United Kingdom Historical Election Maps 1918-50
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #25 on: December 27, 2022, 08:16:49 AM »




It is a little strange that Liberal dominance of the region really only ended after the death of David Lloyd George: the Welsh Wizard, indeed.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #26 on: December 30, 2022, 08:39:09 AM »






The first set of party vote maps! Couple of things to note:

1. Various unofficial and Independent Liberal/Labour candidates have been included in the Liberal and Labour maps. Party labels were looser and nomination processes rather more Byzantine at the time: what matters is what people thought they were voting for, and doing this for certain candidacies shows that better.

2. The incredibly messy Liberal Party civil war has been represented by a) producing a map showing the combined results of all Liberal candidates and b) a map showing the results in 1918 and 1922 for the principal Liberal factions.

3. Rather obviously, parties were not especially concerned with running candidates in every constituency at the time and a lot of the more drastic shifts reflect decisions to run or not run candidates in this or that constituency. It isn't a major problem if you're aware of it, but please always be aware of it.

4. Keys for party vote maps will not be the same across each series: even the North Wales maps for 1929-45 will not have identical keys to this series. The point, after all, is to represent and display information.
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CumbrianLefty
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« Reply #27 on: December 30, 2022, 10:39:20 AM »

Quite striking that N Wales still returned just two Labour MPs even in *1945*.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #28 on: December 30, 2022, 11:21:54 AM »

Quite striking that N Wales still returned just two Labour MPs even in *1945*.

This actually takes us back to earlier discussions about the boundaries used in the region at the time: a more reasonably drawn set in Caernarvonshire would have elected two Labour MPs, and had Flintshire (which was oversized even in 1918 and was quite grossly so by 1945) been divided into two seats, the division included Deeside would have been comfortably Labour in 1945. The other issue, of course, is that 1945 was the election at which Liberal resilience in North Wales finally broke: had this occurred earlier, as it did in most of the rest of Britain, then Anglesey and Merioneth would have been swept up in the general tide and the Conservatives wouldn't have held Flintshire on a split vote as there would have been no confusion as to which party was best place to oust them there. And the final issue is that, well, Lady Megan was the only Liberal would could have held Anglesey against Labour in 1945.
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #29 on: January 02, 2023, 12:36:38 PM »






There's an interesting argument to be made as to which map the Liberal Nationals belong to, but I would argue that right from the start they were Conservative auxiliaries and that we shouldn't allow the continued administrative links (!) to the official Liberal Party to confuse what was hardly a secret to the electorate.
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YL
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« Reply #30 on: January 04, 2023, 04:29:42 AM »

Quite striking that N Wales still returned just two Labour MPs even in *1945*.

This actually takes us back to earlier discussions about the boundaries used in the region at the time: a more reasonably drawn set in Caernarvonshire would have elected two Labour MPs, and had Flintshire (which was oversized even in 1918 and was quite grossly so by 1945) been divided into two seats, the division included Deeside would have been comfortably Labour in 1945. The other issue, of course, is that 1945 was the election at which Liberal resilience in North Wales finally broke: had this occurred earlier, as it did in most of the rest of Britain, then Anglesey and Merioneth would have been swept up in the general tide and the Conservatives wouldn't have held Flintshire on a split vote as there would have been no confusion as to which party was best place to oust them there. And the final issue is that, well, Lady Megan was the only Liberal would could have held Anglesey against Labour in 1945.

Indeed Labour won both Conwy and Caernarfon as well as East Flintshire in 1950, so presumably would have won all of those in 1945 if they'd existed.  (I assume the inclusion of the Bethesda area helped make Conwy more Labour than Caernarfon Boroughs had been.)  They also gained Merioneth and Anglesey from the Liberals in 1951, though they lost Conwy to the Tories.
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CumbrianLefty
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« Reply #31 on: January 04, 2023, 10:41:02 AM »

Though of course Conwy was called Conway in those days Wink
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Filuwaúrdjan
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« Reply #32 on: January 09, 2023, 02:47:30 PM »
« Edited: January 09, 2023, 02:55:49 PM by Filuwaúrdjan »

Anglesey

A rural and largely agricultural constituency covering the eponymous island county, Anglesey was predominantly Welsh-speaking and was a notable centre of Nonconformist sentiment and practice. This all contributed to making it a natural Liberal stronghold, but there was another side to the island, and that was the presence of the industrial port of Holyhead and a large number of strongly working class villages and small towns scattered across the island, many of which contributed to the army of labourers who took the ferry across the Menai every week to work at the Dinorwic slate quarry on the mainland. Under the right circumstances this could cause trouble, and did in 1918 when the Independent Labour candidate Brigadier General Sir Owen Thomas defeated the incumbent Liberal MP in one of the biggest upsets in an election full of them.

