Age of Steam and Steel: Gameplay Thread

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Poor King Louis (1843-1865)

   King Louis XIX came from an august bloodline. His family tree held Kings of Naples, Holy Roman Emperors, Italian nobility, in addition to the renowned senior Bourbon Kings of France. Yet, this same heritage would also be a severe strain on the young King. Descended from his great predecessor Louis XIV 8 different ways, Louis XIX demonstrated clear effects of inbreeding in his family tree. All 4 of his grandparents had been Bourbons, in addition to 5 of his great grandparents and 8 of his great-great grandparents.
   Louis XIX proved to be a particularly sickly young man. There were several instances in the early 1840s where the Court at Versailles feared the King would pass. He was a lethargic ruler, focused more on surviving than achieving any concrete advancements for France. His body fluctuated often between small periods of health and resilience and bouts of bedridden delirium. In the absence of a strong leader, as was perhaps natural, factions formed at the court, various power-bases jockeying for influence. The strongest throughout the early reign of the King undoubtedly centered around Marie Fernandina. As an experienced and capable regent, she was widely respected throughout France. Though Louis had been declared of age in 1843, she continued to govern France behind-the-scenes until her death in 1852 during the preparations for her grandson’s wedding.
   Despite the clear effects of inbreeding, and numerous questions about whether the sickly King was even fertile, dynastic politics had to continue. With Prussia in a state of despair, and the Habsburgs seeming triumphant, France made a clear signal of its diplomatic priorities when Princess Catherine, the sister of the King, was wed to King Frederick IV of Prussia in June 1848. This was both a tacit rebuke of the Austrian advancements in the Rhineland and a diplomatic olive branch after decades of nonengagement. Although no formal alliance followed, it was enough to dissuade Vienna from challenging the abolition and absorption of the remainder of the German League in 1849. France was finding itself increasingly competing with the Austrians, Brazilians, Scandinavians, or Ottomans in its many territories and clearly needed a friendly power to balance it out.   
   Louis himself, under the suggestion of his grandmother, was matched with Princess Charlotte of Quebec, who was 10 years his junior. She was the granddaughter of King Louis Henry, born to his son and heir Henry. At the time of their marriage in 1852 the King was 26 and his new wife merely 16. Though she was young, she would demonstrate herself to be a capable player in the game of intrigue in Versailles. The royal marriage demonstrated the growing ties between France and her former colonies in Louisiana and Quebec, who proved equally resistant to joining the intrigues of the European continent.
   The death of Marie Fernandina created a power vacuum. Two figures began to dominate the court. The new Queen Charlotte, as the potential mother of the future heir and beloved by her husband, slowly began to identify herself tacitly with the conservative and reactionary elements of French society. Prince Xavier, the 46-year-old uncle of the King and heir to the throne, was beloved by the liberals and actively sought to undermine the Queen’s power.
   Initially, both due to his age and the dominant left-wing governing coalition, Xavier assumed control over the French government in all but name. His was a policy of economic reform, repairing and rationalizing the economy of France and Padania to function along modern lines. Xavier and Adolphe Thiers, who was still the power in the political scene proper in 1852, formed a close alliance. Louis XIX, who was somewhat inclined to liberalism in memory of his late father, backed his uncle. In foreign policy, Xavier aligned himself with the Austrians over the Neapolitans, seeking to resurrect the moribund alliance between Paris and Vienna. He had his daughter Vittoria of Bourbon-Savoie wed to Archduke Maximilian, the grandson and eventual heir of Francis II in 1855.
   The years of Xavier’s governance proved beneficial for France. In the 1850s the dreariness of the previous decade had given way to stability. The terrible famine of the 1840s was over and all throughout the two kingdoms the economy started to grow. Xavier undertook ambitious projects as well, expanding the small telegraph networks and continuing the legacy of Louis XVIII through rapid railroad construction. French settlers were relocated to Flanders, where the local Flemings suddenly felt government pressure to emigrate to North America or the Netherlands. In the end, most fled to New Holland, bolstering the Dutch-speaking population of that far-off land.
   With his success, Xavier made no secret of pressuring his nephew to bestow favors upon him and his family, given he was still the heir. By 1858 it had been 6 years since the royal wedding and Queen Charlotte remained childless. Louis XIX formally revived the dead House of Savoy, naming Xavier the first member of the House of Bourbon-Savoy. Xavier’s children were granted generous estates, while he lined his pockets with funds from the treasury.
   Yet, this dominance could not last. In 1859 rumors of corruption in the government cabinet brought down Thiers’ coalition and forced new elections. The scandal expanded though, engulfing many of Xavier’s favorites and known allies. Seeing himself beset by foes, the Prince retired back to Piedmont, ceding the power of the Crown quietly to Charlotte, who had been quietly brooding. In a masterstroke of political genius, the 23-year-old Queen asserted her position at once. The conservatives swept into power governing in a coalition with the nationalists. Those deemed effective under Xavier were offered posts in the new government, an attempt at preventing poor feelings and future retribution.
   Charlotte quickly won back control over her husband, especially with Xavier absent. Though Louis was wary of cooperating with the conservatives, she convinced him of the necessity to follow the will of the people. When the King acquiesced, the embarked on a broad seizure of control over the French state. Charlotte was much more focused on power politics and diplomacy than the economically-minded Xavier. Called the “Prussian Tyrant” by her opponents, she was beloved by the army, Church, and peasantry. Diplomatically, Charlotte rejected Xavier’s détente with Austria, seeking to reassert ties between Prussia and France. France sought to regain its international standing under her watch.
   This involved a brutal and rapid strike south in India against the Kingdom of Mysore in 1860. The last independent Indian state on the subcontinent, the realm had long protected its status. Joseon and the Habsburg Monarchy had been particular vital trading partners in the previous decade, the realm trying to modernize in time to fend off any potential onslaught. Mysore had just enough weaponry and skill to hold its ground for the first few years of the conflict, but by 1863 the French colonial forces had breached the line and were pouring into the remainder of the realm. At the last minute, the Maharaja sued for peace, offering to become a client realm along the lines of the other satellite states. Charlotte, negotiating on behalf of the government in Paris agreed, though France too substantial territorial concessions as a surety. India, at long last, was almost entirely in French hands. Save for a few Portuguese and British outposts, the vast subcontinent with all of its wealth was now under foreign authority. Although no further expeditions were conducted in the 1850s, the later part of the decade saw Paris’ focus shift towards North Africa, where Algiers suddenly seemed weak and ripe for the plucking.
   1860 saw Queen Charlotte in full command of the French government in all but name. The “Prussian” Period of her rule also coincided with ambitious reforms to the military and an expansion of French garrisons overseas. Yet, the Queen still was without an heir, not for a lack of trying. With Louis XIX continuing to endure health scares, her authority, otherwise absolute, is undermined by the constant worries of his death and ascension of Xavier to the throne…

