Summer TL: President Henry Wallace
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  Summer TL: President Henry Wallace
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Historico
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« Reply #150 on: July 18, 2009, 11:10:20 AM »

Nice Update on the '84 General Election, although I think Bobby's second term will not be a cakewalk that's for sure. Once word get's out about Vice President Ford's indictment out of Tennesse for his plea bargin deals, there's probably going to be alot of pressure for the Nation's 1st black VP to resign. And with Bobby's administration probably full of Neoconservatives the likes of Scoop Jackson and Jeane Kirkpatrik, Iran Contra may still happen ITTL and Bobby just might have had an actual role in the dealings than OTL Reagan did. Either way I perdict it's going to be very hard for the Dem's to win in '88...Go Jack Kemp lol
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hcallega
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« Reply #151 on: July 19, 2009, 02:50:22 PM »

Robert Kennedy's First Term
In January of 1985, Robert Kennedy was elected to his first full term as President of the United States of America. In his inaugural address, the President addressed the growing concerns among Americans of a post-Soviet world: “The communist domination of Eastern Europe is coming to an end, but that does not mean that we can no longer pay attention to those countries and those people. For if we do, we not only run the risk of war and destruction, but of genocide. Simply because communism ends does not mean peace begins.”

Kennedy would indeed focus much of his attention in his first term on foreign policy, while also continuing to preside over the improving economy. An early positive for the President was the announcement that Mikhail Gorbachev, a moderate reformer, was the new Soviet Premier. Gorbachev would speed up the withdrawal of Soviet Troops from the Eastern Bloc, while still supporting the local Communist parties. By the end of 1985 Soviet Troops would only be occupying Russian speaking territory. Drawing on advice from new Secretary of State Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Kennedy would craft a foreign policy focused on both pressuring communist regimes while also working to spread democracy to the newly free peoples. While drawing praise from the likes Eliot Abrams and Bill Kristol, it also ran up against opposition from both liberals and conservatives. Former Senator Barry Goldwater criticized President Kennedy for “spending money on what amounts to Star-Spangled Banner T-Shirts for every little Polish boy and girl. It’s nice, but it does nothing and costs too damn much.” Some liberals, such as Kennedy ally George McGovern would also come out against the President’s foreign policy. Writing an op-ed for the New York Times, the former South Dakota Senator would call the plan “the sort of foreign policy more akin to the late British Empire…..I honestly thought that the United States of America was beyond its irrational fear of communism and socialism.” Nonetheless, most Americans supported what the President called “The Kirkpatrick Plan” in the 1985 State of the Union Address.

Other foreign policy focuses for President Kennedy would involve a passionate speech to the nation defending economic sanctions on South Africa, as well as airstrikes on Libya. However a defining moment on foreign policy for the President would be when Hezbollah terrorists would hijack an American flight. With 39 hostages held in Beirut, Lebanon, it was clear that the President would have to do something. Some proposed that the President send in the 101st Airborne or Delta Force a la Tehran, but most believed that it would be far too risky, especially in a country not already at odds with America. Secretary Kirkpatrick would come up with an option that few thought of. Several moderate members of the Iranian government had gone to the Israeli Government to request arms in their war against Iraq. In turn the Israeli’s had gone to America to receive reimbursement and support in these dealings. Kirkpatrick was extremely supportive of the plan, especially with the added incentive that it could lead to the release of the hostages. Kennedy approved of the reimbursement of the arms, though was skeptical of any direct arms deals, which Kirkpatrick saw it as necessary to the freeing of the hostages. Eventually she would back down, but only after it became clear that members of the government clearly favored going ahead with the arms sails. It would be CIA agent Jack McFarland who would directly facilitate the deal. While the details remain unclear, McFarland was able to secretly facilitate the sail of anti-air missiles to Iran, leading in turn to the release of the hostages. However, the deal would be discovered by investigative reporting by Bob Woodward following the “suspicious and immediate release of the hostages in Beirut.” Woodward would uncover McFarland’s role, leading to his arrest and testimony before congress in which it became clear to some that McFarland was taking his orders from higher up, with some Republicans claiming that President Kennedy was directly responsible. Nonetheless there was no evidence of any wrongdoing from higher up, only that somebody had taken funds from the Israeli Defense Fund to use on Iranian Arms, and that McFarland had been the middle-man. Nonetheless, Kennedy approval rating was at an all-time low.
Tom Hank's would immortalize Agent McFarland in the 2007 Blockbuster "The Deal"

On domestic policy, Kennedy would pass a welfare reform intended on promoting work over unemployment. The plan would receive widespread support and be passed by congress. Kennedy would also declare a “War on AIDS, not on those infected by AIDS”. On this issue, members of Kennedy’s own party would even break with the President over his insistence that the virus be taken head on. However the plan would receive enough support from moderates and liberals to pass in congress. Kennedy would be defeated as the Rudman (R-NH)-Hollings (D-SC)-Gramm (D-TX) bill would pass, limiting deficit spending and passing over Kennedy’s veto. Another negative for the President would be stock-market crash of 1988, derailing many positives over the economy; however unemployment would be at a generational-low. This, along with ongoing talks with Gorbachev left Kennedy at a positive end to his first term.

