Summer TL: President Henry Wallace

[hcallega]

This TL presumes that FDR keeps VP Henry Wallace on the Democratic Ticket instead of dropping him in favor of Senator Harry Truman of Missouri. I will be working on it throughout the summer, starting today.
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1944 Democratic Convention

Held in Chicago, Illinois, the 1944 Democratic National Convention is known today as FDR's last great stand. Despite little contest for the Presidential Nomination, Roosevelt was challenged by many in his own party who believed that VP Henry Wallace was far too liberal for the Vice-Presidency. The fear was that Roosevelt would pass away before 1948, and thus whoever his VP was would be the next president. Revalations that Wallace practiced trans-meditation, had a positive view of the USSR, and was being taught by a Russian philosopher, made him seem like a radical who could not safely lead the nation. Party leadership looked to Senator Harry Truman of Missouri, a moderate who was very pro-labor and had investigated war-time contracts. Yet Roosevelt did not know much about Truman, and still had trust in his friend from Iowa. Thus he refused to support Truman, despite labor's urges and those of the national party.

On the first ballot, Wallace would win a plurality of the delegates, winning support from liberals and many of FDR's allies. Truman finished in a close second, drawing the support of labor and many in the party's leadership. Senator John Bankhead of Alabama finished in a distant third, drawing support from Southerners. On the second ballot, Truman narrowed the gap with increased support from southerners, though Wallace still barely held on.

With the fear that Wallace would loose the VP nomination, Roosevelt deployed First Lady Eleanor to adress the convention. Calling on the delegates to support her husband "one last time, one more charge through the breech", Eleanor would stir up many in the crowd into a frenzy. Her work would pay off, as Wallace would narrowly gain a majority on the third ballot. Rather than adress the divided audience, Wallace would simply appear on the stage with FDR and Eleanor, as the crowd gave a less then stellar cheer.

Roosevelt and Wallace in the backrooms of the Democratic Convention

[hcallega]

The Presidency of Henry Wallace: First Term

[/b]

On April 12th, 1945, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt died just several months after beginning his fourth term as President of the United States. His successor would be Vice-President Henry Wallace of Iowa. Wallace, who had barely made it on to the ticket in the first place, took office during a very difficult time. While the war in Europe had ended, the war against Japan had just reached a crescendo. Questions about how the war would come to an end were being asked by just about everyone, as were questions regarding possible communist expansion into Eastern Europe. Finally, Wallace would also have to deal with the harsh reality of the cost of the New Deal programs, and make tough decisions in regards as to whether to keep them around or not.

Wallace's first major challenge was how to end the War with Japan. Many ideas were proposed to him ranging from dropping atomic bombs on key Japanese cities, to an invasion, to a blockade. While Wallace personally favored a blockade, he also recognized that it was imperative to the American people to end the war as soon as possible. That being said, he was deeply disturbed by the power and possibility of using nuclear weapons. Therefore, Wallace chose to go threw with Operation Downfall, the invasion of Japan. Of course Wallace still pressed hard for a diplomatic end for the war, but when the Emperor rejected every attempt at peace, Wallace chose to invade. The US was helped by Russia's invasion of Manchuria, further isolating the island nation. The invasion began on September 20, 1945 and would last until June 15, 1946 when the Emperor Hirohito surrendered. It was a long and bloody invasion that lead many Americans to question the Presidents thinking on the matter.

Wallace was next presented with how to handle the post-war world. At first he scored a major victory with the US Senate's ratification of the UN charter. He believed that this would prevent the possibility of another world war, or any conflict comparable. Yet tensions soon rose in Eastern Europe, where the Soviet sphere of influence began to expand. One after another, countries began to fall either to communism or directly to the Soviet union. Wallace spoke out against these measures, but failed to use little besides rhetoric, not wanting to risk another devastating war. However Wallace did indeed confront the Soviet's when they blockaded Berlin. Refusing not to allow food into the city, Wallace employed an airlift and demanded that the roads into the city be reopened. After several months, the Soviets backed down. In Western Europe Wallace was more successful. Implementing the "Wallace Plan", the President sent several billions of dollars in aide to the war torn nations. This was a great moral victory, as well as a political one as it helped show to many that democracy and capitalism were the heroes, not communism.

On the home front, Wallace was even less successful. Many in congress wished to real back much of the New Deal spending and programs now that the war was over. The "Conservative Coalition" as it was called, now had a great deal of popular support from many who did not want to pay such high taxes. Yet Wallace did not want to push back these programs and in fact proposed a new series of programs known as "The New Way". These were intended to create a permanent new structure of programs and regulations to protect workers, farmers, and fight poverty. Yet outside of reforming farm subsidies and passing the GI Bill, Wallace was defeated time after time. However he was fairly successful in vetoing many of the real-backs of the New Deal programs, as he still had enough votes in congress. That was until 1946.

In the 1946 midterm elections, the Republicans captured 15 seats in the US Senate (ID, MT, NV, NY, DE, MA, OH, PA, UT, WA, MD, NM, WV) to give them a 53-43 majority. However along with many Southern Democrats, the Republicans actually held a great deal more power. The same happened in the House, where the Republicans also captured the majority. Thus for the next two years the President would be fighting a defensive battle that he would lose on the budget and the Taft-Hartley act.

However Wallace would find a new pet issue in his last two years in office: civil rights. Several times the President would push congress to allow blacks equality in the south, as well as giving greater rights to day laborers in the south west. However congress would also defeat these measures. Wallace expected this, yet believed that these attempts would in dear him to blacks, liberals, and Hispanics. Nonetheless, by the time the 1948 Democratic Convention rolled around, it was clear that it would be an uphill fight for the unpopular President.

