Prime Ministers of New England (Rough Timeline)

[Brother Jonathan]

I often wonder what an independent New England would look like. I suspect this interest started when I first read Walter Bagehot's The English Constitution in which he wrote the following:

"No one can doubt that the New England States, if they were a separate community, would have an education, a political capacity, and an intelligence such as the numerical majority of no people, equally numerous, has ever possessed. In a state of this sort, where all the community is fit to choose a sufficient legislature, it is possible, it is almost easy, to create that legislature. If the New England States possessed a cabinet government as a separate nation, they would be as renowned in the world for political sagacity as they now are for diffused happiness."

What follows is simply an attempt to thresh the idea out more. Perhaps one day I will try to better organize and polish it more, but for now, I just wanted to start with something of a rough draft of my idea. The point of divergence is the War of 1812, in particular the Treaty of Ghent. In this timeline, the war is even worse for the United States than in reality, and New England succession becomes much more widely accepted. Indeed, the Hartford Convention gains broad public support, and by 1814 New England is virtually in rebellion against the United States. When the United States sues for peace in 1814, New England is able to garner British support for succession, and New England is given independence as part of the Treaty of Ghent.

Prime Ministers of New England

Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem

1. Timothy Pickering (Tory), 1815-1819
Led the New England secession movement before independence and was instrumental in obtaining British support for the effort. Was present at the negotiations that led to the Treaty of Ghent, where he further solidified ties with Britain by promising that an independent New England would support their cause in the Napoleonic Wars through both greater trade and even modest military assistance. New England's independence was thus included in the Treaty of Ghent at the insistence of the British, in exchange for an end to the War of 1812 and final fulfillment of terms of the Treaty of Paris. Pickering went on to unite the New England states in support of independence and became New England's first Prime Minister after he convinced the Constitutional Convention of 1814 to adopted a Westminister-style government.¹

He invested in internal improvements, including vast road networks and several canals; moved the Capitol from Hartford (site of the Provisional Parliament) to Boston; built up the New England Navy, and aided Britain in War of the Seventh Coalition. He also suppressed the so-called "Democratic Rebellions" in the Northern New England wilderness with brutal force from 1816-1818. Negotiated and signed the Treaty of Rotterdam, settling the border between New England and Britain's North American colonies. As a signatory of the 1815 Treaty of Paris, he ended the Slave Trade in New England, and in 1817 abolished slavery totally.

His brutal suppression of the Democratic Rebellions caused a general loss of confidence in his government, and sensing that he had lost the confidence of the House of Commons Pickering resigned rather than face a vote to that effect. He became Protector of Liberties² in 1820, succeeding John Adams (who was never fully comfortable with Independence and had opposed most of Pickering's agenda). Pickering died in 1829 and was succeeded as Protector of Liberties by John Quincy Adams.


1- The Constitution Act of 1814, which was passed by the Provisional (Hartford) Parliament was not, in fact, a Constitution. Pickering (among others) prevailed on the assembly not to pass a written Constitution, and instead to adhere to a British conception of the sovereignty of parliament, which became the basis of New England's government. Thus the Hartford Parliament passed the 1814 Act as a piece of normal legislation. Nevertheless, the 1814 act is generally considered something of a Constitution.

2- Protector of Liberties is the Head of State of New England, similar to the Crown in the United Kingdom or the Governor-General in Canada. However, the Protector of Liberties is rather weaker than these roles. They are elected by the Senate (which, in turn, they appoint on the advice of the Prime Minister) to serve for life or until resignation or removal.
2. John Lowell Jr. (Tory), 1819-1825
Lowell was a staunch ally of Prime Minister Pickering and continued his policies of close relations with Britain and support for trade and internal improvement. Under Lowell the New England Navy rapidly expanded, becoming one of the most formidable in the world. Lowell also adopted a more antagonistic attitude towards the United States, including the infamous Corn Tariff of 1822, which placed steep rates on imported grain from the United States. Increased prices in New England caused domestic unrest (which Lowell suppressed), and heightened tensions with the US. The 1823 Godspeed Incident, in which New England Naval vessels sunk what was believed to be an American grain smuggling boat, nearly led to war between the two countries which avoided thanks to the work of the Foreign Minister Harrison Gray Otis.

Lowell, like Pickering, was forced from office thanks to his repressive domestic policies and overly pro-British foreign policy. Most notably, the 1824 Commons Riot in Boston against the Corn Tariffs and an attempt to secure a "right of return" to the descendants of Loyalists who fled after the end of the American Revolution proved too much for even the hard-line Tories in the Commons. Thus, like Pickering, Lowell resigned as it was clear he had lost the support of his own party.

3. Harrison Gray Otis (Tory), 1825-1832
Otis was generally seen as the leading moderate Tory and was thus elevated to the office of Prime Minister with the hope that he would deescalate tensions with the United States and promote domestic harmony. Otis attempted to repeal the Corn Tariff in 1826, but facing backbench opposition opted instead simply to significantly lower the rate. His Tories were returned to office with a sizeable majority at the General Election later that year, and Otis used the enhanced mandate to pass the Civil Disturbance and Riot Act of 1827. The Act placed restrictions on the power of the Prime Minister to deploy troops domestically and established an organized police force for Boston.

Otis negotiated the 1828 Treaty of Albany with the United States, which included an official apology for the Godspeed Incident of 1823, and recognized the "shared heritage of New England and the United States". More substantively, the treaty finally settled both the land and nautical borders between the two nations and authorized the building of several canals connecting the two nations. The Treaty greatly improved New England's access to American markets and facilitated the inflow of raw materials from the United States into New England for manufacturing.

Otis oversaw the state visits of both United States President Andrew Jackson in 1831, the first visit of currently sitting American President to New England since Independence, and the 1832 visit of King William IV  (the first visit of a British Monarch to New England). Otis expressed throughout his term of office a desire to pursue a "middle path" between the United States and Britain, expressing a desire to avoid domination by either, and pursued this policy by promoting extensive trade relations with both nations.

Otis retired in 1832 and was generally well regarded in most political circles. The Treaty of Albany, however, had weakened his support among the most fervently pro-British Tories, while the visit of William IV in 1832 shook the supporter of the already suspicious New England nationalist faction which felt the Tories had been too accommodating towards Britain. He is, however, generally well regarded by historians.
4. Josiah Quincy III (Tory), 1832-1839
Quincy sought to build on Otis's legacy, promoting internal improvements and domestic industry, making New England a major trading power. Quincy, however, was more pro-British than Otis and sought to use Britain as a bulwark against what he saw as growing American influence in New England.

Quincy's most lasting legacy is probably the Education Reform Act of 1835, which standardized the education system across New England along a basic structure, and provided funding for several institutions of higher learning. He also oversaw the passage of the Federal Reform Act of 1836 which clearly delineated which powers were to rest with the federal government and which were to rest with the states. The Act also established the State of Maine from Massachusetts Province of the same name.  

Quincy's most controversial act was his decision to support Britain militarily during the Rebellions of 1837 in Lower and Upper Canada. The decision produced a domestic outcry, and there were minor rebellions in some rural northern areas and riots in several cities. Quincy saw the decision as crucial to reaffirming New England's close relationships with Britain. He further justified the action as protecting "New England's interests in our neighbor's field" and arguing that stable British control over Canada was in New England's interests. Quincy further earned much domestic opprobrium as a result of his tense relationship with US President John C. Calhoun, who he frequently criticized in public for his support of slavery.

