters. Political observers, when looking at obscure exit polls, would note that Jackson had nonetheless been competitive among Asians due to his hawkishness.

Illinois would be the first state that Brewer took outside the South. Managing to build up solid margins down state and taking a good chunk of the suburban Democratic vote (what of it there was), the President's victory was nonetheless under 40% of the vote. However, Jackson regained the advantage when he took both Connecticut and New York on March 25th. Both states had significant Catholic populations that Jackson, despite his Protestantism, had been working hard to win over. As well, Jews would vote heavily for the Israel-supporting "Senator from Boeing".

April would bode better for Brewer, however. While McGovern continued to build up support in small, rural states in the West and Mid-West and Jackson was able to use organized labor and industry to his advantage, Brewer worked hard to win the party's "solid center" and combine it with heavy favor from the South. He found himself campaigning both to his right and left to strengthen his coalition. This would help deliver him a plurality in the crucial state of Pennsylvania, where Jackson had been expecting victory. By the end of the month, the President had a delegate lead and was looking with hope towards May, where he would hopefully finish off his opponents with crucial wins in rural and Southern states, in which several primaries would be held.

Blue - Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington
Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota
Red - President Albert P. Brewer of Alabama.

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part II

While Brewer had spent the last two months attempting to get onto equal footing with his primary opponents, the Republicans were seeming to be coming a lot closer to selecting a nominee. Dole had come out on top with a solid coalition of Mid-West voters that had delivered him states ranging from his home state of Kansas by an over 90% margin, to the much more liberal Illinois where he had triumphed despite not getting Charles Percy's endorsement and Congressman John Anderson campaigning heavily in favor of Weicker. Other victories, equally as narrow as that in Illinois, had occurred in New York and Florida, proving Dole's cross-regional success. In contrast, it seemed that Disraeli had virtually disappeared, that Weicker was isolated to the North-East and Pacific Coast, and that Grover was trapped in the South. Dole had even won Arizona, a state where Grover had been hoping dearly for victory. While Dole ended the month sourly, conceding Pennsylvania to Weicker thanks to the strength of liberal Republicans in the state, he nonetheless had a clear advantage over his opponents after his several victories. "This primary race has gone on too long," his campaign manager told him the night of his Pennsylvania loss. "If May doesn't end this, we may have to face a floor fight, and we are sure as Hell not doing that."

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

You labeled both primaries as the Democratic primary.

[#CriminalizeSobriety]

Was it really necessary to quote the whole entire post just to say that? Was it really necessary to post at all?

Couldn't you have just PMed him? (for reference, it's )

Alternatively, I will give you another shortcut:
https://uselectionatlas.org/FORUM/index.php?action=pm;sa=send;u=6080

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Have a Holly Jolly Motherfocking Christmas"

December 25th, 1979
This hadn't happened in a long time. Not since his teens, that was for damned sure. Coming home from 'Nam, and having dated around for a number of years, he'd become largely bored by the female gender. "Vietnamese prostitutes sort of take away your romantic side", he'd joke. Nevertheless, he was finding himself fascinated by a woman. "It's like I'm in focking middle school again," he whispered to Brandon McGlynn, a friend of his. "Well the focking go for her, man!" He gulped as another cliche Christmas carol began to play on the stereo and he slowly walked across the room.

"Have a holly jolly motherfocking Christmas", he whispered to himself as he trod, drink in hand, across the crowded room. Eye contact, smile, "Kate, right? .... Chris." This feeling, actually wanting to pursue a girl, feeling something, it hadn't happened in a while. "Largely an incompetent and un-trustworthy sex." he was want to repeat. But she, at that second, he felt like that should his life end he not have her there, he would die incomplete. Somehow--he was employing every rhetorical trick in the book--Mattingly sustained the conversation well into the night, through various song and crowd changes. As the 25th faded into the 26th, he found himself sipping beer with her on the sidewalk outside. She worked at General Motors in engineering and was largely in town for family. A relative of a friend of a friend. "I'm pretty sure they let me in on looks alone, based on my grades." "Well I wouldn't worry about that..." "Stop it!"