1986 Congressional Elections
Despite strong popularity, Kennedy would not see the Democrats expand on their super majority, as they held at 66-34. However the Republicans would see the defeat of incumbent Alan Cranston, the only incumbent defeated. In the house the Republicans would take a chunk out of the Democratic majority, narrowing the majority to aprx. 20 seats for new Speaker Jim Wright
Republican Gains
-California: Ed Zschau
-Colorado: Ken Kramer
-Missouri: Kit Bond
Democratic Gains
-Maryland: Barbara Mikulski
-Nevada: Harry Reid
-North Carolina: Terry Sanford

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Historico
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« Reply #152 on: July 19, 2009, 07:19:09 PM »

Did we clarify or not if the 22nd Amendment still passed ITTL? If so, Bobby would be ineligable to run for a "Second" term in '88 due him having served out over two years of Ronnie's expired term. If not He's probably going down in a miserable defeat in '88 or it will be interesting to see if Ford get's the nod...Keep it comming.
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hcallega
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« Reply #153 on: July 19, 2009, 07:51:23 PM »

Did we clarify or not if the 22nd Amendment still passed ITTL? If so, Bobby would be ineligable to run for a "Second" term in '88 due him having served out over two years of Ronnie's expired term. If not He's probably going down in a miserable defeat in '88 or it will be interesting to see if Ford get's the nod...Keep it comming.

It was never passed due to no real political motivation. Believe me, 1988 is going to be a heck of a race!
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Historico
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« Reply #154 on: July 20, 2009, 08:12:26 AM »

Did we clarify or not if the 22nd Amendment still passed ITTL? If so, Bobby would be ineligable to run for a "Second" term in '88 due him having served out over two years of Ronnie's expired term. If not He's probably going down in a miserable defeat in '88 or it will be interesting to see if Ford get's the nod...Keep it comming.

It was never passed due to no real political motivation. Believe me, 1988 is going to be a heck of a race!

Hmm...I would there would have been more of a push to get it passed ITTL, seeing as no one really wanted Wallace to be President in the first place lol. Btw, I think you havent had an Incumbent President decline to seek Reelection yet, which could have some very interesting ramifications. It would be Kinda Ironic for Bobby to leave office in the most Johnsonesque way seeing how much they despised eachother IOTL. But anyways I trust you when you say it's going to be one heck of an race, so Keep it comming lol.
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hcallega
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« Reply #155 on: July 20, 2009, 12:55:30 PM »

1988: The Race that Never Was?

President Kennedy’s approval ratings were far below expected in December of 1987. Americans believed that despite all the good achieved in the realm of US-Soviet Relations and a better economy than in 1981 (when Kennedy first took office) had been undone (or at least diminished) by the Iran Arms Fiasco. Early polls pitting Kennedy against potential Republicans such as Jack Kemp of New York put Kennedy at a significant disadvantage. While liberals and southerners still supported Kennedy (for very different reasons), moderates and labor were reluctant to throw their support behind someone so controversial. Thus it was no surprise that on December 17th, President Kennedy would address the nation: “Today, in part due to the events of the past several years and in part due to the political climate, I am announcing that I will not seek nor will I accept the Democratic Party’s nomination for the Presidency of the United States.” Kennedy’s withdrawal opened up the field for a whole swath of candidates from all sides of the Democratic Party.

However many of the big names in the Democratic Party did not seek the Presidency. Vice-President Ford, a moderate southerner also popular with blacks, announced on December 19th that he would not run, instead preferring to work for political lobbying groups in Tennessee and Washington. Secretary of State Jeanne Kirkpatrick who just two years earlier was being cast as the first female Chief Executive also withdrew her name from consideration, primarily due to Iran. Liberal favorites Ted Kennedy and Mario Cuomo also held out, perhaps hopping for better pastures in 1992. Former Senator Gary Hart, a favorite of progressive, and freshmen Senator Al Gore of Tennessee also both declined to run, despite favorable polling. The field was lacking a frontrunner, and it was clear that whoever was to win would have to both raise money and make people know who the heck they were!

The first candidate to declare his candidacy was Congressman Richard Gephardt of Missouri. A political moderate and strong supporter of labor, Gephardt was a logical candidate for the early primaries in Iowa and New Hampshire, but his lackluster campaigning style combined with his lack of gravitas made him a weak choice for the national party. The next choice however was certainly not a favorite of party leaders. Reverend Pat Robertson, a evangelical leader from Virginia, declared his candidacy for the Presidency. Robertson, a staunch social conservative, campaigned on “redeeming America” and reforming Washington. Despite being practically disowned by the Democratic leadership, Robertson’s populist rhetoric appealed to Southern and Westerners. But Robertson wasn’t the only man of the cloth to get in on the race. Jesse Jackson of New York declared his candidacy shortly after Robertson’s, but focused his campaign on relieving poverty and as a foreign policy dove focusing on the Middle East. However Jackson’s radicalism was also off-putting for national leaders, and they desperately courted Senator Joe Biden of Delaware to run. The self-proclaimed “New Deal Liberal” quickly took a lead nationally, but this was quickly shot down by Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis. More liberal than Biden, Dukakis was able to distance himself from Washington while still drawing support from Kennedy supporters. Finally, conservative Texas Senator Phil Gramm declared his candidacy to run as a fiscal conservative and opponent of Kennedy’s domestic policies.

