Chilean Presidential Election - 1976 (Conventions)

[Lumine]

Jorge Alessandri, Second Term (II)

Left with a couple of years to govern before the Presidential Election was held, Alessandri and PN set out to use the constitutional reforms and their somewhat strong position in Congress (the Senate aside, were a good deal of legislation came to die), supported by the apolitical army now led by General Carlos Prats after Schneider's retirement in the goal of "restoring order". By 1976, the results were there, yet the legacy of Alessandri was not as positive as many came to expect in the aftermath of the referendum.

Alessandri's largest triumphs came on domestic and foreign policy. First because the much increased Presidential powers and his ability to now sustain longer states of emergency meant the Government could take the fight to the militant left and to the extreme right as well, efficient yet ruthless action which led to the prevention of an assasination attempt on the President and the near destruction of key groups like VOP and MIR (left) and Patria y Libertad, the militant arm of the Movimiento Nacionalista (to General Viaux's outrae, denouncing Alessandri as having sold out to communism). That was coupled with a much succesful handling of land reform, scaling down on the process and making significant progress in defusing the tension in the fields.

On the foreign front, the relationship with Argentina remained poor, but Alessandri forged a succesful relationship in Bolivia and Peru that did wonders to calm the frontier dispute. Despite some scandals related to PN politicians connected to the nationalist militants of Patria y Libertad, Alianza Civica held out pretty well during those years, it's only source of concern being the weakness of their position in the Senate and the constant rejections of PDC Senators to some key Government proyects (often forcing the Government to sideline Congress with its new constitutional advantages).

Alas, those accomplishments aside, the Chilean economy has become a nightmare. While the country held out decently during the first months after the oil shock, the effects of the crisis came to full force just as Minister Barahona was cutting down on government subsidies and lowering much of the economic controls once held by the Government, and the economic debacle escaped his hands. With the Chilean economy in freefall and facing shortages through 1974, Alessandri fired Barahona as he instituted the new Social and Economic Council, putting monetarist/interventionist Luis Escobar Cerda in charge with orders to reverse the course, away from the now discredited neoliberalist tendency. To his merit, Cerda has attempted it all, but the economy continues to shrink through 1976, unemployment and inflation dangerously rising.

Though politically succesful, the Alessandri Government is damaged from the economic debacle, and the right itself is divided on the path to follow. Can they hold onto power?

[Lumine]

Candidates and Coalitions:

Unidad Popular:

Carlos Altamirano (PS/MAPU): The charismatic and daring darling of the militant left, Altamirano was soundly defeated in 1973’ and ousted from the leadership of the PS, but his belief on the cause remains radical as ever. Supported by Socialist sectors and MAPU, launching a bid on a platform of installing socialism in Chile through a “popular revolution” on all fronts, with the slogan of “avanzar sin tranzar” (move ahead without compromises), Altamirano is the most hard-line candidate, and has gone as far to express that if Unidad Popular “caves in to the bourgeoisie with a moderate” he would be willing to go to the first round anyway, or support a candidate that does.

José Tohá (PS): With Altamirano ousted from the PS leadership in 73’ to be replaced with “The Junta”, the Allendists have fought very hard battles with the militant left to refuse support to MIR and the revolutionary groups against Alessandri. Fielding a candidate of their own to counter Altamirano, they have selected Allende-loyalist José Tohá, an unusually young (49 years old) candidate that has retaken Allende’s own platform, the “Chilean way to socialism” updated with a pledge to use the full new powers of the Presidency, restart land reform in an unprecedented scale and destroy the liberal economic reforms.

Luis Corvalán (PC/PR): Much lauded for his leadership of the more democratic wing of Unidad Popular, Corvalán has been persuaded to run by the Communists and the Radicals, arguing the need to bring the revolution and socialism from within the system and with a new platform. Owing to that, Corvalán has doubled on his promises to significantly strengthen the unions in the Social and Economic Council, while arguing for the long term approach to a centralized, statist economy. Corvalán is also the most vocal supporter of strengthening the relationship to the Soviet Union as a potential supporter.