While Mattingly got to know this "Kate" better, Dick Hudson was back in his hometown for the holidays. Smelling of booze and cigarettes, and now sporting an almost impressive amount of facial hair--his face was already crowded enough with the glasses, now you could see his cheeks, his nose, his long teeth, and little else--he'd returned home from the college life, one semester down. "What're you majoring in again, Dick?" "Political Science, bitches!" His parents were none too happy with what now appeared to be a habit of smoking cigarettes, nor was the slight stench of alcohol terribly endearing. Nevertheless, after about two showers and a bottle of mouthwash, he was ready to see his girl. "Sarh f#cking Madigan" he whispered to himself, pushing a comb through his thick mane of brown hair that topped his head. Since homecoming, he'd been able to "weasel"--his words--his way into a relationship with her.

He was undoubtedly a happy man on Christmas Day, 1979. "Somehow, I dunno, I have a girlfriend, I'm on student government at an awesome college, and guess what! The Republicans are going to take it easily less than a year from now. So yeah, I'm pretty happy right now!" Appraising all the candidates only weeks before the Iowa Caucuses, he picked Dole, hands down. "Disraeli's a damned maniac, I'll tell you that right f#cking there. Lowell 'Democrat' Weicker? He's been voting consistently with Kennedy almost exclusively. And don't you bring up the random idiot from Texas. We already had a much more qualified guy go down four years ago. So yeah, screw Hank Grover. ... As for the Democrats? Scoop Jackson's the only guy that has any chance in Hell. McGovern, he's got the vote of out-of-work hippies and little else. Meanwhile, Brewer's shown he's far, far out of his depth in the presidency. America's best bet is going to be Dole or Jackson." Registered to vote, he'd be gladly casting his own first presidency-related ballot on May 20th of the upcoming year. "The race will probably be decided by then. We sure as Hell ain't realistically nominating someone besides Dole. But who gives a damn?" The kid that had entered college had been replaced by a confident, fast talking, cigarette smoking, facial hair having "bro". He'd arrived.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part III

May would be the month of Brewer's vindication. Within the month's first week, he would take Texas, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Indiana, with majorities in the first three. McGovern, winning the Colorado Caucuses, would nonetheless be denied victory in Oregon, where he'd been expecting one last primary win. Brewer finished out the month easily taking Nevada, Kentucky, and Arkansas. June 3rd, the final day of the primaries, would see his opponents failing in all but two states: McGovern's own South Dakota and Rhode Island where New Englanders, still unhappy with Brewer, gave Jackson a narrow victory. Brewer had at last seen victory. While he possessed only a plurality of the popular vote, he had enough delegates to be nominated without worry.

Red - President Albert Brewer of Alabama
Blue - Senator Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson of Washington
Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota

The 1980 Republican Primaries, Part III

Dole would see similar closure in the month of the primaries. With Disraeli failing utterly to follow through on his initial post-New Hampshire momentum, Weicker a candidate only for hte North-East, and Grover facing a similar fate in the South, Dole was running strong in all corners of the country. Political scientists and historians would debate as to why Dole was able to push himself in front of the opposition. Any number of reasons would suffice: Dole running solidly in the center of the party, early victories in Iowa, flaws specific to his opponents, high visibility since 1976, and so on. Regardless of the reason, May and June proved near-sweeps for Dole and his campaign. A total of three states would yield to his opponents in that time: Maryland to Weicker, who had received the endorsement of veteran liberal Republican Senator Charles Matthias, and North Carolina and Texas to Grover. All the rest would to to Dole, and typically by majorities. June 3rd would see Dole take every state with strong majorities, sealing the deal for that son of Kansas to win the Republican nomination for President of the United States.

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

Dole's resounding victories in May and June would be the nail in the coffin for his primary opponents. Building a coalition made up largely of Mid-Western and rural voters, Dole managed to beat candidates representing the South, North-East, and West.

[Oldiesfreak1854]

Let's go Dole!