Entering Iowa the public consensus was that the local Gephardt would pull off a victory. The only question was by how much, and whether it would be Biden or Dukakis who finished in second. However the results could not have been more surprising. When the caucuses opened up, many Dukakis and Biden supporters assumed that it would be a battle between the two liberals for the second spot, but in reality a third candidate would rise from the field. Before the day was done it would be Reverend Robertson who would finish in a close second to Rep. Gephardt in a stunning upset. Biden would finish in third with Dukakis in fourth, followed by Jackson and then Gramm. The national media was shocked, as were party activists. All of a sudden someone who few in America saw as anything more than a preacher and Evangelist was second in the delegate count. However Robertson’s victory wasn’t so shocking in retrospect. He poured his money into the state while energizing Evangelicals and born-agains, while focusing on getting Republicans and Independents to show up for him rather than the GOP caucuses. Now the real question was whether or not he could do it again.

Heading into New Hampshire Gephardt was the frontrunner if only because Biden and Dukakis’s campaigns were in real trouble. However Dukakis’s local presence helped him bridge the gap and he finished with a narrow win over Gephardt with Biden in third, followed by Jackson, Robertson, and Gramm. Following the results Gramm would withdraw from the race, endorsing Robertson: “He truly understands what is wrong with Washington. I hope to work with him when he is elected President. It will be a privilege to serve with a man of God.”

The next test came in South Dakota where Gephardt would capture a major victory, followed by a Dukakis win in Vermont. With South Carolina on the immediate horizon, it looked like a race between Dukakis and Gephardt, with the other candidates on the fringes. However both Robertson and Jackson polled well in the conservative state. But with support from both black and white evangelicals and conservatives, it would be Robertson who would capture his first victory of the primaries, followed by Gephardt and Jackson, with Biden and Dukakis finishing with disappointing results. Biden would withdraw afterwards and endorse Gephardt: “This is a man who understands the plight of working people and I urge my supporters to follow him to victory!”


March 8th was Super Tuesday, and few knew who would prevail. The plethora of races across the country made it unsure of who would come out on top, primarily due to the geography. National polls showed Gephardt in the lead followed by Dukakis, but Robertson and Jackson both hoped to pull off wins in the Deep South to continue the chaos. Jackson would capture his first (and only) victories in Georgia and North Carolina, with Robertson winning in Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Gephardt would be victorious in Arkansas, Florida, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia, Nevada, and Idaho. Dukakis would stay alive with wins in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Washington, but it was clear that he was not likely to win.
Due to the upcoming races however, Dukakis would stay in the race, vowing “I will never give up on America, and this election is so key to preserving what we believe is right in government and what we believe is wrong.” On this mark he was correct, upsetting Gephardt in Illinois by less than 2%. This victory was significant due to Gephardt loosing a neighboring state and one with a strong union presence if that. However Dukakis would do very well among ethnics in Chicago, with Jackson doing well among blacks in the city. Dukakis would also win in Connecticut, this time by a big margin. Gephardt would bounce back however with big wins in New York (helped by support from the state party), Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, making him the clear frontrunner. Jackson would pick up another victory in D.C., but had no real impact. Gephardt would win in Indiana and Ohio by big margins, as he picked up more momentum and more delegates. He would continue to dominate, winning in Nebraska, West Virginia, Idaho, California, Montana, New Jersey, New Mexico, and finally North Dakota, with Dukakis winning in Oregon.

At the convention in Atlanta, Jesse Jackson would give the invocation, delivering a powerful prayer. Speakers included Ted Kennedy, Robert Byrd, and Robert Kennedy, as well as Nancy Reagan. Pat Robertson would give a very stirring speech, praising Gephardt as “a man who believes in the true promises of Jesus Christ, and with our help he can fulfill the promises of God to the United States of America.” Gephardt would choose Tennessee Senator Al Gore as his Vice-President, creating a moderate ticket in an attempt to distance themselves from President Kennedy.

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Kalwejt
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« Reply #156 on: July 20, 2009, 02:19:12 PM »

Nice to see Bobby kicked out

Gephardt/Gore in '88! Cheesy
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Historico
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« Reply #157 on: July 20, 2009, 02:21:17 PM »

Wow...A Gephardt/Gore ticket can't say I saw that one coming...With OTL GOPer's such as Gramm and Robertson still Democrat's ITTL...Who would be potential GOP Holds? I could see due to both of his uncles making lt to the Presidency Jay Rockefeller might have stayed a Republican. He's the only one I can think off that could be a potential candiate in an ALT '88 Primaries. Other than that I think the candidates will probably be split almost on a regional basis.

Governor George Deukemijan of California
Representative Manuel Lujan of New Mexico
Senator Nancy Kassembaum of Kansas
Governor Bill Clements of Texas
Representative Richard Cheney of Wyoming
Governor Big Jim Tompson of Illinois
Senator Dan Quayle of Indiana
Governor Tom Kean of New Jersey
Representative Jack Kemp of New York.