Habsburg Monarchy: The Cost of Victory

Rhenish War (1846-1849)

   Once the Treaty of Breslau was signed, the Habsburg Monarchy had a brief moment of respite. The realm was in tatters. Bohemia and Hungary had borne the brunt of the Prussian advance, while other areas had spent thousands of their young men in the grand struggle. Silesians remained skeptical of the return of Habsburg control after a little more than a century. To the east, the Emperor’s new Ruthenian subjects watched suspiciously. All across the Empire the prospect of famine appeared increasingly likely and the financial state of the government was desperate.
   Yet, despite these challenges, Emperor Francis was determined to exterminate the threat to the Holy Roman Empire along the Rhine. In the Rhineland he saw all the solutions to his problems. Ample harvest and loot to refill Viennese coffers, the elimination of a revolutionary threat, and a restoration of imperial power. With Prussia no longer standing in the way and France focused internally, many in Vienna saw 1846 as the prime chance to strike out and exterminate the revolutionary realm. Breaking their unofficial truce, Habsburg soldiers crossed back into the Rhineland on June 15th, 1846.
   The Rhenish were shocked, but not surprised. For almost a decade now preparations had been made to deal with the Austrian onslaught. New defensive strategies were employed, slowing the Austrian advance and causing tremendous casualties. Still, this could only do so much. The Swiss provided financial aid, but were wary of committing men after their struggles in Northern Italy. France, or at least the French people, sent men, but the numbers were less than ideal. Slowly the Austrians moved west. Stuttgart fell back into their hands in 1847 and Cologne itself fell in late 1848, causing the King of the Rhine to take his family and flee to France. Although some pockets of resistance held out until 1849, causing extensive damage in the region’s countryside, the war was in large part completed. The rump government of the Kingdom of the Rhine abolished itself at Aachen, recognizing the return of Imperial Authority to west Germany. In the span of 3 years the combination of war and the general famine utterly devastated parts of the most prosperous German region. The Austrians had won two tremendous victories against Prussia and the Rhenish, but many wondered if it had come at too high a price.