[hcallega]

1948 Democratic Convention

Going into the 1948 Democratic Convention, President Wallace's popularity was at a mealy 37% according to Gallup. The President was counting on his support among liberals and farm-state delegates to give him the nomination over divided opposition. However it soon became clear that unlike 1944 when the opposition was highly divided, this time each side came ready to fight. Ultimately there were three major candidates for the nomination:

• President Henry Wallace of Iowa, supported by liberals and farm-state delegates.
• Senator Harry Truman of Missouri, supported by labor and mid-western delegates
• Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, supported by conservatives and southern delegates

The convention became quickly deadlocked, as neither side had the votes to win the nomination. However this uncertainty to did lead to some of the greatest convention speeches in history. The first came from South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond on the part of Senator Russell. The following comes from Thurmond's address to the convention:

"It is time to remember who we, the Democratic Party, are. We are not the party of federal rights, or business rights, or union rights. We are the party of STATES rights! We were the party who rose to defend those who stop Hamilton from creating a society of elites. We were the party who fought with Andrew Jackson to keep the banks from owning America. We were the party who pushed into the west with James Polk. And we were the party who defeated fascism and will defeat communism! (at this point a cheer came out from the audience with the southern delegation waving confederate flags) And today I come before you, the esteemed delegates of the Democratic Party, the People's Party and the States Party, in support of the great Senator from the Peach State of Georgia, Richard Brevard Russell!"

Mayor Hubert Humphrey of Minneapolis, Minnesota would rise in support of Senator Truman:

"Senator Harry Truman is a simple man from a simple state. He knows the values of hard work, fairness, and the truth. He also knows that today we stand on the precipice of history. We can choose to walk down a road of fear and the reactionary politics of the past, or we can choose to walk down the path of freedom, free men, and hope. Senator Truman is a man of hope. He knows that we can challenge communism without challenging our rights here at home. He knows that we can fight for the right for workers to organize without driving business and free enterprise out of this great nation. And he knows that we, as a people, can follow in the leadership of President Roosevelt and become a better nation, and a greater nation. Thank you."

Finally, First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt would say a few words about her friend, President Wallace:

"I like the President. I think he's done a great job as President, and I think we should give him a second chance. He's fought long and hard for everything that we believe in and even when he's failed he's done so like a boxer, never giving up until the bell, or vote count, rings. This is a man who stands for us and for the little people who will never get a chance to be at a convention, and he's a man who we should reelect as President of the United States."

Despite the great rhetoric, the convention was still in a dead heat. After the first ballot it was clear that there was no majority. On the second ballot, with the withdrawal of the favorite sons and whatnot, there was still no majority. It became clear that a compromise candidate would have to be found if there were to be no concessions from any of the candidates. The southern delegates made it clear that the nominee would have to come from south of the Mason-Dixon line, while labor was hell-bent in opposition to anyone who didn't see things their way. While the western delegation was not united in opposition or support towards any candidate, they were reluctant to abandon Wallace. In the end, after hours of deliberation and negotiation, Governor Robert Kerr of Oklahoma was chosen as the nominee. Kerr was an oil man, and hailed from a state that was part southern and western. He was also a New Dealer and sympathetic to labor. On the third ballot he edged out Wallace for the nomination. The Vice-Presidential choice was former General James Roosevelt, the former President's son.

Delegate Support by State (aprx.): Pink=Wallace, Red=Truman, Red/Brown=Russell

Delegate Support by State (aprx): Pink=Wallace, Red=Kerr

[hcallega]

Wallace didn't win and is not running as an independent.

[hcallega]

and could he win?
[/quote]

No, that would not go well and unlike in OTL he's honestly a little sick of politics having to deal with a GOP congress.

[hcallega]

1948 Republican Nomination

On the Republican side of the aisle there was also a intense contest for the Democratic race. The early front runners were New York Governor Thomas Dewey and Ohio Senator Robert Taft. Dewey, the nominee in 1944, was popular among liberals, moderates and the "Yankee" Republican establishment. However Taft had gained support among conservatives and many younger members of the GOP for his effort in leading the Republican efforts in defeating Wallace's proposals. However former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen was also in the thick of things, drawing support due to his energetic style and outsider image. Other candidates included President Pro Tem of the US Senate Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan and California Governor Earl Warren.

The x-factor in the race was General Douglas McArthur. Even though he was stationed in Japan at the time, McArthur made it clear that he wanted the Republican nomination. McArthur, a conservative yet outsider drew a great deal of support away from both Stassen and Taft in the primaries. This helped to allow Dewey to emerge as the victor in many of the primaries. Going into the convention Dewey lead, with Taft in second, and Stassen and McArthur tied for third.

At the convention, many of Stassen's supports would rally to Dewey after the second ballot, giving him the majority and thus the nomination. Dewey would choose the popular insurgent general as his VEEP, rejecting conservatives.

[hcallega]

1948 Presidential Election

By the time that the conventions had closed up and the delegates sitting in their houses reading the morning, the 1948 Presidential election had already solidified itself as a memorable one. Of course there was the unseating of Wallace, who was already getting ready to return to the cozy confines of Iowa. But there was also the insurgent Stassen who fought to gain a spot on the GOP ticket. But the real race was between two men who couldn't be more different. On the Democratic side there was Rob Kerr. A oil man from Oklahoma who had been elected governor in 1942, Kerr was a supporter of the New Deal who was a rising star in the national party, having delivered the keynote address at the 1944 Democratic convention. In many ways he was both the personification of the new Democratic coalition and the old one. He was a southerner and a New Dealer, a businessman and a friend of the common man.