[Sec. of State Superique]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

[Sec. of State Superique]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

[Sec. of State Superique]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

Senator Stan Lee (Reform-NY) approves my remarks!

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

Senator Stan Lee (Reform-NY) approves my remarks!

Nobody remembers the original character

[Sec. of State Superique]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

Senator Stan Lee (Reform-NY) approves my remarks!

Nobody remembers the original character

Chris Mattingly?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

Senator Stan Lee (Reform-NY) approves my remarks!

Nobody remembers the original character

Chris Mattingly?

I think he means Jefferson Dent; the icon, the legend.

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

"Have a Holly Jolly Motherfocking Christmas"

Epic entry.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Time, October 1983

"Christian Mattingly: A Sit-Down Interview With the Emerging Leader of Motown"
By Mark Hutchinson

They tell me that this is what businessmen dress like", says the disheveled, unshaven stranger as he somewhat confusedly begins trying to rub the newly formed coffee stain out of his blue-and-white striped shirt. Christian Mattingly, 34, is the most prominent rising star in a once declared dead American auto industry. The Vietnam veteran former mechanic, and son of a Ford assembly line worker, Mattingly was virtually unknown two years ago. However, a brief look back on his short career gives some sense to his unexpected rise. Working in Detroit as a mechanic while earning a business degree from Wayne State University in the late 70's, Mattingly ascended quickly in what proved to be a growing industry--car repairs--heading the new branch. However, in the last four years, 1979 through 1983, he would shift gears from fixing cars to making them.

Having no sons, Ted Constantine, the owner of Constantine Repairs, bequeathed the company to his most trusted and best educated employee. With the automotive industry in seeming collapse over the last decade, Mattingly, made the gamble of helping Constantine Repairs merge into a newly minted corporation, Huron Automotive. Using company funds to purchase three plants being sold at bargain prices by General Motors, cars were rolling off of lines and into lots by 1981.

Now, I'm sitting across from the man that has been hailed as saving a dying industry. He sure doesn't look the part. Smelling of cigarettes and mouthwash, he strides into his office, five minutes late, his hands almost black with God knows what, I have to ask if he's been drinking. "Nah, the beer stein is filled with coffee", he says as he lifts his head up from the mug, chin slightly brown. With a man such as this, it should come as no surprise that I'm not in some high rise or skyscraper, but in an office that overlooks a factory floor. Attempting to explain it, he mutters something about preferring to work in an office he can reach by stairs as opposed to an elevator. A simpler explanation would be that any profits Huron Automotive makes are directed largely towards expansion.

"So, you've had quite the interesting life story-" "Ha! If you say so." "-from assembly line worker in your teens, Vietnam veteran, and proud UAW worker, to majority shareholder in one of America's fastest growing businesses." "I guess you could call it interesting. I haven't really been paying attention. Better than nothing, I guess." As our conversation continues, several things become apparent. Ambition, naturally. One would expect no less from this man. A vast array of nervous habits: addiction to coffee, cigarettes--he lights his first of several mere minutes after we shake hands, almost constantly tapping on his desk, and so on. As well, his vague reference to 16 hour workdays, while married and raising a toddler, seem to be far from exaggerated.

. . .

Our interview briefly turned toward politics. "Dole, no doubt." he says. "It's of little wonder, given your current status in the business community. That said, what little documentation we have indicates that you're a Democrat." "Ex-Democrat. It wouldn't surprise you that someone of my background, UAW, Catholic, and all would have some very Democratic roots." My gaze briefly flickers to the picture of John F. Kennedy on his wall, next to his portrait of Henry Ford. "I'd still be open to, of course, supporting a Democrat, but of the emerging crop, it looks like there are none that'd get my vote. The Republicans have been kind to our industry, it seems, though I'm suspicious of their trade policies." When I suggest that it seems like he would have support Robert F. Kennedy, he smirks and shakes his head.

. . .

