Italy 2019 by Camera single-member constituencies.

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

And to complete things, below I'll post maps shaded by percentage one party/coalition at a time.

I didn't bother with FdI because it took between 4% and 10% almost everywhere and the differences were mostly very granular, plus it didn't win any constituency so it feels 'secondary'. The same applies even more for all minor parties. And of course I didn't bother with SVP for... obvious reasons.

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Lega:



Partito Democratico:



Movimento 5 Stelle:



Forza Italia:

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Centre-right coalition:



Centre-left coalition:



Movimento 5 Stelle:

[Antonio the Sixth]

Excellent maps!!

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Excellent maps!!

Thank you!!

Colouring in the maps is the fun part, I could do it all day. Collecting the data instead...

[Former President tack50]

Given the results, all Italian cities except Florence are now #cancelled. Sorry

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Given the results, all Italian cities except Florence are now #cancelled. Sorry

Why? It's not the only place where the centre-left coalition won lmao.

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Reviving this thread after so much time, and after another national election has happened, may seem very odd, but I've finally gotten around to doing something I had been curious about for a long time - maps of the swing from 2018 to 2019. The timing also means that we can compare it with the 2022 trends and see how much they had been anticipated by the European Parliament election.

I apologize in advance for the fact that the maps may have slight imprecisions, especially for the smaller parties, and for using the same colour scale for all of them (I didn't feel very inventive about finding new colours for parties which gained in some areas and lost in others).

[President Punxsutawney Phil]

Thank you for your hard work, in advance.

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

Fairly predictable map - Lega gained the most in areas that constituted the "transition zone" between itself and M5S (Marche, Abruzzo, outer Lazio) and secondarily in some parts of the South and in Northern areas that were already very strong for Lega but maybe had a higher Five Star vote than usual (see Veneto); whereas it gained the least in metropolitan cores and/or typical strongholds of the left (although if you squint you can see the shift was a bit stronger in Rome even in the very centre - this may be related to FdI's performance) plus Trentino-Alto Adige.



Conversely, PD gained the most in metropolitan cores and/or Red Regions cities (that is the areas where it was already strongest in 2018, although this is emphatically NOT the case for Naples which is its own thing) plus some random areas in the South with big swings in particular in Sardinia. On the other hand, it had small gains in less urban and generally right-wing areas, which turned into actual losses in a few places like parts of Lombardy and notably in Umbria (which is also, turns out, the circoscrizione where PD lost the most from 2018 to 2022 - this trend is definitely real...), not to mention South Tyrol where the fact that SVP was allied with the centre-left in 2018 probably mattered.



This map is fairly interesting. To an extent, M5S lost more in areas where it was stronger and lost the least in areas where it was very weak (the smallest swings were all in metropolitan downtowns and in Upper Lombardy, where they simply didn't have as many votes to lose to begin with), but this was hardly the whole story - for instance, the party went from an almost identical performance in Tuscany and Veneto in 2018 to doing much better in the former in 2019, and this is another trend that would be confirmed in 2022. Above-average losses in Marche, Abruzzo and southern Lazio correspond as seen above to stronger gains for Lega, but those in Apulia may have also favoured FdI and those in Sicily (rofl) Forza Italia. All in all, one could say this already shows a more "left-wing" electorate for the party.

[𝕭𝖆𝖕𝖙𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖆 𝕸𝖎𝖓𝖔𝖑𝖆]

North of Molise, this map is kind of odd but in many ways still logical - smaller losses in the cores of Red Regions, where presumably FI had fewer votes to begin with, compared to large losses in the first Berlusconi base around Western Lombardy and "Greater Milan periurbanism", and in outer Lazio which as we've seen finally transitioned to being a Lega-friendly zone. South of Molise... LOL hahahahahahahahahahaha lmao rofl



This is reaching "movements are small enough they are often influenced by noise" territory, but we can see FdI had significant rebounds in various old post-fascist strongholds such as Lazio and the Abruzzo Appennine, parts of Apulia or southern Calabria (plus the Verona area, indubitably the most right-wing part of the country in conventional terms), while its gains were consistently small in Milan proper and in Tuscany. A special mention to Rome, which maintained its role as a great place for the far-right but had been so uniquely strong for FdI in 2018 - even compared to the rest of Lazio - that the party actually lost ground there.



This map is hilarious. Leaving aside a few areas with abnormal swings thanks to strong personal votes (Parma mayor Federico Pizzarotti in western Emilia, Bitonto mayor Michele Abbaticchio in Apulia, and also the alliance with the Team Kollensperger in South Tyrol), the general trend for More Europe is significant losses in its strongholds (educated metropolitan city cores) and tiny but consistent increases where it had been weak in 2018 (basically everywhere else). Not sure what the reason for this was, but it's great for trend-watchers.