On the other side was Thomas Dewey. The popular governor of New York was also elected in 1942 and had been the parties nominee in 1944 as a change from the conservatives and laissez-faire conservatives who had dominated presidential politics since William Howard Taft. Coincidentally Dewey's principal opponent for the GOP nomination in both 1944 and 1948 was Ohio Senator Robert Taft, the son of the former President. Dewey was a son of privileged who governed out of principal. As a prosecutor he had gone after what he saw as the evils of New York and made a reputation as a reformer. Yet by no means was he an outsider. He was the leader of the old "Yankee Establishment", the liberal wing of the Republican Party who had often stood alongside FDR and his New Deal and internationalist foreign policies. Yet had won the nomination for the second time in a row and was determined to win it all.

The campaign itself was fairly lackluster. From convention to Election Day Dewey would lead in the polls, going on cruise control for most of the campaign while relying on the public opposition toward Wallace to help keep up turnout. Kerr on the other hand ran a fairly aggressive campaign, using his folksy attitude in an attempt to differentiate himself from Wallace. However in many ways it was too little too late, as Dewey would win a decisive victory. Kerr failed to carry any states above the Mason-Dixon line, though he did carry New Mexico.

Dewey/Stassen (R) 351 EVs, 54% of the PV
Kerr/Roosevelt (D) 180 EVs, 45% of the PV

1948 Congressional Elections

Following the "thrumpin'" by the Republicans in 1946, it was logical that the party would bounce back. The biggest victories would come in the Midwest as they swept several states from the Republicans. Mayor Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota would score a big victory in Minnesota, while in Oklahoma Lyle Boren was helped by the strength of Rob Kerr in the state.

Republican Pickups
-None
Democratic Pickups
-Illinois (Paul Doglas defeated C. Wayland Brooks)
-Iowa (Guy Gillette defeated George Wilson)
-Minnesota (Hubert Humphrey defeated Joseph Ball)
-Oklahoma (Lyle Boren defeated Ross Rizzley)
-West Virginia (Matthew Neeley defeated Chapman Revercomb)
-Wyoming (Lester Hunt defeated Edward Robertson)

[hcallega]

The First Term of President Thomas Dewey

On January 20, 1949, Republican Thomas Dewey of New York was sworn in as the 34th President of the United States. His first major test was the passage of the budget. Dewey's proposal was quite liberal in nature, calling for an overall reduction in foreign and domestic spending while raising taxes and extending Social Security benefits. Senate Minority Leader Alben Barkley (D-KY) supported the plan rather than proposing a counter-proposal. That role was filled by the Conservative Coalition lead by Richard Russell (D-GA) and longtime Dewey rival Robert Taft (R-OH). The Conservative Coalition proposed a plan which would more greatly reduce spending and cut taxes, while preserving military spending as it was. Despite substantial support for this counter proposal by many southerners and conservatives, Dewey's plan would still be adopted.

On foreign policy Dewey would reverse many of the more pacifist views of Wallace and continue the internationalism found under FDR. He strongly supported NATO and a policy of containment. But Dewey's greatest foreign policy measure was the war in Korea. When the communist North invaded the democratic South, Dewey was one of the first to denounce this as "communist aggression against the free peoples of the world. We said never again after WWII, and so I am prepared to use military force." The UN would also provide support in helping push out the Communists. However Dewey would order US forces to stop at the 38th parallel, despite the outrage of General MacArthur. Dewey believed that this would lead to a third world war with China and the USSR. However many viewed this as a missed opportunity.

Another major issue for Dewey's first term was the issue of communism. Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) claimed that he had the names of State Department employees who were either members of our supporters of the Communist Party. The public response prompted Senate Majority Leader Kenneth Weery (R-NE) to call for the creation of a committee to investigate communist infiltration in the state department. The bipartisan committee was chaired by McCarthy, with Millard Tyldings (D-MD) the ranking member. Dewey was very skeptical of this committee in private, fearing that it would make him look like a communist sympathizer as it was his state department. Nationally however he spoke of this as "another reason why we must reform the state department. There are far too many permanent bureaucrats in the department and hopefully this will bring an end to this tradition." The committee found little success, as McCarthy was unable to prove the guilt of any individuals. However the committee's report stated that it was clear that there was a communist influence in the federal government and that McCarthy hoped to clean it out. It would not be the last time the Wisconsin senator would be heard from.

1950 Congressional Elections

Dewey's first term was generally well received and as such the Republicans benefited in the US senate elections. Republicans Nixon and Butler were helped by their opponents controversial views, while Democrats picked up two seats in the midwest to limit the Republican net gain to +3. This put the Senate at 52-44 Republican Majority.
Republican Senate Gains
-California: Richard Nixon
-Idaho: Herman Welker
-Illinois: Everett Dirksen
-Maryland: John Butler
-Utah: Wallace Bennett
Democratic Senate Gains
-Indiana: Alex Campbell
-Missouri: Thomas Hennings
In the House Republicans made gains expanding their majority.

[hcallega]

In regards to McArthur, my reasoning was that since he was still stationed in Japan that it wouldn't make sense. In regards to Korea, yes the public was sick of war but they recognized that we couldn't let communism take over. Part of Dewey's decision not to cross the 38th parallel was based around the sickness over war.

[hcallega]

The 1952 Democratic Convention

Following a relatively positive first four years under President Dewey, the odds for a Democratic victory in November seemed relatively unlikely. Yet party leaders were hell-bent on preventing two things, 1: a landslide defeat and 2: the nomination of an extremist like Wallace or Richard Russell. While the second had been prevented in 1948, the first had not and it soon became clear that the party needed somebody who could appeal both to southern whites and organized labor to the degrees that they would win both the mid-west and south. This would be the real battle as many of the same candidates threw their hats into the ring from 1948.