With the interview largely wrapped up and Mattingly's stomach growling, he asks if I'd like lunch. I politely turn him down. He shrugs: "Suit yourself, I guess". He then gets up from the chair behind his desk--likely thirty years old or more--and goes over to a small fridge on the other side of the office, on the wall perpendicular to the door that led down onto the factory floor. From there, he takes a half-gone loaf of bread and several different different packages of cold cuts. Going back to the desk, he brought a hot plate from under neath it. Plugging it in and putting a folded coat hanger on top of it, he soon has stacked a large sandwich--about four or five inches high--stuffed with meat of every kind, and no vegetables. Smiling as he works his molars to gnaw through its mass, we shake hands again. As I leave his office, I almost hear the sound of a beer can being cracked open. "He'll need it", I think. It was there that I and the titan of American industry parted ways.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The Vice Presidential Pick

For the Dole team, upon being assured the nomination, there were still numerous strings that needed tying up. While Brewer was far from looking good for re-election, if Dole was unable to bring the party, or at least a significant chunk of the party together, the GOP might botch it for the third time in a row. There remained the "Goldwater Conservatives"--the former conservative Democrats, liberal Republicans as represented by Percy and his ilk, and even this new, dangerous, radical wing of the party, farther out even than the Deep South Republicans, the Disraeli wing. Dole, while undoubtedly center-right, had little in common with Goldwater's ideological descendants, and not that much more to do with the Rockefeller Republicans. Nevertheless, he would have to bring at least one of these factions on board in order to ensure victory in November. That was why, on July 14th, 1980, with he and his campaign team sitting in their suite above the convention floor, the choice for a running mate would be so important.

There were many to look at, from all corners. His campaign agreed almost immediately and almost unanimously that it would not be the Disraeli wing that they reached out to first, if at all. "Even his cousin, Mendelik, that Representative from Montana, they're all completely f#cking crazy." Instead, from Kansas, they would have to look East: New England, the big industrial states, the Atlantic Coast, and the South. "John Tower, George Bush, Jim Thompson, Otis Bowen, Howard Baker, Charles Matthias..." a campaign aide ran off a list of names. "I can't believe we didn't decide this beforehand!" someone screamed out. "Look, this- this- magic candidate that somehow combines North and South just isn't going to pop up!" Pages of officeholders from each state were splayed out on a sofa.

It was Pat Buchanan, the old Nixon hand, that, leaning back in a chair, clicking a pen on his teeth with his left hand, a few typed pages in his right hand, that spoke up. "In 1968, in order to attempt to choose someone who could do just that--combine North and South--Nixon chose a little known Governor from a state in the upper South, known both for his support for civil rights and law and order, for Vice President." "Dammit Pat, we don't need another f#cking Agnew!" "No, no, we're not going to nominate some mindless prick like Agnew. A. Linwood Holton, former one-term Governor of Virginia. Hell, I  probably hate his politics as much as any of the movement conservatives in this room," one of the campaign's more liberal higher-ups shot him an unpleasant look, "but who says a Vice President has to make policy? Holton won in 1969 on a coalition of African-Americans and blue collar workers, and even though he had a largely liberal administration, he stood with Republicans on law and order and the Vietnam war. Notable record on desegregation." No one in the room was exactly stunned, but he sounded like a competent pick. Taking the cigarette out of his mouth, another member of the staff came over and took the papers out of Buchanan's hand. Adjusting his glasses, he asked "Anyone have this guy's phone number? By the sound of it, he probably sin't even attending the convention."

A. Linwood Holton, disregarding even Buchanan's comments, as well has the notability of being the first Republican Governor of Virginia in a century, helping to pave the way for a much more competitive two party system in the state. While by no means adored by the South, there was little Brewer had in that area that Holton didn't. As well, his record was about as much as anyone could ask for in regards to appealing to the New England liberals: civil rights, environmentalism, reform, and all the other buzzwords they liked to toss around. "A liberal who can win in the South. I guess that's about as good as we can get." With former Governor of New York Peter J. Brennan declining offers of the nomination--he'd been considered by many as ideal, given his Catholicism, status as a former Democrat, and records as NY Governor--several in the campaign came to a consensus around Holton.