The Tories were defeated rather decisively in the 1839 General Election, thanks in large part to the public outrage at Quincy's active support of British actions in Canada and souring relations with the United States.

The 1839 General Election

250 Seats in the New England House of Commons
126 Seats needed for a Majority

Whigs (Henry W. Edwards, MP for New Haven Green)- 173 Seats
Tories (Josiah Quincy III, MP for Cambridge North East)- 68 Seats
Radicals (no leader)- 8 Seats

Whig Majority of 96

So, that is what I have so far. I hope to continue updating this over time while getting feedback from others. I hope this thread can serve as a broader discussion of the potential direction of an independent New England under the circumstances described.

I would note the reason I am posting this here (rather than on a more general-purpose alternative history website) is that my primary interest here is the political development of New England. As interesting as it might be, I don't really want to get bogged down in what the flag looks like or what side of the road New Englanders drive on, or what the public broadcasting system is like. My interest in history is generally political and electoral, so that will be my focus. That being said, if it's generally felt this doesn't belong here, I will of course move it.  

I will also say that there are several other points of divergence one could go with one discussing an independent New England scenario. One is that, after the revolution, a federal union is not created and so New England just develops over time into its own nation while the other states follow a similar trajectory. Another common one that I have seen is a situation in which the rift over slavery drives the northern states to secession. I am really not too fond of either of these scenarios, and I figured that the Hartford Convention and the general upheaval in New England around the War of 1812 would provide a fairly solid basis for secession. I would be interested to hear other thoughts on this.

One could argue that my scenario thus far does not take into account the potential for residual anti-British and pro-American sympathies (which I did incorporate to some extent in the Democratic Rebellions during Pickering's time in office, though they had a distinct catalyst), but I would note the whole point of divergence requires that pro-secession sentiment be high enough in New England that  Pickering and others would be able to secure support for provisions in the Treaty of Ghent creating an independent New England in the first place, and that New England's separatists would have close enough ties with the British to entice them to include such provisions in the treaty in the first place. And, ultimately, this is an alternate history, and so it's really impossible to say what would have happened and I can always hide behind that.

[Brother Jonathan]

5. Henry W. Edwards (Whig/National Whig), 1839-1847

Edwards entered office with a strong mandate, but faced internal divisions within the Whig party. He represented the more moderate Whigs who supported continued close relations with both Britain and the United States. Early in his term, Edwards was able to unify around the party behind the Electoral Reform Act of 1839 which expanded voting rights and reapportioned seats in a more representative fashion. He also finally repealed the Corn Tariff and moved New England toward a policy of free trade.

The Whigs became deeply fractured over the issue of New England's future relations with Britain. Edwards and his cabinet largely favored a moderately pro-British policy, while many more radical Whigs wanted a clear break with the policy of previous Tory governments. Three factions, Edwards's pro-British Whigs, a more pro-American faction led by Charles Atherton, and a nationalist faction led by the former Radical and then Whig MP Thomas Wilson Dorr, formed as the party became increasingly split. The fissures came to a head in 1842, when Edwards signed a treaty promoting naval cooperation with Britain, and which would see New England shipyards building British warships at a premium rate. Edwards justified the policy as a benefit to New England shipbuilders and the New England navy, but many within the Whig party rejected the treaty. Atherton and his more pro-American faction attacked it as a perversion of Whig free trade principles and for unduly alienating the United States, while Dorr attacked the treaty as a surrender to outside power and influence in the name of private gain and left the party with 28 other Whig MPs.

Not long after Dorr's defection and the establishment of the Dorrites, Atherton also left the party and became the leader of the Hillsborough Whigs, a group of pro-American, free trade-oriented Whigs with a strong base in New Hampshire. In total, some 73 Whigs left the party over the course of 1842-1843, and Edwards was left with a very tenuous majority. Following the general election of 1844, he lost his overall majority, but was able to form a government by winning the support of moderate Tories. Edwards reorganized his loyal supporters within the Whig party as the National Whigs, and managed to win a small majority at a snap election in 1845 on a platform of further tariff reform, naval expansion, and a modernization of New England's legal code. He died in office in 1847.
6. John P. Hale (National Whig), 1847-1850

Hale became Prime Minister on Edwards death, and was generally believed to be one of the few National Whig politicians who could hold the party together. Hale was forced to rely on moderate Tory support to keep his government in office, and sought to continue Edwards's program of tariff reform and modernization. His government passed the Inland Transportation Act of 1849, which drastically simplified the process for obtaining approval for canals, roads, and railways, and encouraged the development of such systems. Hale also succeeded in abolishing tariffs on most raw materials coming into New England from the United States, including coal and cotton.

In 1850, his National Whigs suffered a decisive blow as the Tories became the largest party in the House of Commons. Though the two parties still required one another's support to prevent the radicals from gaining power, the Tories insisted and were allowed to take the lead in forming the new ministry, though Hale was retained as Chancellor of the Reserves in the coalition.
7. John Brown Francis (Tory), 1850-1861

Francis sought to continue many of the programs of the National Whig government, most notably by supporting the construction of new railways and the further promotion of industrial development in New England. The legislative centerpiece of this effort was the Industries Act of 1852 and the Taxation Reform Act of 1853, which simplified the process of creating corporations, reduced remaining tariffs, and introduced limited duties on a variety of products.

Francis also sought to modernize the New England Navy, investing heavily in research and development, while also expanding the New England Army. He held talks with the British government about annexing parts of Canada, but was unable to make much progress. Francis was seen as the leader of a budding movement which sought to establish New England colonies abroad, though he and other leading Tories at the time denied they had any such intent.

Francis's government nearly collapsed in 1854 over the Crimean War, as Francis had strongly supported the British government and its allies in the run up to the war and argued forcefully that New England should join them in declaring war on Russia. Though lampooned by the opposition (and the American press), Francis was able to narrowly pass a declaration through and New England naval forces sailed to join with British forces in the campaign. The cabinet split over the issue of sending troops, which Francis supported, but ultimately it was decided that New England would participate only in naval operations, where it was felt it could make a difference. Francis articulated a vision of a more assertive and involved New England on the world stage, and he hoped to use New England's naval involvement in the Crimean War as a means of establishing the country's reputation on the world stage. New England diplomats played a role in the Congress of Paris, and Francis saw the entire adventure as a promising start to his project.

Domestically, successes in establishing New England on the world stage were not able to suppress mounting tensions over calls for electoral reform which would better recognize the interests of urban New Englanders. Francis and the Tories rejected such proposals, but increasingly their allies the National Whigs supported them. At the general election of 1856, Francis managed to ride the wave of press adulation over New England's enhanced standing in the world to a modest majority which did not require National Whig support, but the growth of more radical parties in the opposition was a sign of potential danger ahead.

Francis's final years in office were marked by the West Indies scandal, which saw his government buy the Danish West Indies with little notice in 1859 at a high rate as part of a first step towards a colonial presence in Central and South America. The newly reunited Whigs under Hale were critical of the deal on both moral and economic grounds, and public response was muted at best. Francis and his Tories lost the 1861 general election, and John P. Hale returned as Prime Minister at the head of a united Whig party.
8. John P. Hale (Whig), 1861-1867

With his return to office, Hale sought to enact a reform minded agenda which had not been possible when he had been forced to rely on Tory support. He passed the Reform Act of 1862 which made New England's election significantly more democratic, a modest land tax was introduced, and tariffs reduced further.