• Senator Harry Truman of Missouri: Truman had the strong backing of organized labor as well as many anti-communists. He was a political moderate and agreed with Dewey on many core principles.
• Senator Richard Russell of Georgia: Russell was the most conservative Democratic candidate and drew support from the Deep South, conservative, and business groups. However many viewed him as too conservative and unable to defeat Dewey.
• Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee: A populist from the upper south, Kefauver had the support of many westerners as well as liberals and strong supporters in the New Deal. Kefauver was viewed by many as a candidate who could bring back farmers into the Democratic mold.
• Senate Minority Leader Alben Barkley of Kentucky: Despite being very old, Barkley gave it one last shot for the White House.
• Governor Paul Dever of Massachusetts: A political-machine boss, Dever was very much the classic urban New Dealer, opposing communism and supporting government pensions and support for anti-poverty programs.
• Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota: Humphrey ran as favorite son who hoped to increase his national political profile.
• Senator William Fulbright of Arkansas: A moderate Southerner, Fulbright was a favorite son who hoped to be a compromise candidate similar to Kerr in 1948.
  

Early on Truman and Russell were seen as the frontrunners, representing the two largest branches of the Democratic party. However with the increased presence of primary elections, the possibility for an outsider to make a run at the nomination became much more likely. In New Hampshire, the first primary, Russell's name was not on the ballot. Truman and Kefauver would finish neck and neck, with Truman winning by 2%. While this was not a victory for the Senator from Tennessee, it was a solid moral one. He would go on to win in Maryland, South Dakota, Nebraska, West Virginia, California, and Oregon. His folksy populism went a long way as a new face for the party. Truman would win Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, and Wisconsin, while Humphrey would win Minnesota and Russell Florida.

With this, the contest for the nomination was split three ways. Many in the Deep South were adamant on getting Russell on the ticket, while Labor was still strongly behind Truman. However it was Kefauver who had gained the most momentum and was becoming the favorite of many in the liberal branch and among moderate southerners not wanting to see the party slip into the clutches of Jim Crow. However with the first ballot the convention was still split along regional and ideological lines:

After the first ballot, Barkley, Humphrey, and Fulbright withdrew from the nomination. Barkley's delegates went to Kefauver, Humphrey's to Truman, and Fulbright to Russell. Yet this did little to break the deadlock. However it soon became clear that Russell was the odd man out in the three-way race. He lacked the support among Democrats outside the South and he knew it. With the withdrawal of Dever after the second ballot and the support of his delegates for Truman, Russell would switch his goal to getting a southerner on the ballot, as he had in 1948. Thus with no candidate holding a majority, Russell withdrew from the race and told his supporters to "choose the man who you believe will carry on the value and virtues of America, and follow only your heart and your mind." For many this was a sign that Russell wanted them to support Kefauver, a fellow southerner. This endorsement would carry Kefauver past Truman and to the nomination. In his acceptance speech the populist senator would rail "we need a President who cares about the people, not the businesses. We need someone who cares about America, not who cares about his campaign. It should values and virtue, not money, that run this country!" Kefauver would choose Illinois Governor Adlai Stevenson, a supporter of Truman, as his VEEP.

[hcallega]

we're all pullin' for him. It should be interesting.

Also for those of u following this tl, remember that the world has not gone nuclear, though the US does have the technology it is literally a "secret weapon" which has been deemed as a last resort.

[hcallega]

The 1952 Presidential Election

The race for the presidency in 1952 was similar to 1948 in that there was a true contrast in personalities between the two nominees. Kefauver was the epitome of folksy populism, wearing his coonskin hat and being pulled via dogsled to his rallies. Yet it soon became clear that the American people were not looking for someone they could have a beer with, rather someone who could guide them through difficult times. The economic boom following World War Two was still in full force, resulting on Kefauver's message of ending rural poverty and supporting the disenfranchised and weak fall on def ears. However it was also clear that Dewey was not the perfect candidate. He lacked appeal to many voters who saw him as cold and stiff, not warm and fatherly like FDR. Another problem was Dewey's almost refusal to campaign. He was reluctant to look like an underdog or be compared to Kefauver on the campaign trail, a comparison he would come out on the short end of almost every time

However Dewey did receive much more support from the Republican base this time around, due largely to his opponent. Business groups reluctant to support a version of New Deal Lite recognized that life with Dewey would be much more favorable than life under Kefauver. They pored millions of dollars into his campaign and worked to get out the vote in areas where many employees felt that there jobs were anything but secure. Foreign policy hawks also warned of a Kefauver presidency as potentially lethal, fearing that the Soviets would pour into West Germany on inauguration day if Kefauver was elected. But perhaps most surprisingly was the support Dewey received, albeit behind the scenes, from organized crime and the Teamsters Union. Both groups despised Dewey for his tough on crime approach as a prosecutor, but in comparison to Kefauver who had lead a Senate investigation of mob activity, the term "what have you done for me lately?" came into effect. This was yet another factor on election day that helped Dewey in the Midwest.

The final results on Election Day were anything but shocking. Kefauver did very well in the South as well as in the west, but failed to score the big states needed to win. Dewey would call this election "the closest call of my career.....any minor change here or there could have swung it to him."

Dewey/Stassen (R)-290 Electoral Votes, 53% of the Popular Vote
Kefauver/Stevenson (D)-241 Electoral Votes, 47% of the Popular Vote



1952 Congressional Elections
Despite Dewey's narrow reelection, the GOP fared much more poorly in the Senate. The Democrats continued to reestablish themselves after the Wallace debacle and recreate the New Deal coalition. The GOP's loan gain was in Connecticut, a typical Republican stronghold where the Democrats also capture a seat to nullify any real changes to the state delegation. Following this election the Senate stood at a margin of 53-43 Democratic advantage. Alben Barkley of Kentucky was the new Senate Majority Leader, with Lyndon Johnson of Texas beating out Earnest McFarland of Arizona (who barely won reelection over Barry Goldwater) as Whip.
Democratic Gains:
-Connecticut: Abraham Ribicoff
-Massachusetts: John Kennedy
-Maryland: George Mahoney
-Montana: Mike Mansfiled
-Nevada: Thomas Mechling
-New Mexico: Antonio Fernandez
-Pennsylvania: Guy Bard
-Washington: Henry Jackson
Republican Gains
-Connecticut: William Purtell


In the House the Democrats took a narrow Majority, giving Sam Rayburn back the Speakership and giving back the Democrats control of congress.