Diplomatic Exhaustion (1849-1860)

   With so many men dead and the economy in such desperate straits, the next decade would see an isolationist Habsburg Monarchy focus inwards as the world around it was set aflame. Indeed, a deep pessimism took root in Austria from the late 1840s until the death of Emperor Francis in 1859. European affairs were neglected as diplomatic attention turned towards the growing colonial theaters further afield.
   Although there were vocal objections to King Frederick of Prussia’s abolition of the German League in 1849, the prospect of further military intervention in another theater was absolutely abhorrent to most in the Habsburg demesne. When it became clear that Scandinavia too had no intention of getting involved, that settled the matter. A mere diplomatic objection was issued to Berlin. Public opinion in the various Austrian territories was opposed to a fight with Prussia and there were concerns over the loyalty of the restored Silesian subjects.
   The Austrian focus on nonintervention and internal stabilization extended to other theaters as well. Rather than challenge the King of Naples after the Romagna Coup in 1852, which saw that supposedly neutral principality directly absorbed into the Kingdom of Naples, all the Austrians did was muster their troops and man the border in a defensive fashion. Vienna looked on with distaste but inaction as Maria Sophia, the Grand Duchess of Tuscany and daughter of the Emperor, was slowly pushed into the pro-Neapolitan camp by her husband. As Poland descended into utter anarchy and civil war during the late 1840s and early 1850s, Vienna merely provided arms and material support to the monarchists, electing to take no further action. Although there was alarm further afield at the events in Russia, Poland and the Ottomans were buffer states between the Habsburgs and the Russian Republic, limiting that as a diplomatic priority. Even when France assaulted the Kingdom of Mysore in 1860, what had been a key trade partner of Austria, the government merely stepped aside and allowed the Indian realm to collapse.

The Great Re-Mediatisation of the Empire & Internal Reform (1849-1860)

   With the collapse of the Rhenish and reacquisition of the minor Saxon principalities, Emperor Francis found himself in a unique position in Imperial history, given the chance to directly reorganize the Empire in a way none of his predecessors, except for perhaps Ferdinand II briefly during the Thirty Year’s War, had done. Two parallel policies were enacted: mediatisation and shoring up the loyal princes.
   The Great Re-Mediatisation occupied most of the attention in Vienna during the various diplomatic crises on all other sides. Francis II issued the Munich Decrees in March 1849 as the war with the Rhineland entered its very last stages. He outlined ambitious reform. The plan involved the shattering of what had once been the numerous imperial principalities and bishoprics. The land was then to be partitioned among the Imperial knights, free cities, and minor princes. This, in effect, would create a whole class of vassals who owed their loyalty (as well as the future survival of their smallholdings) to the Emperor.
   Yet, the loyalty of some of the major princes could not be forgotten, and some in Vienna also believed it was in the best interest of the Emperor to keep some medium-sized vassals to provide enforcement and support. This eventually resulted in the Six Major Principalities, the only regions of the Empire not divided up like the others. These were Baden, Ansbach, Bayreuth, Wurzburg, the Palatinate, and Hesse. Saxony too remained quite large, but for the most part operated outside of Imperial Authority, despite still being a member state.
   Baden, where Duke Leopold (nephew of the Emperor) was restored to his throne in 1850, expanded, gaining a bit of Württemberg, the Principality of Hohenzollern in the south, and some other nearby landholdings. Emperor Francis named his second son, Archduke Francis, as the Margrave of Ansbach. Bayreuth, which had been previously united with Ansbach, was given to the Emperor’s third son, Archduke Maximilian. Both were required to issue toleration of religion in order to make their Catholic faith palatable to the many Protestants in the region. The Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt was greatly rewarded for his loyalty to Francis during the formation of the Kingdom of the Rhine. Not only was he restored to his traditional territories, but he gained much of Hesse-Kassel as well, taken out of the German League by the Treaty of Breslau. The new Duchy of Hesse would be the largest of the Six Major Princes. The Archbishopric of Wurzburg proved to be the only major clerical principality that survived the reform, by virtue of it not having fallen to the rebellion. The Prince of the Palatinate was restored to his lands and title, though now as a restored member of the Empire than a prince in the German League.
   Re-mediatisation, meanwhile, occurred in the remainder of Baden, the entirety of the Rhineland, and the minor Saxon principalities. The Imperial Commission, established as part of the Munich Decrees, settled once and for all property dispute cases that had languished in the moribund Imperial Courts for decades, if not centuries. The ecclesiastical holdings were cut back to a great degree as local areas gained more autonomy. The common people, some of whom had been embittered by the return of Imperial Authority, were gradually won over by the clear progress that victory had allowed the Emperor to make. It was hoped that the new system, with hundreds of weak microstates, would prove durable enough to beat the strains of external pressure in the future.
   In addition to reform of the Holy Roman Empire, the 1850s saw great changes made to the direct holdings of Emperor Francis II. The famine of the 1840s, which affected much of the continent, reiterated the importance of agrarian reform. Francis employed the sizeable indemnities from Prussia and Russia to not only rebuild what had been destroyed, but also incentivize the modernization of farming throughout Hungary and East Galicia (which was renamed Ruthenia). New methods and practices helped to create substantial surpluses by the mid-1850s and led to consistent population growth from that point onwards.
   Vienna would also emerge as a third financial city in Europe after Paris and London, with the Dutch banking industry relocating under invitation of the Royal Family. In addition to the growing financial sector, Bohemia would see manufacturing begin to spring up during reconstruction, the damage having allowed of investors to swoop in and establish factories at a fairly low cost. Though it would not rival Britain nor France by 1860, some speculate that the Bohemian industry could prove crucial for economic development in the Habsburg Monarchy moving forward. 
   Francis II died in 1859, after 32 years on the throne. His reign had seen the achievement of some of his dynasty’s greatest aims. Despite the inferno that had erupted, Germany had been retaken and the Holy Roman Empire strengthened. Prussia was, for a few years at least, chastened as the long-desired territory of Silesia was restored to the Kingdom of Bohemia. Though he ruled an at times unwieldy cauldron of nationalities, the Treaty of Breslau had seen the number of German speakers increased substantial as a proportion of population while the discontented Poles were set loose. Croatia flourished under the rule of Jelacic, Bohemia industrialized alongside Lombardy, and Hungary and Ruthenia rapidly prospered as agricultural heartlands. Francis was succeeded by his son, Charles VIII of the Holy Roman Empire as Europe continued to move forward.