Hale was less successful in foreign policy than his predecessor, largely failing to undue his legacy. Hale failed to find a buyer at a suitable rate for the New England West Indies and rejected a proposal for independence out of hand. He did manage to liberalize the laws governing the colony with the Colonies Act of 1864, but the act was also a recognition that New England was unlikely to relinquish its overseas territories any time soon.

Hale's tenure also saw an increasing in tensions with the United States, as Hale made public speeches denouncing the practice of slavery and criticizing many influential American figures for their involvement in the slave trade. Souring relations with the United States, and Hale's growing anti-American sentiments, alienated him from many in his party, and Hale was forced from office in by his own party in 1867 and was replaced by his Navy Secretary Daniel Marcy
9. Daniel Marcy (Whig), 1867- 1884

Marcy represented the opinions of Whig elites who supported continued economic development, promoting New England on the world stage, expansion of the army and navy, and preserving the constitutional status quo.

Marcy oversaw the Navy and Army Act of 1869, which expanded both branches of the armed forces, drastically increasing the army and establishing a much larger permanent garrison in the New England West Indies. Further, the Ports and Naval Stations Act of 1870 authorized the establishment of a New England West Indies fleet which would be stationed out of Saint Croix. Marcy represented shifting Whig attitudes on foreign policy, deemphasizing close relations with the United States in favor of a stronger presence abroad and acceptance of more imperialist attitudes.

Marcy oversaw strong economic and industrial development in New England, and large-scale immigration from Ireland and Canada. To accommodate and assimilate these new populations, Marcy oversaw the passage and implementation of the Citizenship and Immigration Act of 1876, which protected the rights of immigrants while also creating a clear path to citizenship which mandated certain criteria designed to preserve political stability.

The growth of pro-imperialist attitudes in the Whig government was made visible in the late 1870s. In 1876, as France began pursuing a potential deal to allow the construction of a canal in Panama, the British government made overtures to Marcy's government suggesting that they enter into a joint venture to undercut the French and construct the canal themselves, giving New England control over what would be an important strategic checkpoint and giving them direct access to the Pacific. As part of the deal, New England would foot most of the cost while the two would split the provision of needed materials and expertise. After the canal was completed, control would pass to New England, and a treaty would ensure free British passage through the canal. The mission was ultimately successful, and Marcy's government undertook the project following the completion of a treaty with Columbia in 1879.

The costs of the project were steep, but British interest in the project allowed Marcy to pressure them into aiding New England in other imperial adventures while they helped finance the canal project. In 1882, New England and Britain managed to conquer and split African territory north of British South Africa as Germany prepared to do the same in territory just to the north, and a year later established New England South Africa. The imperial outpost was rather small and costly, but was seen by Marcy as an important foothold for New England outside of North America.

The costs of Marcy's budding imperialism were great, and by 1884 taxes and duties had increased sharply to pay for the military presence in Africa and the joint canal project. Marcy lost the general election that year as the public was increasingly frustrated with his spending and failure to address domestic issues, such as the growing Irish population and civil disorder in industrial centers.

[Brother Jonathan]

10. George Frisbie Hoar (Conservative), 1884-1891

Hoar, continuing in the footsteps of Charles Sumner, helped transition to Tories into a modern party, creating a new Conservative party designed to respond to the needs of a changing New England. By the time of the party's victory in 1884, it was still finding its footing, and remained deeply divided on many issues.

Hoar was nevertheless able to pursue numerous reforms in his early years in office. He managed to curtail corruption in government, restraining the patronage power and modernizing the civil service through reform. Hoar also passed laws to curtail discrimination against immigrants and eliminated longstanding prohibitions on Catholics from serving in public office.

Most pressingly, Hoar was faced with a grave fiscal crisis, as Marcy's imperial adventures had led to heavy expenditures which were drastically outstripping revenues. Hoar sought to address the imbalance by increasing existing tariffs and extending them, while also ending the inflationary policies of his predecessor. Further, Hoar reduced military expenditure, and in 1889 signed a treaty of mutual defense with Great Britian which further increased collaboration on shipbuilding and research into new military technologies. He succeeded in bringing the economy back into balance, but his policies led to some short-term hardships.

In foreign affairs, Hoar was forced to steer a difficult course. Personally, he opposed imperialism, and attempted to no avail to convince his party to support democratic minded reforms in New England's colonial possessions. Hoar also was conflicted on the ongoing canal project, as he sought to reduce New England's commitments abroad but was also eager to maintain close relations with Britian. Part of the difficultly stemmed from the fact that, unlike his predecessor, Hoar was deeply suspicious of the United States, and viewed the nation as a potential threat. Hoar had tense relations with the United States throughout his tenure, and his introduction of new tariffs on American brought relations between the two countries to the most strained point in generations.

Hoar was ultimately unable to effectively navigate these contradictions, and his attempt to negotiate the sale of New England South Africa to Britian without consulting the cabinet ultimately proved to be a breaking point. Hoar was forced from office by more imperialist elements in the party in 1891.
11. Orville H. Platt (Conservative) 1891-1897

Platt succeeded Hoar as the preferred choice of the dominant imperialist faction within the Conservative party. Unlike Hoar, Platt strongly supported the canal project and the expansion of New England's imperial domain. To this end, Platt increased military spending and redoubled efforts in the canal zone, and in 1894 the Panama Canal was opened, and the canal zone placed under the authority of New England. Only two years later, in 1896, Platt's government led New England into war with Spain over Puerto Rico and Cuba, presenting New England as a civilizing force which would bring order to Spain's revolution-ridden territories in the new world. The war went well for New England, and by 1897 Spain's colonial possessions in the Caribbean were folded into New England's imperial domain.

On economic matters, Platt largely continued Hoar's policies of tight monetary control and tariffs for revenue and the protection of industry. Platt also reorganized the nation's finances and established a modern central bank- The Bank of New England. Platt also continued to adopt a pro-British foreign policy, and was noted to have a warm personal correspondence with many leaders in British society, including Disraeli and Queen Victoria.

Platt's Conservatives narrowly lost their majority at the general election of 1897 as labor agitation and ethnic strife became acute issues in urban areas, issues which Platt was generally seen as unable to deal with well. A Liberal/Reformist coalition managed to form a government, even as the Conservatives remained the largest party, though many more progressive members defected after the new government was formed.
12. William E. Chandler (Reformist), 1897- 1898

Chandler led a rather brief and unhappy government. A former Conservative who had become a leader within the Reformist party, it was hoped that Chandler could help to hold together the Liberal-Reformist alliance while also presenting its policies to the broadest audience. Instead, Chandler clashed with many in his own party on numerous issues, from tariffs to immigration. Chandler, though initially supportive of expanding naturalization services and providing services to immigrants, soon turned and began arguing for harsh restrictions on immigration. Further, though his government managed to lower tariffs and loosen the money supply, the government was torn between those who were hesitant to pursue such a policy, those that favored it, and yet further still those in the Liberal party proper, led by Edward Atkinson, who wanted to go farther and abolish the Bank of New England. Tensions between imperialists and anti-imperialists also rocked the government, and very little was accomplished. The government fell after just over a year in office.
13. Orville H. Platt (Conservative), 1898-1905

Platt returned to office after the chaos of the Liberal-Reformist government determined to correct the course of the nation. He agreed to limited reforms designed to help the urban ethnic poor, including a new anti-discrimination bill, but also passed harsh new immigration limits and oversaw passage of the Policing Act of 1900 which sought to organize and better fund police departments in urban centers to deal with immigrant communities.