My pick...Kemp/Rockefeller '88!
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hcallega
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« Reply #158 on: July 22, 2009, 04:39:07 PM »

1988: The Republican Field
[/b]

1988 was a new year for the Republican Party, and one which many saw as full of opportunity. The incumbent was unpopular and the Democratic Party was divided, with many looking for a new leader who simply was not there. Republicans however were also in quite a mess. Lacking a unifying figure, the party went into 1988 hopping that whoever won the nomination would unite the party and lead it to victory.

The early frontrunner for the nomination was former Congressman and 1984 Vice-Presidential Nominee Jack Kemp. Kemp was the closest thing to a unity candidate around, as he drew support from both the waning northeastern establishment and the growing conservative wing. Granted Kemp was not the most exciting candidate in the field, but he definitely was the most established and most electable in the current political map. Trailing Kemp in the polls were several high-profile candidates, none of which holding the same name recognition or political sway. New Hampshire Governor John Sununu was one of the first too declare his candidacy, focusing on his close ties to George Bush and GOP leadership, while also emphasizing his center-right views. Senator Nancy Kassembaum of Kansas was another popular alternative to Kemp, running as a traditional western Republican. Senator Richard Lugar also ran in 1988, focusing his theme on criticism of Robert Kennedy’s foreign policy proposals and reeling in domestic spending. Finally, Governor Tom Kean of New Jersey ran as the most liberal of the GOP candidates, attempting to move the party back towards the center and the victorious candidacy’s of the Rockefeller’s and Dewey.

The race was characterized by the media as “Jack Kemp and the four dwarves”, an effective metaphor for the field. Kemp was not only the favorite in the polls but also in the fundraising and endorsement field, as groups like the NRA and National Right to Life Committee campaign furiously for the social conservative. However the Chamber of Commerce and other fiscally conservative and pro-business groups were not so quick to endorse Kemp over his competitors. Using this as campaign fodder, Lugar would run a series of ads critical of Kemp’s anti-poverty views, especially the Time article that named a young Jack Kemp “The Greatest Fighter of Poverty since FDR”. However Kemp spun this in a good direction, claiming that it proved that he was not simply going to do whatever his party told him and instead “do what I know is right in my heart.”

Unfortunately the reality of the race did not favor Kemp to begin with. In Iowa Kassembaum would win a narrow victory over Kemp, benefitting from her mid-western roots. New Hampshire wouldn’t be any better, as Governor Sununu won a solid victory. The next three primaries would be of no help either, as Kassembaum would capture South Dakota while Sununu won in Vermont and Maine. Rolling into South Carolina, Time Magazine would brand Kemp as “The Frontrunner who never won”, while characterizing the race as wide open. However Kemp would score a major victory in the Palmetto State, winning over half of the vote with Lugar in second. Following Kemp’s victory in South Carolina, he would reel off a streak of wins in Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, and Louisiana, before being upset by Kean in Maryland by a narrow margin, Sununu in Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and Kassembaum in Oklahoma on Super Tuesday. However Kemp was clearly in control and all but Kean would withdraw from the race, endorsing the frontrunner from New York. However Kean would mount a “crusade against the radicals within our party who wish to slash away at government until it serves no purpose but to wage war and throw people in jail. I want to see a good government! A government which people can have faith in to do the right thing! A government which protects its people but also helps them in times of need! A government which we can truly call GOOD!” Kean’s passionate speech would become an instant classic and rallying cry for liberal republicans, who would help Kean win in Connecticut, D.C., and New Jersey before the primaries were over.


At the convention held in New Orleans, Republicans played up how Democratic leadership failed the people of the nation, focusing on the poverty in New Orleans, a city under one-party rule. Kemp would receive strong support from all branches of the party (outside of liberals and some moderates), including business and fiscal conservatives who doubted his willingness to take on a Democratic congress over the budget. In deed even Grover Norquist would deliver a keynote address at the convention, calling on all Americans “to rally behind the first nominee in a long time who truly cares about making government small again, and allowing the people of this nation to be free to work and prosper.”  Kemp would choose Texas Businessman and “paleo-conservative” Ross Perot as his Vice-Presidential nominee. A strong opponent of Kennedy’s internationalism and spending policies, Perot appealed to westerners and opponents of big government.

However the conservative GOP ticket would ruffle some feathers in the party. Worried that the party was taking a right-ward route, and not satisfied with the Democratic ticket that “was in the deep pockets of organized labor”, liberal republican leaders would nominate Illinois Congressman John Anderson as a Presidential Candidate for “The National Republican Party”. Not intended to be a third party per say, the National Republicans simply wanted to make a point that they were not privy to the conservative takeover. Anderson would choose Admiral James Stockdale as his Vice-Presidential nominee, symbolizing the reform elements to the parties ticket.
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Sewer
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« Reply #159 on: July 22, 2009, 05:03:10 PM »

Anderson/Stockdale 88'!!!!!!!!!
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hcallega
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« Reply #160 on: July 22, 2009, 05:57:56 PM »


I figured as much. That's part of why I added in a third party, as posters like you kept asking for someone else to vote for!
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« Reply #161 on: July 22, 2009, 06:54:43 PM »


You just love Anderson in every timeline, don't you Wink
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Historico
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« Reply #162 on: July 22, 2009, 07:35:20 PM »