[hcallega]

In response to Historico's last quote, yes the 22nd Amendment has been ratified. I do hope to take this up to modern day. After all it is the summer and I have a lot of free time! And yes, Mike Mansfield should be the Democrats

[hcallega]

The Second Term of President Thomas Dewey

Winning reelection by a narrow margin and facing Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, Dewey knew that his second term would not be an easy one. For the first two years of Dewey's second term, the focus was clearly on foreign policy. He spent a great deal of time working on preventing any sort of US-Communist showdown. This meant announcing that US forces would not remain in or around Taiwan, denying military support to the French in Indochina, and successfully decreasing military spending. On domestic policy he created the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, and appointed fellow liberal Republican Earl Warren as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. But perhaps the biggest issue of Dewey's first two years was the Army-McCarthy hearings.

Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin once again made the issue of Communism in the American Government a big one. Stating that the Army was newly infested with communists and communist sympathizers, another commission would be formed with new investigations and testimony. The hearings would last for two months and actually turn the public against McCarthy and his bullying tactics. However once the hearings concluded, Dewey was put in a very awkward situation. He personally viewed the hearings as unnecessary and poorly handled, yet many conservative Republicans in Congress pushed him to publicly applaud McCarthy for his anti-communist efforts. However Dewey would fight back and refuse to come out on way or another on the issue. This would increase the split between liberals and conservatives in the GOP.

The focus on the rest of Dewey's term would be two fold. First, he would begin to reverse his decreases in military spending in response to increased Soviet regression. The President believed that the Soviet's were not willing to push towards peace, and as such he did not believe that the US could afford to either. But the biggest issue of Dewey's entire second term was clearly Civil Rights legislation. In 1954, Brown vs. the Topeka Board of Education ruled in opposition to "separate but equal". This began a process in which the Civil Rights movement became progressively more active, and began to attract the attention of national politicians. Dewey, himself a supporter of Civil Rights, saw an opportunity to create a long lasting legacy as a potentially great President. In 1956 he would propose the plan as a "last-hurrah" and possibly as a last stab at the growing conservative strength in the GOP. The plan, called the Civil Rights Act of 1956, would ban discrimination in public businesses and establishments, make the Justice Department the regulator of voting rights, and eliminate the poll-tax, literacy test, and grandfather clauses.

Before the plan could be passed however, Speaker Rayburn (who supported the measure) proposed a bill which would expand the House Rules committee dominated by conservatives and lead by Rep. Howard Smith (D-VA), a virulent segregationist. The plan, supported by many Republicans who believed that it would help them weaken the Democrats in the committee, passed and cleared the way for the Civil Rights Act which passed the Rules Committee before passing in the House with about 70% support.

In the Senate the plan ran up against strong opposition from Southerners such as Richard Russell (D-GA) and newly elected Strom Thurmond (D-SC). Thurmond would personally filibuster the plan for 18 hours, before the finally ending and allowing the bill to receive cloture. While the plan would now be voted on before congress, the South had voiced its opposition and Thurmond was back on the national scene. The final floor vote was divided by regional lines, as 72-24. All southerners besides Lyndon Johnson (D-TX), Albert Gore Sr. (D-TN), and Estes Kefauver (D-TN) voted against it, while the only northern Democrat to vote no was George Mahoney (D-MD). On the Republican side there was also minimal opposition. Only Clayton D. Buck (R-DE), Hermen Welker (R-ID), William Jenner (R-IN), Bourke Hicklenhooper (R-IA), Andrew Schoepel (R-KS), Styles Bridges (R-NH), and Norris Cotton (R-NH) voted against the measure. It was one last big victory for Dewey, and proved to be a major defeat for conservatives and southerners.

1954 Congressional Elections
Following Dewey’s narrow reelection, his policies were not as popular as they were in his first term. Thus the Democrats made gains once again the Senate.
Democratic Gains
-Kentucky: Virgil Chapman
-Massachusetts: Foster Furcolo
-Nevada: Alan Bible
-New Jersey: Charles Howell
-Oregon: Richard Neuberger
Republican Gains
-Iowa: Thomas Martin
In the House the Democrats furthered expanded their majority, giving them continued control over the legislative branch and preventing Dewey from pursuing conservative legislation.

[hcallega]

The 1956 Democratic Convention

(Much of this is based on a pm received from Historico. I had a case of writer's block and he came to the rescue.)

After discouraging defeats in 1948 and 1952, the Democratic Party was not willing to blow the opportunity to return to the White House. Yet things were just as difficult on the surface. The party had a two-fold goal: 1-Keep the base of the white-working class and southerners and 2-Keep liberals in the fold who had supported many of Dewey's programs, especially civil rights. The question was whether 1956 would be a year which the New Deal coalition would find success again, or whether the Democratic party would split along regional and ideological lines.

The leading front runners for the Democratic Nomination were Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee and Governor Adlai Stevenson of Illinois. Polar opposites, Kefauver and Stevenson both drew support from large parts of the Democratic base, however they both drew the animosity of many others. Stevenson was viewed as the ultimate loser, unable to appeal to a wide enough swath of voters to win a nation wide election. Kefauver, on the other hand, was disliked by the Democratic establishment. Despite his obvious charisma and appeal to "the common man", Kefauver drew neither the support of the big city bosses and organized labor, or the support of his fellow southerners who viewed him as too liberal. Thus there were several other prominent candidates who threw their hats into the ring.