Platt increased tariffs and restored the tight money policy he had helped champion. Further, he made a state visit to Ottawa in 1901, and gave speech calling for closer Canada-New England relations. Platt also passed the Navy Act of 1902, which called for a modernization and expansion of the New England Navy, as well as the creation of a new port in Cuba. Platt also sent more soldiers to New England's Caribbean colonies to deal with ongoing revolts there.

Platt died in office in 1905, and was succeeded by his close ally Nelson W. Aldrich.

[Brother Jonathan]

14. Nelson Aldrich (Conservative), 1905-1906

Aldrich's brief tenure in office was marked by a continuation of the policies of his predecessor and close ally Orville H. Platt. The most notable act of his short-lived government was the Revenue Act of 1905 which reduced tariffs on Canadian goods and raw material while increasing rates on American finished goods. The Conservatives lost the 1906 General Election to the now reorganized and rejuvenated Reformists.
15. Robert P. Bass (Reformist), 1906-1910

Under the leadership of former Conservative MP Robert P. Bass, the son of immigrants from the United States, the Reformists and Liberal government led by Bass managed to be much more efficient than the one that had been formed in 1897-1898. Bass and other party leaders, recalling the fracture of the previous government, avoided taking strong positions on foreign policy issues (for which later historians would often critique his government) and instead focused on broadly popular domestic reforms which united the various factions and parties in government. The Anti-Trust and Competition Act of 1907 which placed restrictions on trusts and monopolies, the Railway Regulations Act 0f 1908 which created new safety standards for railway construction and operation, the Foodstuffs Act which empowered state and local government to inspect facilities which prepared food and regulate them, and the Revenue Act of 1909 which reduced tariffs on all goods, were all passed without much discord within the government. The government also managed to pass liberalizations of naturalization and voting laws, allowing many immigrants to finally become citizens and register to vote for the first time.

Bass was personally a very effective party leader, but he was tarnished by accusations of being a "crypto-American," by virtue of his being born in the United States and a policy which sought to promote free trade with the United States. Exhausted be such attacks and the work of passing such a robust legislative agenda, Bass stood down in 1910, and the Reformist Party was dissolved and largely merged into the Liberals.
16. James Curley (Liberal), 1910-1914

Seeking to appeal to newly naturalized Irish voters, the Liberal unexpectedly selected James Curley to be their next leader and to succeed Robert P. Bass as Prime Minister. Curley, the son of Irish immigrants, was brash and colorful and managed to win the 1910 General Election for the liberals with a strong mandate, calling for more regulations to protect workers and more spending on programs to help the poor.

Early on, Curley did indeed pursue these priorities, and managed to pass both new labor regulations and a workman's compensation law. He also sought to expand public transportation, providing funds for states and local governments to create rail networks for public use. Curley's government, however, was also notoriously corrupt, and many of its public works projects turned into windfalls to important friends and allies. Curley also alienated many by his attacks on "Anglo-Protestant power" and a time when Anglo-Protestant New Englanders where a vital part of the Liberal Party. Curley, in many respects, represented the venting of Irish and other immigrant Catholic New Englanders who had been politically frustrated, and his reform agenda was often accompanied by brash and angry attacks against the wealthy and well-established.

It was not his populism which forced Curley from office, however, but the First World War. Curley was adamantly opposed to any New England involvement in the war, and actively spoke against British interests in the conflict. Curley had long antagonized the British, and relations under his leadership and become deeply strained. Diplomatic problems only got worse as Curley suggested he was actually supporting the Germans in the cause, and also expressed his support for Irish independence. These indiscretions finally proved too much, and Liberal elites finally forced Curley from office in November 1914.
17. Andrew James Peters (Liberal), 1914-1915

Peters was named leader of the Liberals, and was faced with the daunting task of preventing the party from fracturing on the lines of a growing division between Catholic, Anti-British members and Protestant, more pro-British members. He proved largely unsuccessful, and the only action of note Peters undertook, under unrelenting press pressure and faced by treaty obligations, was to enter the First World War on the side of the Entente in December of 1914. The decision split the Liberal party and the country, and was met with rioting in many Catholic and immigrant areas.

Without a real majority, Peters limped along as Prime Minister until 1915, when the Conservatives managed to win a landslide victory and created a "National Government," which Peters had refused to do.

[Brother Jonathan]

18. Henry Cabot Lodge (Conservative), 1915-1924

Lodge formed a national government following the 1915 general election, seeking to include within his government all factions of the Conservative party, moderate reformers and liberals, and pro-imperial elements in Parliament. He was opposed by a group of opposition Liberals led by James Curley, who worked in close coloration with the budding Labor Party.

The National Government deepened New England's involvement in the war in Europe, sending just over half a million men to serve on the Western Front and using its navy to engage in anti-U boat campaigns. Some 50,000 New Englanders dies in the conflict, and another nearly 200,000 were wounded. Public sentiment on the war was deeply divided, and governments use of conscription prompted riots in some urban areas. These were suppressed with force, and the 1916 Public Order and Security Act drastically restricted the ability of citizens to criticize the war.

Lodge's government was influential in helping build public opinion in the United States for Entente cause. Lodge made an official visit to Washington D.C. in 1916, the first trip to Washington of a sitting Prime Minister of New England and personally spoke with numerous important figures in the United States, helping to sway opinion towards the British and New England positions in the conflict. Lodge's interventions were seen as key to finally convincing the United States to declare war after a series of hostile German actions against the United States in 1918.

By 1919, the Germans had been battered, and the arrival of American troops proved decisive. Lodge traveled to France and led the New England negotiating team, generally siding with the British on most major matters. One notable feature was that the resulting deal gave New England control over German East Africa.

After the war, Lodge sought to parlay New England's participation into a springboard for even great global standing. He helped organize a League of Nations which New England joined, and in the demobilization that followed the war he kept New England's army at a much larger size than it had been before. Lodge also expanded the market for New England's manufactured goods in Europe, and deepened ties between European and New England businesses.

In the 1920 general election, the national government was dissolved, and the Conservatives won a majority. Lodge focused this new government on promoting social stability at home and increasing New England's prestige abroad. New England's economy benefited from the ravages of war in Europe, as it stepped in to help fill gaps in the market left by Europe. Lodge controversially sought to encourage immigration from large cities to New England's positions abroad, a policy generally seen as designed to reduce the Catholic population which was increasingly growing restless and agitating for further democratic reform, a pro-US foreign policy, and greater economic support.

While increasing New England's standing in the World, Lodge did oversee a period of heightened tensions with the United States, as the American public increasingly came to see him as an agent of British influence who had conspired to help drag the US into the war and spread entente propaganda. Such sentiments were pivotal in the election of Hiram Johnson to the presidency, and his populist government enjoyed increasingly cool relations with New England. Lodge also angered some Americans by encouraging Catholic immigration to New York, a policy which was countered by new immigration controls the United States passed in 1922. Lodge's government also saw the first major increase in tariffs on American goods in several decades, passing the Revenue Act of 1923, which substantially hindered trade between the two North American powers.