Solid update...Can't say I saw the pick of Ross Perot for Kemp's VP...But It's a nice way of getting Perot into the White House in '96 or something. As for Anderson picking Stockdale, I don't think it Stockdale would be the best pick for VP, Someone like Dick Lamm would have balanced the NR ticket quite nicely. Can't wait to see how the General Election between Gephardt/Gore vs. Kemp/Perot vs. Anderson/Stockdale? lol turns out.
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hcallega
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« Reply #163 on: July 24, 2009, 10:11:21 AM »

The 1988 Presidential Election: Three Congressmen, One White House
[/b]

For the first time in US history, both major party nominees highest political office was in the United States House of Representatives. Gephardt, a rising star in Congress, had chosen not to pursue the Speakership (a position many saw him as perfect for) and instead attempted to cross the tight-wire that is the Presidential Election. But with strong support from organized labor (especially the UAW), Gephardt would capitalize on the lack of a clear frontrunner and take the nomination by storm. His choice of moderate Tennessee Senator Al Gore was viewed as a perfect compliment, as he was conservative on social issues (crime, abortion, school prayer) but also liberal on issues key to party leadership (labor, health care, environment). It goes without saying that he would also help hold the upper-south, an increasingly Republican part of the country.

On the other side of the aisle was Jack Kemp, the 1984 GOP Vice-Presidential Nominee and favorite of both conservatives and moderates within the party. As the early frontrunner for his party’s nomination, Kemp was able to control the debate, choosing to focus on the failures of the Kennedy administration on the home front, in particular the deficit and the President’s increasingly unpopular “tax-and-spend” policies. This was further reinforced by the choice of Texas Billionaire Ross Perot as Vice-President. Perot, though an isolationist and social liberal, was a strong opponent of Kennedy on domestic policy and had become a prominent national figure via his “Ross Talks” political infomercials. The ticket looked very strong going into November, but one of the keys was holding the GOP coalition together.

The threat to the GOP was primarily from within it’s own party. On the one hand there was the “National Republican” Ticket. Moderate GOP congressman John Anderson and former Admiral and POW James Stockdale lead disgruntled liberal Republicans angered by Kemp’s conservative policies. They focused on running a campaign based on fiscal responsibility and social liberalism. The National Republican’s would draw most of their support from suburban whites in the northeast and west-coast who were turned off by Kemp’s views, but were also very unhappy with President Kennedy’s policies.

On the surface this race seemed like it would be uninteresting and passion-less. Indeed both Kemp and Gephardt were viewed as almost boring, while Anderson was no firecracker either. However this would not turn out to be the case. Gephardt, down in the polls following the nominating conventions, would fire the opening salvo with an advertisement called the “Trade Ad”. The ad, attacking Kemp’s support of the Free Trade Agreement of America Agreement, showed a satellite image of the United States. As the image panned across the screen, the lights of the cities started to go out, while clumps of new lights formed in Canada and Mexico, specifically around the border. The narrator, talking in a dark voice, made the point that Kemp “has always sided with big business when it comes to trade. He says he is simply supporting growth. That’s true, and Mexico and Canada are looking forward to seeing their economies grow while ours continues to suffer.” The ad was focused on dispelling Kemp’s “Blue-Collar” image, and was initially quite successful. Wisely the Kemp camp would send Perot, an opponent of the trade deal, to the media. “Congressman Gephardt is just trying to change the debate. If the problems in America were all routed in trade, do you think I would be standing with Jack Kemp? No I certainly wouldn’t, and that’s because the real problems are a massive deficit and debt that threaten to put a stranglehold on our nation for eternity!”

However Kemp would use some dirty tricks as well. Running a national ad critical of Gephardt, he would call out the congressman as a flip-flopper. The ad showed clips of Gephardt along with quotes in regards to issues ranging from taxes, the economy, and foreign policy. This would become a major focus for Kemp’s campaign, as he attempted to portray Gephardt as saying one thing at one time, and then going back on it when the political climate changed. These ads seemed like standard fare on the surface, but reinforced the reputation of the Democrats as untrustworthy in the wake of the Iran Arms Deal. Heading into October, Kemp still had a fairly strong lead in the polls.

But it was impossible to count Gephardt out just yet. Running what his advisors called the “Heartland Blitz”, the campaign would stop campaigning in states and areas where the focus was not on issues Gephardt could run on. This meant ignoring New England and the West Coast, while focusing on the rust-belt, Midwest, and South. Focusing on trade, education, and jobs, Gephardt’s biggest focus was on casting himself as the candidate of the people. Kemp’s campaign still ran as the frontrunners, campaigning in states ranging from California to Connecticut. Anderson also ran an aggressive campaign, but was uninspiring at best.

The key for the campaigns soon became the debates. For Gephardt it would be a chance to either take the lead or at least pull even. For Kempt it could be the nail in the coffin that he could deliver to Gephardt. Anderson was simply focused on getting in, an achievement he would be unable to deliver. So with the two industrial area congressman going at it, the sparks soon began to fly. Gephardt called Kemp “big businesses best friend” and “a tool of the Republican special interests” while emphasizing his own “consistent support for industry and workers in this great nation.” Kemp would retort with his own harsh words, calling Gephardt “the most inconsistent Presidential nominee that we have seen…EVER!” and making it clear that “while my opponent has made jobs the focus of his campaign, he has forgotten my record on the matter. I believe that jobs are the key to fixing the problems of this nation, whether they be poverty or, of course, unemployment. Yes, I support Free Trade, but that is because it will provide better jobs and lead to greater economic growth, which also provides jobs. So yes, as President I will push for a North American Free Trade deal, but not because I am some tool of special interests, but because I want to see this great nation move forward as a globalized one, not an isolated one.”

