NV federal judge strikes down main anti-immigrant statute as unconstitutional violation of 5AEP
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  NV federal judge strikes down main anti-immigrant statute as unconstitutional violation of 5AEP
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Author Topic: NV federal judge strikes down main anti-immigrant statute as unconstitutional violation of 5AEP  (Read 589 times)
brucejoel99
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« on: August 18, 2021, 05:38:31 PM »

It's a potentially landmark ruling that'll be overshadowed by everything else in the news, but Judge Miranda Du has ruled that congressional passage of the statute with explicitly racist intent was no bueno in regards to the 5th Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. While it's a Freedom Ruling, there's obviously no chance that it'll be upheld at the end of the day:

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lfromnj
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« Reply #1 on: August 19, 2021, 09:39:24 AM »

Lmao the judge used latinx.
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brucejoel99
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« Reply #2 on: August 19, 2021, 12:23:23 PM »


To be fair, I think it was the plaintiff who used Latinx in filing their suit & the judge merely just chose to operate with the term that the case had just so happened to provide her with. In any event, BRTD in shambles, as said use of Latinx is now precedential - at least, for the time being, 'til this decision is overturned by the CA9 &/or SCOTUS - in the Federal District Court of Nevada.
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Dereich
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« Reply #3 on: August 19, 2021, 01:18:47 PM »

This decision is absolutely nuts. The idea that a lone federal judge can arbitrate whether Congress has been sufficiently contrite in apologizing for the perceived racial animus of a old law to allow that law to continue to exist is the craziest thing I've heard since Trump was banned from Twitter. And by "apologize" the court specifically says that Congress would have had to change the function of the law for her to consider it cleansed. Other Congresses reviewing and amending the law (to make it stronger) were irrelevant because they apparently did so without addressing that prior legislators were racist. I could not imagine a more flagrant example of legislating from the bench if I tried.
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MarkD
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« Reply #4 on: August 19, 2021, 06:47:08 PM »
« Edited: August 19, 2021, 07:43:48 PM by MarkD »

I agree with you, brucejoel99, that this decision is unlikely to be upheld on appeal. Judge Miranda Du's ruling would mean, in effect, that federal courts are always powerful to second-guess the merits of Congress's immigration laws.

I have always thought the way that the SCOTUS has handled the issue of "discrimination against aliens/noncitizens" has been odd and inconsistent. Here is some of the history behind how the SCOTUS has handled that subject.

In McCready v. Virginia, (1876), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens from planting oysters in the state's rivers or tidal waters. Nothing was said in the short opinion about Equal Protection Clause analysis.

In Patsone v. Pennsylvania, (1914), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens from killing wild game or owning shotguns or rifles. In this case, the Court was clearly analyzing the Equal Protection Clause issue, but the Court applied the traditional, lenient rational-basis test, and the law was upheld.

The next year the Court heard the case of Truax v. Raich, (1915). The voters of Arizona adopted a state law, via referendum, that prohibited employers with five or more employees from having any more than 20% of the employees being aliens/noncitizens. The Court found two reasons for holding this law unconstitutional: the law violated the Equal Protection Clause and it violated principle of the supremacy of the federal government's power over the control of immigration. In terms of Equal Protection Clause analysis, the Court did not bother to explain which legal standard it was applying, whether the rational-basis test or any stricter legal test. Nothing was said about whether the voters were "prejudiced" against aliens/noncitizens. It merely found the law to violate the EP Clause -- on the ground that the state was discriminating against aliens/noncitizens -- by fiat. Also, the Court deemed the state to being interfering with a power of the federal government: the state law was "hostil[e] to exclusive federal power. The authority to control immigration -- to admit or exclude aliens -- is vested solely in the federal government."

However, later that same year, in Heim v. McCall, (1915), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited any aliens/noncitizens from being employed under any contract for construction of public works. The Court's opinion did not contain any explanation at all why the law did not violate the EP Clause, and nothing was said about principle that the power to regulate immigration was exclusively the federal government's power. The recent Truax decision was not mentioned at all.