Holton, who was the farthest thing from expecting the nomination for Vice President of the United States, didn't know what to say. Several hours later, the phone rang. Holton had consulted his wife, and the decision made: he would join Bob Dole on the Republican ticket for president in 1980.

Former Governor A. Linwood Holton of Virginia: Bob Dole's Running Mate in 1980. Though he had a mainly liberal record, he had stood with his party on the Vietnam War and had stood stern against anti-war protesters. His support for civil rights and environmental legislation appealed to North-Easterners in the party, and he had proven his ability to win with diverse coalitions. Though an unlikely pick, in an environment such as 1980, he seemed ideal.

Lowell Weicker was not a happy man when he heard the news. He had considered himself the "obvious choice" for Vice President. It was plain to see, he'd reasoned. With a Dole/Weicker ticket, the North would be easily united to win the election against the Southern Democrat, Brewer. Assistant Campaign Manager David MacKenzie, a former State Senator from Vermont, had been a big supporter of the theory. Nevertheless, it was MacKenzie himself who thought the choice of Holton was "brilliant", and it was only through the prodding of others alongside MacKenzie that Weicker was calmed down enough to tell the page "F#ck it, endorse the bastard. Hopefully we have 1984 or 1988 to look forward to." Grover, who had already dropped out and endorsed Dole, was apathetic about the choice, though sent his warm regard for the general, implying that he'd like a cabinet position. Disraeli would be the only contender not to attend the convention, let alone endorse Dole. "It looks like we'll have to find another way of advocating our message."

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Low-Tax Liberalism"

Roughly a month after Lin Holton was nominated for Vice President, the Democratic party convened in New York City from August 11th to August 14th. With Brewer having a comfortable majority of delegates, his nomination was hardly the main concern of the convention. It would be uniting the Democratic coalition for victory in November. "Scoop" Jackson was hardly a happy man. Brewer's half-break with detente was hardly enough for the Washington Senator. Nevertheless, while he refused to give a speech endorsing "that failure of a president", he did, after a meeting with HUD Secretary Daniel Patrick Moynihan, finally consent to releasing his delegates as an act of surrender to Brewer. McGovern went a bit easier, giving a stirring endorsement in favor of the nominee in what some said was far greater an address than Brewer's own acceptance speech. It would be McGovern's support that wouldn't be culled so easily.

* * *

Two Weeks Earlier; Missoula, Montana
To Scott Westman, Jefferson Dent's grim face appeared slightly off through the smoke, and the bong's bubbling sound wasn't helping him hear either.
Westman: *Cough* Sorry, could you say that again?
Dent: *Sigh*... Scott, I'm here to make sure you don't run off half-cocked. Brewer needs you, the Democratic party needs you.
Westman: Brewer? F#ck him!
Dent: F#ck him all you want. That's not what I'm here for. I'm not asking you to endorse him. I know that's far beyond what you're willing to do. I'm just asking that, until November 5th, you be willing to put your issues aside and let the Democratic campaign go uninterrupted.
Dent wasn't necessarily less liberal than Westman. Far from it, Westman was well to his right. Nevertheless, Dent was more pragmatic, and much less of a hothead.
Westman: I'm sorry, Jeff. I can't do it. I've spent nearly six years in Congress, and from what I've seen of Washington, just re-electing Brewer isn't gonna do a f#cking thing. I'd rather see Dole or whatever fascist the Republicans put up win so the party knows enough to get its f#cking act together. Allowing Brewer another term based on his awful performance wouldn't teach anyone a lesson.
Dent was far from shocked by the statement. Westman had said far more divisive statements when he was much more sober. But he was worried. Westman had, in the past few years, built himself up to a quasi-celebrity status, especially among Western donors. Many a night he'd spent in the houses of famous Hollywood Democrats, and these days he was occupying celebrity gossip magazine covers more than TIME or Newsweek. Nevertheless, Westman was beyond convincing.
Dent: [Getting up] Sorry to hear that, Scott. Please, though. Mull it over. Make the right choice for the country. [Outside] What a f#cking waste.