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« Reply #164 on: July 24, 2009, 10:12:39 AM »

The real excitement however was in the Vice-Presidential debate. Gore, who was rarely used outside of the south, was in an awkward position. Gephardt had made trade and jobs the key to his protectionist campaign, but Gore was by any definition a Free-Trader. Ironically, Perot was a stronger isolationist than Gephardt, but was much more comfortable touting the party line. The billionaire would confront the issue head on “Everyone knows I think free trade is a joke, and not a very funny one. But I’m not the one running for President. My job is going to be to give the President the best advice I can, which will be to not negotiate this deal. But if he does I will still stand right next to him, because he is my President and it is my duty to support him.” Gore was not as eloquent: “I support free trade, but that really doesn’t matter, you know, because President, excuse me, Mr. Gephardt doesn’t. If he doesn’t, I don’t either because we are united and we are going to win because the working people in this country get that.” In both debates the GOP ticket would prevail, but Gephardt was still hanging around in the polls. Entering Election Night many still believed that Gephardt had at the very least a fighter’s chance. In the end they would be wrong, as Kemp would win as solid victory, claiming that “Tonight we have a mandate for change in this nation, a mandate to go into Washington and accomplish something great. With your help we have done this, and with your help we will continue.”
Kemp/Perot (R) 54% of the PV, 362 EVs
Gephardt/Gore (D) 40% of the PV, 176 EVs
Anderson/Stockdale (NR) 6% of the PV, 0 EVs

1988 Congressional Elections
Along with Kemp’s solid victory in the Presidential Election, the Republicans would also make solid gains in the US Senate, particularly in traditionally Republican areas that had trended Democratic in recent elections. However the Democrats would still hold a lead, 63-37, though with conservatives like freshmen Trent Lott and veteran Strom Thurmond on the Democratic side Kemp felt confident that he could get much of his package done. In the House the Republicans would actually take a majority, as Bob Michel of Illinois was named Speaker.
Democratic Gains
-Nebraska: Bob Kerrey
-Virginia: Chuck Robb
Republican Gains
-California: Pete Wilson
-Florida: Connie Mack III
-Montana: Conrad Burns
-New Jersey: Pete Dawkins
-Wisconsin: Susan Egleiter


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Historico
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« Reply #165 on: July 24, 2009, 01:54:15 PM »

Look's like Kemp has a poweful mandate coming into office,Itll be interesting to see how Supply Side economics or dubbed in TTL Kemponomics effects the economy after 12 years of Democratic Administration. Keep it comming HC.
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« Reply #166 on: July 27, 2009, 08:20:39 AM »

The First Term of President Jack Kemp
Jack Kemp began his Presidency with one focus: “To restore the image of this great nation at both home and abroad. If we as a nation can achieve this then we will have taken a huge step towards once again becoming a beacon of hope for the world.” Kemp’s strong words were backed up by strong actions. The conservative New Yorker would focus his efforts early on on domestic policy.

Kemp’s first budget was an example of his commitment to reform. Following his belief in “Supply-Side Economics”, Kemp proposed large tax-cuts combined with lowered domestic and increased military spending. The idea was that this plan would stimulate growth while also lowering the government’s burden on many of the programs viewed as wasteful by Kemp and fellow conservatives. However congressional opposition by Democrats and moderate Republicans were able to overcome the small GOP majority in the Senate, and therefore negotiations were forced to occur. Kemp was willing to compromise on the size of his plans, but not the plans themselves. However this was not good enough for Minority Leader Jim Wright, who took to the air waves to defend his party’s position. “What President Kemp is proposing will essentially increase spending, decrease revenue, and making it harder for the most vulnerable in our nation to receive the help they need. It’s not to hard to figure out why we, as a party oppose it.” Eventually Speaker Michel and Wright forged a compromise deal eliminating most of the domestic spending cuts while shrinking the size of the tax cuts. The plan passed both the Senate and House, and was reluctantly signed into law by the President, who reportedly murmured “I feel like every other President since Hoover. Simply raising the deficit and passing it on.”

On foreign policy, Kemp believed that the best way to improve America’s image was to take a more active role in Eastern Europe. While Kennedy had crafted the Kirkpatrick Plan, Kemp believed that a key was to travel to the ex-communist nations, such as Eastern Germany (now unified), Poland, and Yugoslavia. Appearing with Solidarity Leader Lech Walesa in Warsaw, Kemp would call on “all free peoples to continue to fight back against any form of oppression, whether it is Communism, Fascism, or simply evil.” Kemp recognized that his words meant little in practicality, but a lot in terms of world support. In Latin America, Kemp would continue the interventionist policy of Kennedy, focusing on Marxist regimes.