At the same time, Lodge promoted closer ties with Britain and Canada. King George V visited New England in 1922, and Lodge articulated support for British imperial and foreign policy. He also sought to negotiated new arms control treaties and hosted the Boston Conference to that end. He died in office in 1924.
19. Porter H. Dale (Conservative), 1924-1929

Lodge's "Vermont Deputy" and a key figure in his cabinet was appointed to be Prime Minister on Lodge's death by Protector of Liberties Charles Francis Adams III. Dale called an election shortly after his appointment, and won another majority mandate, thus starving off growing intraparty challenges to his leadership. Dale sought to continue the approach of his predecessor. He did attempt to mend relations with the United States, reducing trade barrier with the Tariff Reform Act of 1925 and hosting a Congressional delegation in Hartford Connecticut.

Dale was generally an uninspired leader, and his time in office saw growing industrial strife and continued tensions between the Catholic and Protestant community in New England. His government refused to make naturalization easier or to eliminate the poll tax. Through the Labor Relations Act of 1927 the government did encourage the creation of private charities and societies to provide support for the unemployed, the government remained hostile to social spending and the creation of new economic regulations.

The government's failure to address growing economic distress ultimate proved to be its undoing, as economic crisis racked New England in the late 1920s. The Dale government introduced some limited relief, but also used force to break up unruly labor action in major urban centers. Desire for economic relief and frustration with the seemingly inert government helped oust them in the 1929 election.
20. David I. Walsh (Liberal), 1929-1931


The 1929 election produced a decidedly divided result, and the Liberals managed to govern only with the confidence and supply support of the Labor Party which was rising quickly, and the occasional support of the new and relatively small Social Credit Party.

Walsh managed to achieve little, as the parties in his coalition diverged wildly on some issues and he refused to form a formal coalition. He was able to host a Second Boston Arms Control Conference, which resulted in an agreement which saw New England reduce the size of its navy. Further, Walsh passed after some internal debates the Wage Act of 1930, creating a minimum wage for New England. He also introduced a more progressive tax system with an emphasis on taxing the income of high earners and reduced tariffs across the board with the Revenue Reform Act. Walsh also sought to reduce New England's spending on imperial administration and convened a committee to consider the future of its possessions.

Ultimately, Walsh's government fell on the question of expanding social spending and welfare, as Walsh and the Liberal cabinet opposed the attempt of the Labor party and its allies to create programs to support the unemployed and create government jobs programs. Though Walsh personally was somewhat converted on the issues, his Cabinet was opposed, and the government failed to maintain Labor's support.
21. James Curley (Reconstruction), 1931-1934

Leading a coalition of left-wing Liberals, his own dissident 'True Liberals,' and the majority of the Labor Party, Curley returned to office after over 15 years with a coalition dedicated to enacting measures that the mainstream Liberals and Conservatives both opposed. Curley's government passed the Social Security Act of 1931, providing supplemental wages to the unemployed, the Transportation and Infrastructure Act expanding funding for municipal public transportation and the creation of several major new roadways across New England, the Franchise Reform Act of 1933 which ended poll taxes, enshrined one person one vote, and expanded voting rights to all New Englanders over the age of 18 regardless of gender. Curley financed these projects by increasing income taxes.

Curley's government, after this flurry of successes, stalled out and was dominated by infighting and constant rebalancing as he sought to maintain his own position. Defections back to the Liberals and to the Independent Social Democratic Party from the opposite ends of his coalition both brought his majority near the brink of collapse. Ultimately, his attempt to extend the maximum time between elections from five years to seven and his personal corruption proved to be his downfall, as the Labor party finally ended its support for the government in 1934, forcing an election.
22. Joseph B. Ely (National Union), 1934-1938

Ely, formerly a leading figure in Walsh's Liberal government, broke from Walsh's policy as leader and pursued an active alliance with a moderate faction within the Conservative Party and sought to roll back some of the more radical elements of the Reconstructionist agenda that Curley's government had pursued. Liberals dominated Ely's cabinet, and he sought to reduce spending and return New England to fiscal balance.

His policies proved controversial, as unemployment remained high, and spending promised for public works projects were reduced and, in some cases, scrapped altogether. Ely also excited controversy for reducing the size of the civil service and scrapping a plan to expand funding to local hospitals. Ely also became a strong supporter of a more isolationist foreign policy, embodied in Foreign Secretary (and Former Prime Minister) David Walsh's avoidance of European issues and the expressed desire of the government to work toward self-government for increasingly restless imperial possessions.

The persistent impact of unemployment ultimately proved fatal for the government, and dissent from Conservative members of the government forced Ely to call in election in 1938, in which his National Union Liberals were handed a major blow.

1938 General Election

300 Seats in the New England House of Commons
151 Seats needed for a Majority

Labor (Theodore Green, MP for Providence Blackstone)- 138 Seats
Conservative (Henry Keyes, MP for Haverhill and Piermont)- 84 Seats
Liberal (Charles F. Hurley, MP for Boston Church Green)- 39 Seats
National Union Liberals (Joseph B. Ely, MP for Westfield)- 31 Seats
Workingmens' League (James Curley, MP for Boston City Point)- 5 Seats
Others- 3 Seats

Labor+Liberal Majority of 54

[Brother Jonathan]

A little infographic of the 1938 general election

[Brother Jonathan]

23. Theodore F. Green (Labor), 1938-1955

Green became the first Labor Prime Minister of New England, forming a coalition government with Charles F. Hurley's Liberal party with a pledge to invest in public works projects, expand welfare and social services, and combat unemployment and poverty. Green and Hurley's coalition proved to be stable and effective, passing legislation to expand unemployment insurance, support unions, and create the New England Public Works Programs (NEPWP). Green also sought closer relationships with the United States and Canada, seeking with some limited success to promote trade and reduce tariffs.

Green sought to help pay for his public works program by reducing expenditure on New England's overseas "empire." New England's imperial possessions were something of an international joke and had been severely under-resourced and underfunded for years. Green sought to expedite progress towards independence, withdrawing the small garrisons that remained except for those in the Canal Zone. In early 1939 Cuba and Puerto Rico were made independent and Green and his cabinet steadfastly refused to be involved in any post-colonial stabilization efforts, though the United States moved in to assert its own interests. Green generally refused to reduce military expenditure, and indeed his government increased the size of the army and started a new naval building program. The coalition government also finally recognized the Soviet Union as its violent Civil War drew to a close.

Green's government was fiercely anti-fascist and took a strong anti-Nazi line. New England joined the European powers in stating that further aggression against Poland would be taken as an act of war. With Hitler's invasion of Poland in September 1939, New England voted to declare war on Germany and Green formed a National War Government that included all parties but James Curley's small faction. New England sent a contingent of troops to aid in the defense of France, and New England's Navy conducted considerable operations to combat German U-boats in the Atlantic and facilitate the transport of goods from New England and Canada to the European allies. The government briefly split over the issue of construction, as the Liberals were hesitant and the National Union party was opposed. Green however plowed ahead with a conscription bill and the majority of the coalition fell in line.

Green also sought to play the role that Henry Cabot Lodge had played in the First World War, serving as an emissary between the United Kingdom and the United States. Green traveled to New York City and Washington D.C. as part of an official trip in 1940, encouraging American businesses to continue sales to European allies. Green took a strong anti-Nazi stance in his public appearances, and also controversially encouraged American audiences to pressure their government to join the war against Nazi Germany.