Luis Fernando Luengo (USD/IC): Founding the Social Democratic Union (USD) in 1974 after good electoral results, Luengo has the support of his party and the Christian Left, arguing for a social democratic path to eventual socialism. Luengo, a strong critic of Altamirano and even Tohá (particularly on nationalization), believes a broad alliance with PDC against the right should be a priority. Still on their infancy, the Chilean Social Democrats are still looking for a source of inspiration, often divided on the different approaches of the European social democrats.

PDC:

Bernardo Leighton (PDC): Facing an increasing decline PDC has taken a turn towards the center-left again, taking on a much more confrontational approach to Alessandri on land reform and economic liberalization. One of the historical legends of the PDC, austere and conciliatory (nicknamed “brother Bernardo” due to his approach) Bernardo Leighton is a strong supporter of the communitarian/third-way economic approach to deal with the crisis, a potential alliance with the center-left, and the need to tackle inequality as the key to end the economic crisis. One of the strongest and still standing cards left to the PDC, he is believed by many as the last chance out of irrelevance, given PDC’s key Senate role could be lost in 77’. That said, Leighton faces an opponent in Senator Carmona, a strong believer in the need for PDC to move to the center and join Alianza Civica.

Alianza Civica:

Ernesto Pinto Lagarrigue (Ind/DR): The surprise of the center-right convention, technocratic independent Ernesto Pinto has launched his own candidacy as the candidate of the Movimiento Alessandrista Independiente, backed by the Radical Democrat delegates. Pinto, successful businessman and Public Works minister in the two Jorge Alessandri governments argues the Presidency should be handled with a CEO attitude, with a figure independent from the political parties. His platform, among other issues, includes strengthening the Social and Economic council to further account for trade and economic sectors, a marked anti-communism, a more liberal stance on social affairs and argues for economic austerity.

Francisco Bulnes Sanfuentes (PN): Coming from one of the aristocratic political families and nicknamed “El Marqués” (the Marquis) given his manners, Bulnes represents the old-right that used to be the Conservative Party before 1965. A great parliamentary orator and one of the strongest critics of the neoliberal experiment from the right, Bulnes stands for social conservatism, a more interventionist approach towards the economy, an even greater scaling down of land reform, and a return to normalcy on domestic affairs, lowering the states of emergency after the crackdown on extremist movements.

Sergio Onofre Jarpa (PN): Party Chairman through most of the Alessandri second term, and architect of the 73’ National shockwave, Sergio Onofre Jarpa is one of the remaining nationalists within the National Party, often described as “a man of action, not ideas”. Jarpa is insistent that the right needs to move away from conservative or liberal paradigms and to a “national” one. His platform includes a strong defense of protectionism, a very presidential approach to governing, and a populist approach to domestic issues.

MN:

Roberto Viaux (MN): Immensely strong after the 1973 results, the Movimiento Nacionalista has proved to be a disciplined force with staying power, the issues with the militant Patria y Libertad aside. With a sole plausible candidate in General Roberto Viaux, the nationalists have nonetheless prepared a convention to gauge public support. Running on a platform of strong anti-communism, a combative approach towards the territorial disputes with Argentina, the rejection of economic liberalism to favor full interventionism (especially public works to deal with unemployment), Viaux’s has prepared a most ambitious target: to get the Nationalists on the second round in the first election to introduce that system.

Two days! Tentative results for the coalitions might have consequences on the general election itself…

[DC Al Fine]

Sanfuentes

[Intell]

Luis Fernando Luengo.

[Goldwater]

Lagarrigue

[Cassius]

Jarpa.

[Senator Spiral]

Jarpa.

[Cranberry]

Corvalán

[Lumine]

Bump! This closes in a few hours, followed by either the general election of a second convention round if it is too close.