Austria Overseas (1841-1860)

   The Habsburg Monarchy had never been a participant in the colonial game to the same extent as its continental rivals. While France, Britain, Prussia, Scandinavia, and the Netherlands had sought to establish outposts all around the globe, by 1835 Austria merely had a small trading colony at Delagoa Bay in southeast Africa. That changed during the reign of Francis II, who proved to be highly interested in the world around him. While the Treaty of Breslau saw Delagoa handed over to Portugal, it did leave the door open to Austrian expansion in Madagascar, which was ultimately achieved following a series of campaign from 1853 to 1856. Under Francis’ watch separate outposts had also been established at the Nicobar Islands and at Ningbo in China, which proved to be the most lucrative holding off all.
   Vienna was also a friend of Mysore in India, having gone so far as to enter into talks with the Maharaja about establishing a protectorate over that realm during the mid-1850s. Of course, this was prevented by Queen Charlotte of France’s decision to launch an invasion of that realm. Though Vienna objected to the invasion, there was little that could be done in such a relatively distant territory. This would be a consistent frustration for the pro-colony Austrians, who would find themselves often outcompeted in colonial theaters, save China, by powers that had been established for far longer.

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Ottoman Empire: Betrayal and Reform

Conclusion of the Russo-Persian War (1844-1847)