 Senate Majority Whip Lyndon Johnson of Texas announced his candidacy in an attempt to appeal to the party leadership. As a young congressman he had paved a moderate record as a supporter of the New Deal, yet an opponent of organized labor. Yet as a senator and party leader himself he had been a strong supporter of the party's causes and a major force in passing the Civil Rights Act. Governor Averell Harriman of New York also drew strong support as a man of the unions and party bosses. The consummate New Dealer, Harriman looked to position himself as the logical choice to win in November. However it was also clear that none of these candidates had established themselves as the frontrunner.

The first primary was in New Hampshire, as always. This primary brought out all of the big guns. Harriman and Stevenson fought fiercely for the support of labor and traditional Democrats, while Kefauver and Johnson ran hard primarily in the rural areas and small towns in the state. In the end it would be Stevenson who prevailed in the four way race. However in Minnesota it would Kefauver, capitalizing on the rural nature of the mid-western state. The race would continue to go back and forth in the primaries between the two political rivals, essentially leaving things in a toss-up going into the Chicago and the convention hall.

On the convention floor after the first two ballots it was clear that no majority lay in sight. For the Democrats it was the third straight convention where no clear majority stood after the first ballot. The battle raged between supporters of Kefauver and Stevenson, with many remaining on the sidelines and frantically searching for a compromise candidate. Many looked to General Dwight D. Eisenhower, though his failing health led him to deny any attempts at the nomination for the third straight time. The party was splitting at the seems.

However there was one man whom attended the convention that year who considered a contender. He sat in the box seats, overlooking a divided party. He had been here before, and he knew exactly what the people on the floor felt. They were angry, passionate, and vowing to oppose anyone but their man. This man was shocked when a messenger told him that the party leaders (urban bosses, southern whites, and labor leaders) were asking for him. He was even more shocked by the proposal that they laid down before his feet: Put his name on the third ballot, with no guarantees to win but at the very least a chance. They believed that his name would do either of two things: he could win the nomination as a unity candidate, or he would sap enough support from Senator Kefauver that Stevenson would win. The man agreed, sensing an opportunity to take what had been stolen so many years ago. The man was Henry Wallace, and he was about to be the Democratic Nominee for President of the United States.

The man who presented Wallace's name to the convention was not a member of his flock eight years earlier. In fact he had run against him for the nomination. Senator Harry Truman of Missouri called on the convention to "rally behind the one man who can lead us forward and lead us to victory!" The former Vice-President took the stage to many cheers, some boos, but mostly confusion and hesitation. Few saw this coming, and fewer still could have predicted what he was about to say.

On his candidacy: "I did not ask for this. Eight years ago I lost this same party's nomination. Yet it is clear that we cannot afford another eight years of Republican politics, another eight years of putting special interests and business first. Another eight years of failed government, and failed leadership!"

On communism: "As Vice-President I was lied to by the totalitarian and murderous Communist regime of the Soviet Union. Now I know...Now I know that they are murderers and savages who want to extinguish the light of American democracy. They don't want us to be able to do what is going on in this room today. We do not appoint leaders, we choose them AS A PEOPLE!"

On farmers: "The core of America is in it's farmers and laborers. These people break their backs daily for all of us here. It is time that they once again have a President who cares about them. It is time that we, as a party, remember our roots and rally around them and their values, message, and hard work. It is time to look back so that we may look forward. It is time to win again!"

And with that speech, Henry A. Wallace essentially won the Democratic Nomination for President. He took most of Kefauver's delegates and enough of Stevenson's to win the nomination. He would then choose former Kentucky Senator Happy Chandler as his Vice-Presidential Nominee.

[hcallega]

The 1956 Republican Convention

Whereas the 1956 Democratic Convention was an intense and surprising event, the 1956 Republican Convention was almost boring. However those involved would tell you that it was just as fierce and just as turbulent. There were only two main candidates for the GOP nomination that year; Vice-President Harold Stassen of Minnesota and Senator Richard Nixon of California. The two men represented the two major sides of the Republican party, and the fight would be divisive and dividing.

Stassen was the man of the GOP's liberal wing. Supportive of the New Deal and Dewey's right hand man, Stassen represented in many ways a dying breed. He believed in good government rather than big government or small government. He believed in containment, not confrontation or disarmament. He supported civil rights and believed that policy should be driven by morality, and not necessarily practicality. He was a very religious man as well, and believed that his faith would be a positive in the Southern states.

Richard Nixon was not like Harold Stassen. A rough and tough politician of the old school, Nixon was perhaps better suited to the days when backroom wheeling and dealing was not looked down upon. However his immense political savvy had led him to the position of Minority Whip in the US Senate, as well as one of the faces of anti-communism. Many considered him a more palatable version of McCarthy, however many of his views were just as conservative. A strong anti-communist and internationalist, Nixon also supported reeling back many more of the New Deal and Dewey-era programs, as well as taking more pro-business views. His wing of the party was growing, and it was clear that Nixon was one to watch.

Neither candidates competed in the primaries, instead preferring to build up support among the party's base. Stassen had the strong support of Dewey, as well as much of the northern Republican establishment that included big business. Nixon got much of his support from the west and south, but also drew support from the mid-west, Stassen's home region. His strong anti-communist views brought out McCarthy to campaign on his behalf, as well as drawing the support from many mid-western industrialists. Heading into the convention it was sure to be a close one.

Heading into San Francisco no one was really sure how the convention would break. The Stassen campaign believed that Dewey's support would convince many moderates and conservatives to wait until 1960 to field a conservative, while Nixon believed that he had the votes to win on the first ballot. However the key ended up being Dewey.