Kemp would also take an active role in promoting Free Trade among the North American Nations, something that he had talked a great deal about on the campaign. Kennedy had already signed the US-Canada Free Trade agreement, receiving little resistance from congress. However trade with Mexico was a whole other story. Kemp’s negotiations were initially successful as he emphasized relatively few restrictions and provisions, believing that the less intervention the better. However Canada was reluctant to sign on to any plan that did not protect their lumber interests, leading to prolonged negotiations and more provisions. Eventually, in 1992, the plan would come before congress, where it would narrowly pass. Kemp would sign the legislation in December of that year. Kemp would also pass environmental reform laws as well, though at the same time appointing conservative justices to the Supreme Court.

Overall, Kemp’s first term was viewed quite positively. While the economic growth of the Kennedy years began to falter and slow down, the country was perceived as stronger at home and abroad and better able to face the challenges ahead.

1990 Congressional Elections
The 1990 Congressional Elections were an example of little tangible change. In the Senate, the only change was a GOP victory in New Jersey over Bill Bradley. This would leave the Senate at 62-38. An interesting race was the North Carolina Democratic Primary between Jesse Helms and Harvey Gant. Gant, the liberal Mayor faced down the conservative incumbent Helms. The strong Dixiecrat would win a narrow reelection of 2% before cruising in the general. In the house the Republicans would barely hold on to their majority.
Republican Gains
-New Jersey: Christine Todd Whitman

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« Reply #167 on: July 27, 2009, 08:33:46 AM »

Solid update on The Presidency of Jack Kemp...I assume there was no response to the Gulf War Crisis(Which I think it highly unlikely due to Kemp's conservative roots, and Saddam's threats to annihlate Israel). Is NASA still along OTL straights, I.E. the dropped the Apollo Program infavor of the Shuttle, I would think that with Ronnie and Bobby... Manned Space Exploration would probably continue. Did the Soviet Union still fall right on Schedule or did the Soviet Hardliners take over in '91 August coup attempt? Let's here it for '92!
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« Reply #168 on: July 27, 2009, 10:29:19 AM »

Tsongas/Gore 92'!!!
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« Reply #169 on: July 27, 2009, 10:32:39 AM »

Sad

Gore/Graham in 1992!
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hcallega
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« Reply #170 on: July 27, 2009, 10:54:29 AM »

Solid update on The Presidency of Jack Kemp...I assume there was no response to the Gulf War Crisis(Which I think it highly unlikely due to Kemp's conservative roots, and Saddam's threats to annihlate Israel). Is NASA still along OTL straights, I.E. the dropped the Apollo Program infavor of the Shuttle, I would think that with Ronnie and Bobby... Manned Space Exploration would probably continue. Did the Soviet Union still fall right on Schedule or did the Soviet Hardliners take over in '91 August coup attempt? Let's here it for '92!

Sorry about leaving those out. For the most part I'm going off of online presidential timeliness for real life events that I may have forgot, so occassionally I miss things like that.

OK, as far as Gulf War: Same response as OTL, however US forces do not cross into Iraq at all.
Space: Reagan and Kennedy both increased space exploration. I changed the name from Apollo to something else (need to look back at the name). Moon landings continued through the 1980s, experimenting with new technology. The internet and better computer technology have been helped by this, and so the internet is in civilian use earlier. Manned missions to mars are projected for later in the '90s, though space shuttles have become the main focus.

Fall of the USSR: Going into 1992 the USSR still exists, though it is basically just the Russian speaking nations, and is on the imminent brink of collapse. In case I don't get to it, the USSR falls in January of 1993 in a bloody coup where reformists (supported by the CIA and US) overthrow the Communists. In negotiations with the UN and NATO, Russia restructure its borders to where they are today.

As far as 1992, that's anyones guess but mine!
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« Reply #171 on: July 27, 2009, 04:40:02 PM »

Well I can't wait to see what you come up with HC for the elections.
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hcallega
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« Reply #172 on: July 28, 2009, 10:56:32 AM »
« Edited: July 28, 2009, 11:13:33 AM by hcallega »

1992 Democratic Primaries
1992 symbolized a new beginning for the Democratic Party. After the embarrassing defeat that was 1988, the Democrats were simply looking for a way to change the debate, and find a way to beat President Kemp. That would be easier said than done, as Kemp had a solid approval rating that had only gone up after the Persian Gulf War. However the Democrats, as the majority party in America, saw an opportunity to win, if only they could find the right candidate.
The Sucess of the Military Operation in the Persian Gulf further bolstered Kemp's popularity

Much like 1988 however, the earlier frontrunners for the nomination balked at the opportunity to lose to Kemp. Whether it was Governor Bill Clinton of Arkansas (a rising star within the moderate branch of the party), Governor Cuomo of the Empire State, 1988 Nominee Gephardt, or Governor Doug Wilder of Virginia (the most prominent black politician in the nation). However there were a few big names that did run for President that year. The first to declare was Tennessee Senator and 1988 Vice-Presidential Nominee Al Gore. Gore, a favorite of moderates and Dixiecrats alike, was viewed as the early frontrunner. But he was not the only contender. West Virginia’s Junior Senator Jay Rockefeller declared his candidacy shortly after Gore did, focusing drawing support from labor. Senators Bob Kerrey and Paul Tsongas also jumped in, both looking to capture support from moderates and liberals, while Senator Tom Harkin and former Governor and Senator Jerry Brown both focused on the party’s progressive wing.
Al Gore, the early frontrunner for the Democratic Nomination