With the fall of France in 1940, Green's cabinet was rocked by disagreements about the future of the government's policy. Former Prime Ministers Ely and Walsh argued that New England should become the "voice of reason" in Europe and support a negotiated end to the war. Anti-draft and anti-war protests developed and there were rumors of a strike among certain sectors of the workforce. Green flatly refused to support any end to hostilities and passed a public order act modeled on the one used by the Lodge coalition during the last war, cracking down on anti-war activity and suppressing draft protests.

In mid-1941, Green was a key figure in convincing the United States to declare war on Germany after a spate of German naval and air attacks on American ships and citizens. Green made several trips to Washington across several months and helped to promote the allied cause among leaders and the public. In 1942, as preparations began for a new campaign in Europe, New England sent more troops to Europe and worked to expand its naval and air forces. New England ground troops participated in the invasion of Italy and later in the invasion of France. New England also participated in the joint allied atomic weapons program, though the devices were not completed before the end of the war.

With the end of the war in 1945, Green called an immediate election. Labor's campaign was largely run by others, as Green was consumed with diplomatic work, including hosting several summits in the White Mountains. In addition to general agreements among all allied powers, Green also committed New England to the Four-Party Agreement on Atomic Weapons, pledging New England's continued cooperation with the United Kingdom, United States, and France in seeking to produce an atomic weapon before the Soviet Union.

Labor easily won the 1945 general election, campaigning on a promise to continue its pre-war domestic reforms and on its record of war management. It was the first majority government elected since the Conservative victory at the 1924 general election. Labor continued its robust expansion of welfare and public services, creating a system of government-run hospitals across New England and expanding both road and rail construction. In a 1946 speech, Green articulated his goals as being to "build a New England that is worthy of its great inheritance, able to meet the challenges we face today, and capable of fulfilling the dreams of our children."

In foreign policy, Green rallied the majority of the Labor Party to an anti-Soviet line, promoting closer collaboration with both the United States and the United Kingdom. New England became a founding member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations. Green also continued his rapid decolonization program, and the Colonial Reform Act of 1947 officially ended all New England control over its imperial possessions, with the exception of the Panama Canal zone.

Labor was returned with another majority in 1949, and Green used it to pass an ambitious national pension program. The government also passed the Agricultural Stabilization Act of 1951, seeking to support farmers. The bill created mild controversy as it increased tariffs on American and Canadian agricultural imports. Green also had notoriously tense relations with Quebec Premier Maurice Duplessis, which led to hostile press coverage in New England.

Labor was also deeply divided on the question of atomic weapons. Though the United States had made it clear in 1948 that it would not automatically share weapons with its Four Power partners, Green had reached a separate agreement with the British by which they would provide New England with materials to quickly complete its own set of weapons after a successful British test. The British successfully tested a weapon in late 1952 and offered New England the promised support. Green, after consulting with a divided cabinet, informed the British he would call an election for 1953 and the government formed after the election would decide the issue.

Green led Labor into the 1953 general election, though many in the party privately expressed a desire that the now 86-year-old Green should retire. Green avoided the limelight during the campaign, allowing his deputies to largely run Labor's effort. The party was returned with a reduced majority, and Green formed a cabinet full of his close allies and supporters within the party. He convinced the new cabinet to support the British atomic exchange, and existing facilities at the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard were converted into plants to bring the weapons to completion in several years.

Green's age, his staunch anti-communist position, and an increasingly cold relationship with the United States created divisions within the Labor Party. After nearly two decades as Prime Minister, many members also thought it was time for Green to retire. Green hobbled along for two more years after the 1953 victory, helping to protect the fledging atomic weapons exchange program, before finally being convinced to resign in 1955.
24. John W. McCormack (Labor), 1955-1958

McCormack was a compromise candidate who arose out of a Labor Party deeply divided on foreign policy issues. McCormack largely pledged to continue Green's policies but pledged as well to improve relations with the United States. McCormack also had appeal for his demographic background, being a Catholic and the son of an immigrant, and it was hoped he would help further solidify Labor's standing in Irish and Catholic areas.

McCormack's most notable action as Prime Minister was a much-lambasted month-long "World Tour" starting in the United States and Canada before continuing to Europe and then to Asia. The domestic press was sharply critical of McCormack's effort, "leaving a flailing domestic policy behind to paper over the deep divisions within his own party on foreign affairs with a trip dedicated more to the exercise of diplomatic protocol than substantive policy."

The Labor government was unable to find a clear direction on either foreign or domestic affairs over the next several years, and McCormack was unable to provide energetic leadership to reverse this trend. Though open infighting became less severe, the government was seen as increasingly complacent and directionless. McCormack led Labor into the 1958 election, and they were defeated by a sleek, policy-oriented Conservative campaign.

[Brother Jonathan]

25. Leverett Saltonstall (Conservative), 1958-1965

Saltonstall became the first Conservative Prime Minister in nearly thirty years, the last having been Porter H. Dale. He led his party to its first majority victory since the 1924 election, promising stability at home and a strong government. The Conservative government replaced a deeply divided Labor cabinet and sought quickly to project a unified face and a concrete program. In the government's early days, it scrapped Labor's plans to create a national industrial outputs strategy and controversially ended talks with the United States on a tariff reductions agreement.

In foreign affairs, Saltonstall moved quickly and established his government as much more Anglophilic than those of his Labor predecessors, and much more skeptical of American influences. Saltonstall pressed ahead with the New England atomic weapons program, despite setbacks and controversy. New England conducted joint tests of its new weapon in June 1960, in collaboration with the British government. Saltonstall also welcomed Queen Elizabeth II to New England in 1959 as part of her state visit, the second Monarch to visit New England. Saltonstall continued the strongly anti-communist policies of his predecessor and began to increase New England's defense budget after several years of stagnation under McCormack.

In domestic affairs, Saltonstall preferred to avoid radical changes and left the welfare programs the Labor government had created largely in place. Saltonstall did seek to reduce taxes and significantly rolled back price controls that the Labor government had established. His government also introduced the first changes to the Immigration and Naturalization Act in several years in 1962, which included new, stricter limits on yearly immigration. The decision was often regarded as an attempt to appeal to working-class voters, including Catholics, who had increasingly expressed frustration with New England's fairly relaxed immigration policies. Throughout his time as leader Saltonstall built robust relationships with Catholic communities which had traditionally been very hostile to the Conservatives.

The Conservatives retained their majority at the 1962 election, running on a platform of continued domestic stability and independence in foreign policy. Saltonstall soon faced a rail strike and was able to successfully mediate between workers and the railroads, earning plaudits for his ability to do so. He also antagonized the United States by increasing tariffs on American goods in the first post-election budget.

Saltonstall also generated controversy at home over his handling of a protest in the Panama Canal zone, when he increased the number of New England marines and suppressed it with force. Saltonstall defended his actions, but many regarded it as an overreaction. He also created confusion by trying to walk a delicate line on relations with the United States, both seeking to assert New England's independence and to remain a member of NATO and other international organizations.

Saltonstall surprised any in 1965 by announcing his resignation without much warning. There was no particular cause for the resignation, and Saltonstall left office popular within the country and his party, even if his foreign policy sometimes prompted confusion and frustration.
26. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (Conservative), 1965-1971

Lodge had been the Foreign Secretary before becoming Prime Minister and it was often remarked that he was selected to replace Saltonstall because he was one of the few people who could understand his foreign policy. Early in his own tenure Lodge sought to articulate the Conservative government's international agenda in a speech in Boston, highlighting the need to protect New England's independence through controls on foreign, especially American, capital, the maintenance of close ties with European powers, and a robust defense anchored by a strong Navy. On domestic affairs, Lodge adhered to the moderate course of his predecessor. He sought to promote closer and more amicable relations between Catholic communities and older Protestant communities.