With his major push on civil rights legislation earlier that year (a bill Nixon supported), Dewey had used up much of his political capital. He had called in favor after favor, while also working hard to convince legislators on both sides of the aisle to support him. In many ways however, Dewey had hurt his party. He had doomed it for at least another generation in the South, while also alienating many of his party's conservatives. But it was his ability to bring in moderates that had been key, and in many ways he had worn out his welcome. When he went to many in the mid-western delegations he was received warmly, yet was unable to once again bring over the votes to his man. Thus, on the first ballot, Nixon defeated Stassen by a narrow margin and majority. At his acceptance speech Nixon would call on "the party to unite around an ideology, a platform, and, hopefully, a candidate." Nixon would choose liberal Republican Governor Christian Herter of Massachusetts as his Vice-President.

[hcallega]

Bush was defeated in his bid for the senate by Abraham Ribicoff. It was a very close race, but Ribicoff narowly pulled off the victory. I agree that the regionality is a little close, but at the same time I felt that Morse would be a very valuable campaigner.

[hcallega]

That makes sense Historico, I'll change it.

[hcallega]

The 1956 Presidential Election

VS
With the nominees of both parties set, the question now was who would win the White House. While many southerners complained about Wallace's liberal leanings, Senator Russell quickly squashed any potential for a "Dixiecrat" candidacy:

"The Democratic Party must stand united around one candidate. While for some this man may lack certain traits or views, he is our party's nominee and I will support. I hope that my colleagues in the Senate will do so as well. The important thing to do know is to focus on winning the Presidency and defeating the Republican Party which, as I often remind many of my disgruntled colleagues, has never stood for what we believe in."

However there was concern among some in the Wallace campaign that Nixon would contest the South, something a Republican hadn't done since Reconstruction. Nixon's record in the Senate as a conservative and anti-communist appealed to many Southerners who were skeptical of Wallace's liberal views and socialist-friendly past. However Nixon's support of the Civil Rights Act and general support of Dewey's big government and generally liberal policies did not endear him to those south of the Mason-Dixon Line.

The real fight would be in the Midwest. Wallace's obvious appeal with farmers was a major boost, as he was able to portray himself as "the logical choice" for rural voters. He also touted his support for unions and opposition to Taft-Hartley, criticizing Nixon for voting in lockstep with the more conservative members of his party. Wallace also slammed communism and came out as the more hawkish candidate using such harsh rhetoric as:

"The current administration has allowed the Soviet Union to expand without recourse. They have let a evil, totalitarian empire grow and expand without the slightest bit of recourse. If we as a nation call ourselves the land of the free, then we must once again act like it!"

Nixon on the other hand spent most of the race walking a tight-rope act. Attempting to keep support from both the conservatives that had lead him to the nomination and bring in more moderate and liberal members of the party, Nixon found himself in a difficult position. Attempting to portray himself as the candidate of growth and prosperity, as well as emphasizing his work on taking on communism at home, Nixon was often hit with charges of hypocrisy. In a speech in regards to talking communism at home, a heckler asked "then why did u let the negroes vote. They'll just vote in commies and liberals so they won't have to work!" While this may have seemed minor, it did underscore much of the problem with Nixon's campaign. While he was a conservative at heart and a strong anti-communist, he wasn't opposed to big government in some cases or helping those who he viewed as mistreated. In many ways neither conservatives nor liberals truly embraced him, leaving him without the same energizing core that Wallace had.

Nonetheless, the campaign was an intense one of fierce campaigning and tough rhetoric. The polls showed a close race throughout, with Nixon's early lead slowly shrinking. Wallace ran a blitzkrieg of a campaign, barnstorming through the Midwest and northeast in an attempt to get out the vote and win key states which Kefauver and Kerr had lost, in part due to their southern twang and rural values. Wallace was sure not to let that happen to him. He sent Chandler into the south to campaign with local politicians such as Senators Thurmond, Russell, and Eastland for the "Democratic Ticket". Herter campaigned little, focusing on working with the GOP establishment to ensure Nixon's support.

The final results on Election Day were too close to call until the next morning. In the end it was Wallace's support among farmers that sealed the deal in the mid-west, while the powerful support of labor helped deliver him several rust-belt states. Nixon would also leave the senate, having not been able to run for reelection. However he made it clear that he would not leave Republican Party politics.

Wallace/Chandler (D) 312 EVs, 50% of the PV
Nixon/Herter (R) 219 EVs, 50% of the PV

1956 Congressional Elections

Due to the even nature of the Presidential Election, the Senate Races were very even as well. With no net changes, the Senate Remained at 57-39, giving Wallace a nice majority.
Democratic Gains
-Colorado: John A. Carroll
-Idaho: Frank Church
-Ohio: Frank J. Lausche
Republican Gains
-Kentucky: Thomas B. Morton
-Kentucky: John S. Cooper
-New York: Jacob K. Javits
In the House the Democrats gained several seats, keeping them in the Majority.

[hcallega]

Yes it is. Many, many Republicans are happy about that.

[hcallega]

The Presidency of Henry A. Wallace

President Wallace began his second, yet non-consecutive, term in the White House with strong majorities in both houses of congress. His two major focuses were on support for agricultural reform, and a strong anti-communist and anti-soviet foreign policy. In both cases, President Wallace would gain strong support from Congress.