* * *

Come 1980, the Libertarian Party was in a rut. Despite promising party-building done since 1972, it was nevertheless not-so-easy to be a single party. One of their biggest donors, David Koch, had withdrawn his funding in early 1979 in order to instead hope to pay the way for Beauregard Disraeli to win the Republican nomination. Koch's investment had shown little yield. By August, 1980, despite much media hype, the Libertarian ticket of former elector Roger MacBride and California attorney Ed Clark was in vital need of a spike in polling numbers.

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By the time that Dole's nomination was secured, Roger MacBride, a former Republican, was considering going back into the GOP fold. "My real worry had been that Weicker or some other 'Me-Too' Republican might be nominated. While I had little taste for John Connally, his failure in 1976 had, I feared, opened the door for a Rockefeller type in 1980, which would have been of little improvement over the last 20 years of failed leadership. Aside from Disraeli, Dole was the one who least offended my sensibilities." MacBride would say in a 1992 interview. Fearing a split in the anti-Brewer vote, MacBride in a surprise would drop out in early August, causing chaos in the Libertarian ranks. Ironically, this would open the door to greater possibilities for the party.

It would be shortly following his conversation with Dent that Westman placed a call to the personal number of Libertarian Party Chairman David Bergland. An emergency meeting of the National Committee was scheduled in a few days to determine a new nominee and attempt to have all 50 states recognize the new nominee. Ed Clark was the obvious choice. With that in mind, Westman was all too happy to allow his name to be circulated as a Vice Presidential nominee. Bergland, despite being a member of the more absolutist faction of the party, was ecstatic. On August 19th, 1980, mere days after the DNC, the Libertarian National Committee formally voted to nominate Ed Clark of California for President and Scott Westman of Montana for Vice President. While there would be an amount of controversy regarding the committee determining the new nominee as opposed to a new convention, the vast majority of state parties agreed to comply, managing to replace MacBride on the ballot in over thirty states by 1980.

* * *

"It looks like we'll have to find another way of advocating our message." disgruntled Senator Beauregard Disraeli said as he heard the news of Dole's Vice Presidential selection. As far as the Senator was concerned, only the choosing of a man from his ranks--preferably himself--for the second spot on the ticket would have gotten Disraeli's endorsement. Instead, it seemed, the senior Senator from Wyoming would be parting paths with the G.O.P. in the upcoming election.

Disraeli himself liked the selection of MacBride by the Libertarian Party, the former state senator himself being a former Republican. When MacBride formally dropped out and gave an under-publicized endorsement of Dole, Disraeli, who had been planning on endorsing him, was furious. Nevertheless, after consultation with his former campaign manager and chief of staff Robert Bradley, he would attend a meeting on August 30th with Bergland, Clark, and Westman. After two hours of discussion and awkward glares bounced back and forth between the two Senate colleagues, Disraeli left unhappy. Nevertheless, hating Brewer and Dole more, a phone conversation with Bergland later that night secured Disraeli's nomination. "1980 is due to be the worst election on record in the last 20 years," the Wyoming Senator fumed, "but that seems to be every election." he lamented.

Above: On September 2nd, 1980, Senator Beauregard Disraeli (Republican-Wyoming) publicly endorsed the Libertarian ticket of Ed Clark and Scott Westman for President, bucking his own party and its nominee, Bob Dole.