Lodge led the Conservatives to another majority at the 1966 election. The Conservative platform focused on increasing defense spending, tariffs to protect New England businesses, and anti-corruption measures. Despite his efforts to present a sleek, modern image, the themes of the Conservative campaign and the government were decidedly old-fashioned.

One of the more notable efforts of Lodge's second mandate was his effort to promote closer relations with Canada, hosting several important Canadian delegations and opening work on an agreement to reduce trade barriers and maintain easy travel and commerce between the two countries. Lodge viewed Canada and the United Kingdom as New England's closest allies and sought to give them preferential treatment. This only further strained relations with the United States, which many regarded as reaching their lowest point in decades as the 1960s came to a close.

Lodge also reopened ethnic tensions by pursuing anti-corruption reforms that targeted the powers of major cities and their leaders. Notably, Lodge's government sought to remove through prosecution and other legal efforts several local Boston politicians, almost all of them Catholic. There were protests in Boston and Lodge responded with a harsh police crackdown, pushing ahead with his efforts. Similar protests and harsh police reactions were on full display as Lodge sought to pass the Local Government, Reform Act of 1970, which abolished the elected position of Mayor of Boston and similar positions in several other cities where they had developed into a sort of strong executive.

Ethnic tensions in urban areas, what seemed to be a brewing trade war with the United States, and efforts to expand the Navy made the late Lodge years something of a throwback, and most voters did not approve. The contrast between Lodge and the Conservatives and an energized, organized, and articulate Labor Party with a bold, reforming program and a youthful leader was stark indeed, and voters returned Labor to office in the 1971 general election.

1971 General Election
300 Seats in the New England House of Commons
151 Seats needed for a Majority

Labor (Philip Hoff, MP for Burlington)- 174 Seats
Conservative (Henry Cabot Lodge Jr, MP for South West Essex)- 95 Seats
Liberal (Robert Kennedy, MP for Boston Eagle Hill)- 31 Seats

Labor Majority of 48

[Brother Jonathan]

Maybe kind of stupid to think of this now, but of course as this goes on I am reminded why long-term alternate history work often seems to bring in figures who did not actually exist, because in a world where New England is its own country, what are the chances actually that Leverett Saltonstall exists, and that he's basically the same in key respects? That being said, I still like the basics of this idea, I'm just going to rework it and scrap everyone born after 1815 from the list and either find people born before 1815 or as is more likely create new figures. That means the first nine PMs will remain but I will rethink what comes after that.

For the sake of completion, here is the list I had worked out using actual people from this point:
27. Philip Hoff (Labor), 1971-1977
28. George Bush (Conservative), 1977-1981
29. Philip Hoff (Labor), 1981-1982
30. George Bush (Conservative), 1982-1992
31. John Chafee (Conservative), 1992-1999
32. John Kerry (Labor), 1999-2006
33. Chris Dodd (Labor), 2006-2008
34. John Bush (Conservative), 2008-2018
35. Charles Baker (Conservative), 2018-

[beaver2.0]

Maybe kind of stupid to think of this now, but of course as this goes on I am reminded why long-term alternate history work often seems to bring in figures who did not actually exist, because in a world where New England is its own country, what are the chances actually that Leverett Saltonstall exists, and that he's basically the same in key respects? That being said, I still like the basics of this idea, I'm just going to rework it and scrap everyone born after 1815 from the list and either find people born before 1815 or as is more likely create new figures. That means the first nine PMs will remain but I will rethink what comes after that.

I've had similar thoughts. You could keep the names of OTL figures explain them away as being a trick you're using to help readers. Perhaps Leverett Saltonstall is simply the name you're using for an in-universe character named John Lodge. This fictional Lodge has a wealthy upbringing like Saltonstall and holds similar political views.

[Brother Jonathan]

Maybe kind of stupid to think of this now, but of course as this goes on I am reminded why long-term alternate history work often seems to bring in figures who did not actually exist, because in a world where New England is its own country, what are the chances actually that Leverett Saltonstall exists, and that he's basically the same in key respects? That being said, I still like the basics of this idea, I'm just going to rework it and scrap everyone born after 1815 from the list and either find people born before 1815 or as is more likely create new figures. That means the first nine PMs will remain but I will rethink what comes after that.

I've had similar thoughts. You could keep the names of OTL figures explain them away as being a trick you're using to help readers. Perhaps Leverett Saltonstall is simply the name you're using for an in-universe character named John Lodge. This fictional Lodge has a wealthy upbringing like Saltonstall and holds similar political views.

I do like that idea, and I think it broadly works; figures like Saltonstall would of course be dominant in the Conservatives,  so the name would change but the policy would probably be the same. I do want to revisit a decent bit of what I have here though, so I've been thinking of actually going back and picking up after the 1839 election, keeping what I like, changing what I want, and also using new figures not from OTL after a certain point.

[beaver2.0]

Maybe kind of stupid to think of this now, but of course as this goes on I am reminded why long-term alternate history work often seems to bring in figures who did not actually exist, because in a world where New England is its own country, what are the chances actually that Leverett Saltonstall exists, and that he's basically the same in key respects? That being said, I still like the basics of this idea, I'm just going to rework it and scrap everyone born after 1815 from the list and either find people born before 1815 or as is more likely create new figures. That means the first nine PMs will remain but I will rethink what comes after that.

I've had similar thoughts. You could keep the names of OTL figures explain them away as being a trick you're using to help readers. Perhaps Leverett Saltonstall is simply the name you're using for an in-universe character named John Lodge. This fictional Lodge has a wealthy upbringing like Saltonstall and holds similar political views.

I do like that idea, and I think it broadly works; figures like Saltonstall would of course be dominant in the Conservatives,  so the name would change but the policy would probably be the same. I do want to revisit a decent bit of what I have here though, so I've been thinking of actually going back and picking up after the 1839 election, keeping what I like, changing what I want, and also using new figures not from OTL after a certain point.

What I meant was you keeping the names of OTL figures. For example, you might use Bill Clinton in your writing. In universe, there is no such person as Bill Clinton and the guy that is in charge in the late 1990s is similar to Clinton in that he comes from a poor southern family and has some skeletons in the closet in his personal life. So essentially, the OTL figures are stand-ins for ATL characters with similar backgrounds and temperaments used for convenience so you don't have to give us a CV for every character you've come up with.

Either way, I'm looking forward to seeing more of this timeline if you decide to write more.

[Brother Jonathan]

Alright, having taken a look at this, I've actually decided to go with basically rewriting, with more detail, the events from 1867 onward. So while there will still be a few OTL figures in the next update or two, the majority will be entirely my own creations. I've enjoyed writing the first set of updates (which will be below shortly).

I will say that this will, for the most part, follow the trajectory laid out, but I will be fleshing things from 1867 out far more and have given more thought to things like elections and cabinet politics.