On domestic issues, the President would embark upon a threefold fact. The first part was a reduction on many of the New Deal programs, which Wallace deemed to have run their course and filling "an archaic vain in our budget." While the President supported keeping these programs in place, he also believed that by slowly reducing their expenditures he could do a better job of keeping the budget in line. The second part of his plan involved raising taxes on wealthy individuals while reducing them on buisnesses. The goal of both of these plans was to help balance the budget, as the President would put a large burden with the third part of his plan. This called for the major overhall of the farm subsidy system. The President devised a lenghty system which would appropriate different ammounts of subsidies to farmers growing different crops. It would also give the federal government the final say on subsidies, thus giving the Department of Agriculture a great degree more of power. All three of these plans would pass Congress, however each plan would have different areas of support. The most contentious vote was the farm overhall, which a strange coalition of industrial-state Democrats (fearing cuts to subsidies for their states) and conservative Republicans (opposing the increased size of government.) However it was Senator Richard Russell who would unite Dixiecrats in support of the plan that would attain it's passage.


On foreign policy President Wallace would focus on stopping the spread of Communism. This meant increased defense spending, including top-secret research on atomic weapons in case of a Soviet invasion of Western Europe. The President would also make space research a top priority following the Sputnik sattelite. Wallace would pursue a hard-line against Kruschev, refusing to talk to him, even when the U2 was shot down. In most of these cases it would not be a serious negative, though it did make Wallace look like a idealogue at times. The most important foreign policy initiative of Wallace was the invasion of Cuba. Following Castro's rebellion, Wallace would order strategic aerial bombings and a Marine invasion at the Bay of Pigs. The bombs would kill Castro, leading to chaos. US troops would arrive in Havana, and nine months later elections were heald. The socialist party would defeat the communists and democrats, establishing a Socialist Democracy that was neutral in the Cold War. Yet the President was criticzed by both liberals and conservatives, for different reasons, in his response.

1958 Congressional Elections

With President Wallace's popularity, the Democrats would make large gains in the Senate, adding 8 seats, six taken from Republicans, giving them a 65-33 majority. However Richard Nixon would return to the Senate, gaining the title "the Comeback Kid" and receiving a rare standing ovation as he was sworn in. In the House the Democrats would also make gains, furthering their majority.

Democratic Gains
-Alaska: Bob Bartlett
-Alaska: Ernest Gruening
-Connecticut: Thomas Dodd
-Indiana: Vance Hartke
-Maine: Ed Muskie
-Michigan: Philip Hart
-West Virginia: Robert Byrd
-West Virginia: Jennings Randolph

[hcallega]

In regard to Historico's post:
Suez Crisis: President Wallace did not send troops to the conflict, as he believed that it was not a direct confrontation with Communism, and thus not a battle of what he called in his inaugural address "true right vs. evil might" However he offered strong verbal support to the Coalition.

Hungarian Revolution: Again, strongly supportive of the Hungarian rebels but not willing to go to war with the Soviets. For all of his posturing, Wallace recognized that the US would likely be at a large numerical disadvantage against the Soviets and loose more than they would start with.

Vietnam: Yes the President sent advisers. While he supported elections, he also recognized that it was not practical to abandon South Vietnam to likely defeat. He is handling it much like Ike did.

[hcallega]

He's in the high 50s low 60s. His more moderate policies are very popular, much as Eisenhower was.

[hcallega]

Yeah I'm thinking Happy vs. Rocky too. I'm still working out the details.

[hcallega]

The 1960 Democratic Convention

The battle for the 1960 Democratic Nomination was a relatively calm and lackluster one. Compared to previous cycles that featured showdowns of north vs. south, liberal vs. conservative, and occasionally the surprise nominee, this years contest featured a clear front runner who won a clear victory. Vice-President Happy Chandler of Kentucky was that man, and once he declared his candidacy it was obvious that he would likely be the nominee. He was popular with both Northerners and Southerners, labor and conservatives, and from a state located smack dab in the middle of the nation. However Chandler was not without challenges.

Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and former Governor Adlai Stevenson both threw their hats in the ring in an attempt to upset the popular Vice-President. Humphrey ran a campaign critical of the more conservative views of Chandler, as well as running as the true labor candidate who hoped to win another split and brokered convention. Stevenson ran less as a liberal and more as a winnable candidate, claiming that "the mood of the nation is not in favor of a southerner, no matter how northern he is". This quote is still used today in reference to moderate and liberal southerners attempting to win the White House. While Humphrey won victories in Wisconsin and South Dakota, he was unable to win anywhere else, while Stevenson only carried Illinois. This gave Chandler the nomination on the first ballot with a large majority.

The real battle came on the issue of the Vice-Presidential nominee. Many liberals wanted somebody more akin to their beliefs, and rallied behind Humphrey. Hawks and anti-communists supported Scoop Jackson of Washington, while many Southerners favored Lyndon Johnson. However it would be ethnic Catholics that would be key. Catholic support was initially divided between Mayor Robert Wagner of New York City and Senator John Kennedy of Massachusetts. Wagner was very well known, yet his defeat at the hands of Jacob Javits in the 1956 Senate race made him a questionable selection to many. Kennedy had a great deal of support from New England, and also had the backing of his father, Joe Kennedy. His mastery of backroom wheeling and dealing lead Chandler to select Kennedy rather than allow a prolonged floor fight.

The other major point of contention was the issue of Civil Rights. In 1956 Civil Rights had been intentionally left off the platform, but Wallace's personal support overshadowed the issue. However this time the nominee was much less supportive, he had even opposed the 1956 Civil Rights Act. This made liberals even more eager to put support and expansion of Civil Rights on the platform. Southerners were hell bent on opposing this, but they also wanted to avoid a messy fight. Ultimately a compromise (lead by Senator Kennedy) would be made that would have the wording state "The Democratic Party supports the enforcement of the laws of the land, though we also recognize the legitimacy of state's rights. We will work to defend the laws as they exist, while also following the Constitution in regards to the reasonable power of the federal government." Nonetheless, the public perception was that the convention had been very successful, as a nominee had been chosen without a fight, and the party looked strong and united going into the General.