Early polling showed Gore narrowly edging Senator Kerrey, an early favorite due in large part to his military background and center-left view-points. Senator Rockefeller was in a close third place, but the nature of the primary schedule did not favor any of the early frontrunners. The opening shots were fired in Iowa, where favorite son Harkin won an easy victory. New Hampshire was also a fairly wide victory, as neighboring Senator Tsongas won there, followed by a victory in Maine. South Dakota would be a solid win for Kerrey, and so going into March it was unclear who the frontrunner was. On March 3rd little would be resolved either, as Maryland and Utah would go to Tsongas, Minnesota to Kerrey, Colorado (surprisingly) to Brown, and Georgia to Gore. On the 7th, Gore would win in South Carolina, but Tsongas would score a strong win in Arizona, before Brown would win yet another upset in Nevada. Super Tuesday would be key, as Gore’s Southern Strategy would pay off, as the Tennessee Senator would win Missouri, Oklahoma, Florida, Tennessee, Texas, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Tsongas was another big winner, scoring Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Delaware, while Kerrey won Hawaii. Tsongas would also pick up a big win in Illinois, as he effectively portrayed himself as the “Ethnic Candidate”. In fact, many polls would show Tsongas as the race’s real frontrunner as, according to the Newsweek, he was “the only candidate in this race who has been able to win across the nation, not just in his home region.” But Tsongas’s momentum was cut short, as the Teamster’s Union endorsed Jerry Brown two days before the Michigan Primaries. Brown, already supported by many civil rights groups, had been trailing Tsongas and Kerrey there, but with this endorsement won a narrow victory. This victory would propel the fiscally-conservative yet socially liberal Californian to wins in the next two primaries in Vermont and Connecticut. These victories would lead conservative pundit Bob Novak to call Brown “The next James Polk. He’s the first true Dark Horse who nobody thought could do it, and he might actually get the honor to go down in flames to Jack Kemp. It’s really quite something.”
Former California Governor and Senator Jerry Brown paved a surprisingly successful populist image.

But the race was far from over, as Gore, Kerrey, and Tsongas were confident that there respective strategies would prevail. Gore felt confident that his Southern Firewall, combined with decent showings in the north would give him the plurality going into the convention. Then he would draw enough support from the establishment to win the nomination. Kerrey choose to look forward to the polls, which showed him running quite well in the upcoming Midwestern and western primaries. Tsongas, still portraying himself as the real frontrunner, believed his confidence would lead him to victory. Kerrey’s strategy showed signs of life as he carried Alaska, the first primary in April. But he would fall in a major upset to Gore in Kansas, as Gore would rack up big tallies in the urban areas and the Oklahoma border. Many social conservatives would also support him, as Reverend Pat Robertson would offer his endorsement following Gore’s Super Tuesday showings. The withdrawal of Rockefeller would also help Gore, as he would get more support from liberal southerners. The same day as Kansas, two bigger primaries also took place. The first, in Wisconsin, proved to be another win for Brown, while Tsongas would edge Brown by 1% in the crucial New York Primary. The next two primaries would resolve little, as Gore would win as expected in Virginia, while Kerrey would win Pennsylvania, due in large part to a slew of endorsements in the Philadelphia region (a city he would carry by large margins). This helped to offset Governor Casey’s endorsement of Gore, as Gore was the only pro-lifer in the field.
Bob Kerrey and Paul Tsongas appealed to very different parts of the Democratic Party, but both made solid primary runs in 1992.

The race was still anybody’s game, and the possibility of a convention showdown seemed increasingly likely. Gore and Kerrey would split the May 5th Primaries, with Gore carrying North Carolina and Indiana and Kerrey winning Washington D.C. and Wyoming. He would follow that up with a win in his home state of Nebraska, while Gore would win West Virginia with the help of Rockefeller’s endorsement. The next two primaries would also split, as Kerrey carried Oregon while Tsongas won Washington. On May 26th, three states would hold primaries. Surprisingly all three states (Arkansas, Kentucky, and Idaho) would vote for Gore, with Idaho being effected by strong campaigning by Robertson and Governor Cecil Andrus. On June 2nd there would be one bigger day of primaries, before things got even crazier going into the convention. Despite Gore’s momentum, he would fail to carry more than Alabama and (again with the help of the endorsements of local pols and conservatives) North Dakota. Kerrey would make up for this by winning big in Ohio (over Tsongas), New Mexico, and Montana. Tsongas would win two more big states to stay in contention, as he would win New Jersey and California in an upset over Brown. Going into the convention, the race was anybody’s game as Gore lead the field with 1200 delegates, followed by Kerrey with 1082, Tsongas with 744, and Brown with 379. And with these personalities, this race had been the most exciting since the 1950’s!
Green=Kerrey, Blue=Gore, Pink=Tsongas, Red=Brown, Grey=Harkin
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Barnes
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« Reply #173 on: July 28, 2009, 12:11:52 PM »

Great installment! I hope the convention doesn't damage the party in the fall! Smiley
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« Reply #174 on: July 28, 2009, 01:51:41 PM »

Cool, an old fashioned convention floor fight!...Im still rooting for Tsongas eventhough he's in third place, maybe with Kerrey and Brown's Delegate he could clinch the nomination
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