[Brother Jonathan]

The First Marcy Ministry, February 1867-July 1867
Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons: Daniel Marcy (Whig-Nationalist)
Chancellor of the Reserves: Charles Stanley (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: John P. Hale (Whig-Haleite)
Secretary of State for War: Edward Edmonds (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of the State for the Navy: Josiah Creevey (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: David Atherton (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for Law: Charles Sumner (Whig-Haleite)
President of the Board of Trade: Benjamin Atkinson (Whig-Athertonite)

John P. Hale was forced from office by his party, as the nationalists (led by Daniel Marcy) and the pro-American Athertonites (led by David Atherton) overwhelmed Hale and threatened to bring down his government. Hale capitulated, striking a deal with the Nationalists and hoping to moderate the resulting government by staying on as Foreign Secretary. Marcy became Prime Minister and sought to unite the party by creating a ministry featuring prominent figures from all factions.

Marcy placed his closest allies in financial and naval roles, planning to appease the Athertonites by making overtures to the United States while also increasing naval spending and starting a rapid naval build-up. Josiah Creevey, a staunch nationalist with strong anti-British and anti-American streaks, was in charge of the Naval Office and proposed drastic increases in naval expenditure. The Haleities were too weak to object, and the Athertonites supported the move as a means of further separating New England from Britain. The Athertonites were also appeased by Marcy’s promise to call an election for July and to campaign for tariff reform.

At the 1867 elections, the Whigs were returned with a healthy majority. Many Haleities stepped aside or were defeated by Independents aligned with the Athertonite or Nationalist win. It was seen as further cementing Marcy’s position, but there were also warning signs, as Athertonite-aligned independent candidates made strong gains, and empowered Marcy’s rival. Charles Sumner, a prominent Haleite, crossed the floor and shortly became a founding figure in the new Conservative Party, while Hale himself remained a Whig, and was retained in the Cabinet as a helpful buffer between the nationalist and Athertonite factions.

The Second Marcy Minister, July 1867-March 1870
Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons: Daniel Marcy (Whig-Nationalist)
Chancellor of the Reserves: Charles Stanley (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: John P. Hale (Whig-Haleite)
Secretary of State for War: Francis Gibbons (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for the Navy: Josiah Creevey (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: David Atherton (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for Law: Edward Edmonds (Whig-Athertonite)
President of the Board of Trade: Benjamin Atkinson (Whig-Athertonite)

Marcy’s new ministry was designed to keep the Athertonites confined to domestic briefs, while allowing Marcy’s nationalist allies to lead on foreign and military affairs. Hale was retained as Foreign Secretary, but he was generally regarded as essentially a secondary figure in the ministry, and the Haleitie, anti-imperialist faction largely disintegrated and moved into opposition with the exception of Hale himself.

Marcy rejected David Atherton’s conception of the ministry as one of equals or of two equal factions. Marcy often did not consult Atherton on major policy and treated him and his faction as secondary. Early progress on shared priorities papered over these concerns. A tariff reduction bill in 1867, and another in early 1868 were applauded across the free trading Whig party, and were spearheaded through the Commons by Atherton and President of the Board of Trade Atkinson. The goodwill from these bills also made the passage of Creevey’s drastically increased naval estimates in 1868, and paved the way for the Army and Navy Act of 1869. The Act drastically expanded both New England’s land and naval forces, at great expense but to much patriotic support.

Conflict developed as Marcy and Creevey sought to pass the Ports and Naval Stations Act in early 1870. The act would create an entirely new New England fleet in the West Indies, to be stationed in Saint Croix. In Cabinet, Atherton strenuously objected and argued that the Cabinet supported instead selling a sizeable portion of New England’s possessions in the West Indies to the United States, and reducing its presence there, thus eliminating the need and the feasibility for such a naval presence in the region. Marcy forged ahead, but promised to consider Atherton’s “suggestion.”

The Athertonites were increased, sensing that the Nationalists were trying to erase key elements of their agenda. Foreign Secretary Hale was also deeply opposed to the proposal and was rumored to be on the verge of reigning. Under the ruse of rallying to the elder statesman, the Athertonites bolted and the government fell. A deadlock in the house forced a new election, where Athertonite Whigs dominated, and where Athertonite-aligned independents made considerable progress. This allowed Atherton to form a ministry without needing much Nationalist support, thus keeping the leaders of the faction (namely Marcy and Creevey) out of the Cabinet.

The Athertonite Ministry, March 1870-October 1871
Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Reserves: David Atherton (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: Edward Edmonds (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for War: Harrison Cross (Independent-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for the Navy: Ira Williams (Independent-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: Benjamin Atkinson (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for Law: James Pierce (Whig-Athertonite)
President of the Board of Trade: Thomas Miller (Whig-Athertonite)
Leader of the House of Commons: Francis Gibbons (Whig-Nationalist)

Atherton’s post-election ministry was dominated by his allies and included independents aligned to his faction in the Whigs. The new independents proved more radical than many expected. Though at first they were reliable allies in reducing tariffs, some were soon clamoring for radical electoral reform. Others proved too closely aligned to the Nationalists on naval issues, preventing Atherton from walking back some of Creevey’s expansion of the Navy.

Differences in the coalition eventually came to a head on a proposed education bill, advanced by Atherton, which would introduce greater central support for schools, and would create a uniform system of school district organization. The more radical, localist Athertonite independents largely rejected this proposal, and Atherton had to advance the bill relying on the support of the Nationalists. In a strategic move, Marcy led the Nationalists in joining with the opposition and the localist Athertonites to defeat the bill, a major piece of legislation. The defeat prompted Atherton to resign, having failed to undo much of Marcy’s legacy. Marcy was then the consensus choice to form a new ministry.

The Third Marcy Ministry, October 1871-March 1874
The “Pure Whig” Ministry
Prime Minister and Leader of the House of Commons: Daniel Marcy (Whig-Nationalist)
Chancellor of the Reserves: Francis Gibbons (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: Benjamin Atkinson (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for War: Charles Stanley (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for the Navy: Josiah Creevey (Whig-Nationalist)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: David Atherton (Whig-Athertonite)
Secretary of State for Law: Moses Wells (Whig-Nationalist)
President of the Board of Trade: James Pierce (Whig-Athertonite)

Marcy’s new ministry was a conscious effort to avoid going to those who were not “committed Whigs” for support, relying instead on a broad swath of leading Whigs from both the Nationalist and Athertonite factions. Initially, the ministry was a conciliatory one, with Marcy shelving some of his major naval bills in favor of passing Atherton’s Education Reform Act. Marcy felt an election would lead to a poor result for the Whigs, and so he worked to keep the coalition together.

As factional fighting cooled, Marcy and Creevey resurrected and passed the Ports and Naval Stations Act in late 1872, and began another round of major shipbuilding in 1873. The Athertonites supported both measures. The government also moved to support rail construction, providing charters to several new railroads, including new lines to New York, Montreal, Quebec City, and Albany. The government also increased taxes on alcohol and tobacco to pay for the continued expansion of the army and navy.

Marcy decided to call an election in 1874, though he could have waited a year, in hopes of expanding his majority, to allow him to further increase domestic duties on certain goods to pay for further military expansion. The Athertonites had drawn a line, refusing further revenue enhancement without first reducing some spending. There was further dissension within the party over Marcy’s threat to use troops to break up a dry dock workers striker that threatened to impede naval construction.

Under Marcy, the Whigs fought the 1874 election as one about the future of New England in the world, presenting an image of an assertive New England “forging its destiny, carving its form out of the granite of history, not merely into it.” The Tories, on the other hand, ran on reducing domestic duties, increasing tariffs, and placing restrictions on immigration. Facing a weak economy, high taxes, and urban unrest, voters gave the Tories a mandate.