* * *

Following the nomination of the Clark/Westman ticket, the party would work overtime to broaden its appeal. The nomination of Clark alone symbolized a significant shift to the left, though whether or not that would help was to be debated, as MacBride had credentials that could draw in disaffected Republicans. Nevertheless, it was hoped that Disraeli's endorsement would help in bringing over the right. In the meantime, the Clark/Westman ticket was focused primarily in drawing disaffected McGovern voters. Westman proved to be an asset to the campaign in giving it not only the legitimacy of a current federal officeholder and legislator, but also the platform that derived from such a quality. For the next few months, the Libertarian Vice Presidential nominee would  not only be an active canvasser, but also a strong voice on the Senate floor. In the meantime, Clark worked to shift the debate and image of libertarianism. For the last few years, especially with the Democrats in power, the Libertarians had been perceived as merely yet another strain of the far-right located outside the Republican sphere of influence. The most vocal shift would be a fall, 1980 interview in which Clark stated that he viewed libertarianism as "low tax liberalism", evidence of an overall larger trend to try to appeal to young, left-leaning, and anti-incumbent voters. The tactic would appear to be working, as, even as Brewer sank in the polls, those listing "other" in surveys grew. Internal polling indicated an upward trend, even topping ten percent. That, however, was prior to the party's "October Surprise".

October 17th, 1980
Awaking in his hotel room, sunlight streaming in between the cracks in the blinds, Scott Westman groggily groped for the remote. The clock on the bedside table reads 12:35 PM.
Westman: *Yawn* Where the f#ck is that thing?
In reaching blindly, he accidentally hit his bed mate's thigh and hears a stirring.
Westman: (to self) F#ck. (To partner) Sorry, Calpernia.
Westman, reaching to his right, accidentally tumbled out of bed. Cracking his eyes open again, he found the remote.
Westman: Ah, you motherf#cker. There you.
Television: *Click* ...in a rare moment of politics and entertainment news intersecting, Montana Senator Scott Westman was seen entering a hotel late last night with model and actress Calpernia Weils. Weils, who since her debut on the Hollywood scene only last year has aroused controversy, is a pre-operational transvestite.
Westman: Shiiiiiit....
Calpernia: Scott? What is it?

[#CriminalizeSobriety]

Interesting to see that the same leak about Westman has confounded the Libertarian ticket's prospects as it did in Westman canon. Did Dent break with President Brewer and support McGovern, or did party loyalty prevail?

Also, sorry if I missed this, but did Governor Brennan (New York) win reelection in '78?

Concerning 1980, I figure Thad would've cast a (rather unenthusiastic) vote for Weicker, though Maine's Caucus system might've made it not worth the effort to him.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Interesting to see that the same leak about Westman has confounded the Libertarian ticket's prospects as it did in Westman canon. Did Dent break with President Brewer and support McGovern, or did party loyalty prevail?

Also, sorry if I missed this, but did Governor Brennan (New York) win reelection in '78?

Concerning 1980, I figure Thad would've cast a (rather unenthusiastic) vote for Weicker, though Maine's Caucus system might've made it not worth the effort to him.

Westman: In many ways, this timeline incorporates several of the elements of the timelines that preceded it. A good example would be O'Connor's own background, which allows not only for the specifics of "Dust in the Wind", but also the short tenure in Alabama working under Dent that was used in "Americana 3.0".

Dent: Having been a friend and ally to Brewer before his presidency, and serving as his Secretary of State, Dent stood by the incumbent and fellow Alabaman despite his friendship with McGovern.

Brennan: Brennan chose not to run for re-election, and former Lt. Governor Malcolm Wilson was elected in 1978 as a Republican, with a broad coalition ranging from the Liberals to the Right-to-Life party. Despite its Democratic and liberal leanings, New York's Governor's Mansion has been out of Democratic hands since the '50's.

[MASHED POTATOES. VOTE!]

Dent: Having been a friend and ally to Brewer before his presidency, and serving as his Secretary of State, Dent stood by the incumbent and fellow Alabaman despite his friendship with McGovern.

While Cathcon got carte blanche as an author, there's the way I'd see it:

1. A sitting Secretary of State wouldn't campaign against his superior
2. State politics concerns (working alliance to keep Wallace types from retaking the party)
3. Even if Dent doesn't view Brewer as particulary good President (a big if since I don't know that ), there's a party unity issue

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Dent: Having been a friend and ally to Brewer before his presidency, and serving as his Secretary of State, Dent stood by the incumbent and fellow Alabaman despite his friendship with McGovern.