Like all the best freak results, his election was the result of multiple factors all happening to align perfectly at the right moment: the tone and atmosphere of the 'Khaki Election' favoured a candidate who happened to have been the main force behind the army's recruiting drive on the Island during the First World War and who further benefited from considerable local sympathy as two of his own sons were killed on the Western Front, and, as a former member of the Liberal Party and an active figure in local government, disillusioned Asquith supporters were likely to have voted for him rather than the Coalition Liberal incumbent. Like a large number of Labour-aligned candidates in 1918, Thomas was as much a dissident left-Liberal as a social democrat, and though he joined the PLP on his election he found organized party politics distasteful and soon left it. Re-elected as an Independent Labour candidate again in 1922 (the National Liberals having made the rather curious decision to try to oust him with the incumbent MP for Wrexham), he died early in 1923 and the Liberals easily regained the seat in the ensuing by-election, with the same former Wrexham MP defeating the former Liberal MP for East Denbighshire, who tried to repeat Thomas's trick by running for Labour.

After 1929 the MP was Megan Lloyd George, David Lloyd George's daughter and favourite child. Lloyd George, the first female MP to represent a Welsh constituency, was on the left-wing of the Liberal Party and had good relations with Labour, which presumably contributed to the party not seriously bothering with Anglesey until 1945. In 1931 she stood, along with the rest of the Lloyd George family group of MPs, as a Liberal opposed to the National Government. Lady Megan, as she was universally known after her father's elevation to the Peerage in 1945, was a popular figure locally and was almost certainly the only Liberal who could have held Anglesey against Labour that year, though even then only as the Conservatives did not run a candidate. After her eventual defeat in 1951, she defected to the Labour Party and spent the last decade of her life as MP for Carmarthen, having gained the seat from her old party at a by-election in 1957. The Labour candidate in 1945, Cledwyn Hughes, was the son of a prominent Presbyterian minister and would go on to hold Anglesey from 1951 until 1979.

The largest town on Anglesey was Holyhead, an important port for trade with and transport to Ireland and a minor industrial centre. It will have voted heavily for Thomas in 1918 and 1922 and later for Hughes in 1945. The surrounding area will have provided a reasonable vote for Conservative candidates when they actually contested, as will the Bangor suburbs of Menai Bridge and Llanfairpwll and the ancient and historically Anglican town of Beaumaris, though Liberal candidates will still have been comfortably ahead, even in 1931. Beaumaris was actually relatively industrial and, again, Thomas and Hughes certainly won't have polled poorly there. It is hard to think that Llangefni - a Welsh-speaking, Nonconformist market town - would have been anything other than an absolute Liberal stronghold during this period: it might actually be the very archetype of one. Labour strength would also have been notable around Amlwch, with its then not yet distant history as a centre of copper mining and export, and in all those villages in the south of the island where labourers at Dinorwic lived, some of which actually had an industrial history of their own (there was a small colliery at Gaerwen in the 19th century). The rest of the countryside will have been solidly Liberal (with reasonable Conservative minority votes in places), except in 1918 and 1922 when Thomas will almost certainly have dominated in the North West of the island where he was from and was very well known.
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ObserverIE
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« Reply #33 on: September 09, 2023, 09:27:47 PM »
« Edited: September 09, 2023, 09:41:17 PM by ObserverIE »


It always seems amazing that Belfast was once considered worthy of having nine constituencies of its own.  Today it struggles to find enough territory outside the expanded city boundary for four.

I wonder how many of the nine would have been carried by a Unionist candidate in 2019.



Best guess: Cromac and Ormeau would have been SDLP; St. Anne's and (narrowly) Duncairn would be SF and Shankill would have a sizeable SF vote (Woodvale would still be securely Unionist but the decline in the Unionist population west of the Lagan is most marked here). The split along the Newtownards Road rather than on an inner/outer basis would help the DUP in the east Belfast seats although a tactical vote in the New Lodge might tip Victoria to Alliance.
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