In Terrace v. Thompson, (1923), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens "who have not in good faith declared their intention to become citizens of the United States" from leasing or owning agricultural property. This time, the Court did acknowledge the Truax precedent, but found this case to be distinguishable from what the Court had said in Truax.

In Takahashi v. Fish & Game Commission, (1948), the Court struck down a state law that prohibited "aliens ineligible for citizenship" from obtaining fishing licenses. No particular legal standard was described. The Court again found the law to violate the EP Clause by fiat, and that the state is not allowed to interfere with the federal government's power over immigration.

In Graham v. Richardson, (1971), the Court struck down a state law that denied welfare to resident aliens/noncitizens unless they had resided in the United States for at least fifteen years. In this case, the Court finally stated explicitly that it deems that state laws which classify on the basis of alienage to be "inherently suspect, and are therefore subject to strict judicial scrutiny," "[T]he Court's decisions have established that classifications based on alienage, like those based on nationality or race, are inherently suspect and subject to close judicial scrutiny. Aliens as a class are a prime example of a 'discrete and insular minority' for whom such heightened judicial solicitude is appropriate." Then the Court went on to reiterate the principle that only the federal government has the power to control immigration.

In Sugarman v. Dougall, (1973), the Court struck down a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens from holding jobs in the state's competitive civil service positions. The Court repeated its assertion in Graham that "aliens as a class 'are a prime example of a "discrete and insular minority" ' and that classifications based on alienage are 'subject to close judicial scrutiny.' " The law was thus held to be a violation of the Equal Protection Clause. Nothing was said about the principle that only the federal government can regulate immigration.

But in Foley v. Connelie, (1978), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens from becoming state troopers, and in Ambach v. Norwick, (1979), the Court upheld a state law that prohibited aliens/noncitizens from becoming public school teachers. Apparently, "close scrutiny" does not mean the same thing as "strict scrutiny," and it does not consistently mean it's always unconstitutional to discriminate against aliens. It just means that the Justices want to carefully think about all policy implications. In other words, it just gives the judges the ability to legislate from the bench.

In Plyler v. Doe, (1982), the Court struck down, under the Equal Protection Clause, a state law that denied enrollment in the state's public schools, students who were illegal aliens. The Court's opinion acknowledged that it has been using three different legal tests when analyzing cases challenged under the Equal Protection Clause: a highly lenient and deferential rational-basis test; a very strict legal standard called the strict scrutiny test; and a third test in between the other two, a heightened scrutiny test. But in Plyler, the Court never clearly explained which of these tests it was applying. The late Prof. David P. Currie, writing in his book, "The Constitution in the Supreme Court: The Second Century," has unusually harsh words about the Court's ruling in Plyler: "With all due respect, this conclusion seemed to be carrying solicitude pretty far. Public funds are limited, and those who have no business even being in the state have a poor claim upon them. I may have a right to keep a burglar out of my house, the Court seemed to be saying, but once he gets inside I must invite him to dinner."
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True Federalist (진정한 연방 주의자)
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« Reply #5 on: August 21, 2021, 09:27:48 AM »

In McCready, Patsone, and Heim, the principal issue as seen by the Court was whether States had the same right to determine how to dispose of its property (use of public lands and wild game) and who to hire for itself that would be available to a private actor. (Patsone and Heim also dealt with how independent municipalities were.)

In contrast, in Truax the principal issue was over how much control States had over private employers even if said employers did not contract with a State. it was only when States tried to limit the action of private actors.

So, in all four of those early cases you cited, it basically boiled down to whether private actors could choose whether to discriminate in favor of citizens, (and in three whether States had the rights of private actors when acting in a civil capacity). In keeping with the philosophy of that era, it's not surprising that the decisions were as they were.

Terrace was similar but also depended upon whether agricultural property was a subclass of commercial property to see whether a treaty provision was involved. (The Court held it was not, which at first glance seems odd, but it's not uncommon in U.S. law for agriculture to be treated differently from other forms of commerce.)

It's only in the post-Lochner era that Equal Protection concerns began to impact these sorts of cases, as evidenced by Takahashi and later cases you cited.

If the Court does truly return to a Lochneresque philosophy, it's likely to issue decisions similar to those earlier cases in similar cases in the future.
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