While Cathcon got carte blanche as an author, there's the way I'd see it:

1. A sitting Secretary of State wouldn't campaign against his superior
2. State politics concerns (working alliance to keep Wallace types from retaking the party)
3. Even if Dent doesn't view Brewer as particularly good President (a big if since I don't know that ), there's a party unity issue

All of which, of course, work.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

List of United States Senators from New York, Class I
Royal S. Copeland (Democratic) March 4th, 1923-June 17th, 1938
William Westman (Democratic) December 3rd, 1938-January 3rd, 1947
Irving M. Ives (Republican) January 3rd, 1947-January 3rd, 1959
Kenneth Keating (Republican) January 3rd, 1959-January 3rd, 1965
Robert F. Kennedy (Democratic) January 3rd, 1965-December 14th, 1972
Perry B. Duryea (Republican) December 20th, 1972-January 3rd, 1975
James L. Buckley (Conservative) January 3rd, 1975-January 3rd, 1977
Bella Abzug (Democratic) January 3rd, 1977-Present

Before Robert F. Kennedy's election, New York's Class I Senate seat had earned a reputation for electing "conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans". The fact that William Westman had succeeded Royal S. Copeland in 1938 by triumphing a Republican opponent to his left was the first sign of a "trend" for the seat, as both Westmand and Copeland were known fiscal conservatives. When Westman was defeated by Irving Ives in 1946, and when the seat remained in the hands of liberal Republicans well into the 60's, the idea had become firmly entrenched. It was only with the election of liberal Democrat Bobby Kennedy that the seat showed signs of "normalization", and Abzug's election in 1976 over Conservative-Republican Buckley helped complete the process.

While Westman was out of the Senate come 1947, he was far from unpopular in his home state, and had a firmly established national profile. He would go on to work in the Truman, then in the Eisenhower administrations as Ambassador to the Court of St. James. By the time of his official return to the U.S. in 1959, the Westman family patriarch had moved significantly to the right since his days of support Robert La Follette in 1924. Were it not for the presence of the Kennedys and the Republican disaster of 1964, he might well have taken to endorsing Republicans--or at least voting for them, as he had faded from the public following the '50's--nationally. In "the Old Man"'s waning days, he did express dissatisfaction with the Brewer administration, and privately displayed disgust with Bobby Kennedy. His final presidential ballot would be cast for Ed Clark and Scott Westman--"Only to support the boy," he stated--and he was quite pleased with 1980's results.

It would be in the waning years of his life that Christian Mattingly met "Willy" Westman, as the wealthy New Yorker was among his first and greatest investors. While Mattingly's views of Scott Westman would fluctuate and ultimately be appraised as "a mixture of respect and utter disgust", Mattingly would always hold the former ambassador in the highest possible regard and admiration.

The Presidential Voting Record of William Westman
1920: Warren G. Harding (Republican-Ohio)
1924: Robert M. La Follette (Progressive-Wisconsin)
1928: Alfred E. Smith (Democrat-New York)
1932: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat-New York)
1936: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat-New York)
1940: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat-New York)
1948: Harry S. Truman (Democrat-Misssouri)
1952: Dwight D. Eisenhower (Republican-New York)
1956: Dwight D. Eisenhower (Republican-New York)
1960: John F. Kennedy (Democrat-Massachusetts)
1964: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democrat-Texas)
1968: Richard M. Nixon (Republican-New York)
1972: Robert F. Kennedy (Democrat-New York)
1976: Robert F. Kennedy (Democrat-New York)
1980: Edward Clark (Libertarian-California)

[Sec. of State Superique]

Considering that those who would vote for Ed Clark were basically a bunch of young liberals, some libertarian guys and some progressive people, would this travestite be a problem anyway?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Considering that those who would vote for Ed Clark were basically a bunch of young liberals, some libertarian guys and some progressive people, would this travestite be a problem anyway?

It is still 1980, they were hoping for some support from the right as well thanks to the "Disraeli faction" that might fall through, and all-around it isn't exactly good press, especially in this era.