   With the Treaty of Breslau ending hostilities with both Russia and Prussia, many in the Ottoman Empire assumed that their allies in Vienna and Stockholm would then turn their attention towards defeating the Persians. Yet, the Triple Alliance disbanded almost immediately, perhaps before the ink at Breslau was even dry. Scandinavia was far more focused on its continued struggle with Quebec, while the Habsburgs were preparing to attack the Rhineland. In any case, neither of the former allies had either finances or men to spare. Thus, the Ottomans would face the Persians alone.
   This was terrible news for the exhausted people of the Empire. Already Persia had taken the entirety of Armenia and Mesopotamia. Substantial Ottoman losses in Russia and the Caucuses had leveled the numerical playing field, even with the Russian soldiers abandoning the Persian armies. Furthermore, the landings attempted along the Gulf had done little other than irritate the locals and achieve symbolic gains. Indeed, the outlook was bleak. The Durrani betrayed Istanbul in early 1845, exiting the war when the Persians offered a white peace, the gains in the west against the Ottomans too tantalizing to be ignored.
   Sure, the Turks did not stand alone, but their allies proved less than capable. Oman was content in its occupation of part of Yemen and the Arabs were more focused on returning their life to normal. Thus, little action took place initially.
   Two Turkish attempts to retake Armenia in 1846 and 1847 failed, further crushing the morale. With creditors knocking and the various ethnic minorities in the Balkans demanding no further conscription, it was felt in Istanbul that there would be no other option than to sue for peace. The Persians were greedy, demanding all of Armenia, the Caucuses, Mesopotamia, and Eastern Arabia. Naturally, these terms were out of the question to many. It would take 8 months to eventually negotiate, with the French acting as mediators, before the Treaty of Marseilles was agreed in early 1848. Georgia was partitioned between the Ottomans and the Persians, Azerbaijan falling prey to the Qajar greed. Armenia too would be divided. The Ottomans retained Trebizond and the Persians were not given any coastline on the Black Sea, which was now entirely Ottoman. Furthermore, Mesopotamia was ceded to the Persians in its entirely, a humiliating development, but the negotiators at Marseilles could see no other way around it. In return the Ottomans were recognized as the sole controller of the Suez, the joint-allied occupation ending after more than a decade.
   After three centuries, Ottoman dominance over Iraq was shattered, the Persians taking control of a region not held for more than half of a millennium. Yet, with the losses in the region, the Ottomans also shed the unruly Kurds and Armenians, who had been nothing but trouble over the past few decades. Perhaps there was some hope in such a bitter outcome.

Imperial Reform (1847-1860)

   The Ottoman state clearly needed change. As the Greek rebellion and conspiring of the various other nationalities in the closing days of the war with Persia had demonstrated, there was a substantial portion of subjects in the Empire that did not feel represented at all by the government. Indeed, the general image of the government was that of a corrupt, incompetent, bumbling, and archaic state merely coasting on the inertia of past glory. Mustafa IV would not be the Sultan for this task, however, dying in early 1846. His son, the Crown Prince Selim had eventually died of his mysterious illness contracted during the Greek Campaign. Instead, a younger son, Prince Murad, became Sultan Murad IV.
   Expectations for a younger son achieving much were quite low. Sultan Murad IV proved his doubters wrong, embarking on an ambitious path of reform and reorganization. For the first time in decades, the Sultan overruled his advisors and found himself in little need of the traditional vizier. In 1848 he declared the commencement of a new era of reform. A People’s Advisory Council was established in Istanbul, consisting of eight Turks, three Arabs, three Slavs, two Greeks, one of each: Bedouin, Berber, Romanian, Tatar, Gypsy, Georgian, plus three seats which any may fill. This was intended to give all the various minorities a real stake in government. Murad expanded religious toleration, reaffirming the rights of his subjects to follow their conscience and sought to mend the schism in the Greek Orthodox Church, reasserting the control of the Patriarch of Constantinople in the various monasteries and parishes where the rebellion had taken root.
   Murad IV also began a program of industrialization and rail development. Although the small railways would only crisscross parts of the Balkans by 1860s and nascent industrialism was in a few select cities, it was clear there was new energy in Istanbul. Army Reform was initiated in 1850, naval reform under Scandinavian guidance following in 1853. Both of these would aim to avenge the humiliating defeats and mismanagement that had plagued both the attempted invasion of Russia as well as the war with the Persians.
   The Sultan recognized that Mesopotamia was lost. Rather than blindly mourning it though, he ordered the government to play up the advantages it had gained in the Great Eastern War. The Ottomans were the undisputed masters of the Black Sea. The loss of Mesopotamia had eliminated a potentially vulnerable frontier and allowed for the state to recentralize. Egypt was now a direct holding, providing access to far more people than had been lost in Iraq and Sunni to boot.
   As for territorial expansion, Murad was frustrated in an attempt to purchase Tunis back from the Neapolitans, who rejected the agreement outright. Instead, the Ottoman focus shifted south. A series of aggressive campaigns aimed at restoring national pride from 1855-1857 saw Sudan conquered in its entirety and established as territory of the Empire. With the trade route between East Asia and Europe finally conflict free, the end of the 1850s would see the trade across the Suez boom to a level heretofore unseen, proving extremely lucrative for Istanbul.
   Diplomatically, Murad would move the Ottomans away from the recent cooperation with the Habsburgs. Although the Scandinavians were forgiven for not having helped in Persia, primarily through their offer of naval aid, the Austrians gradually began to be viewed with distrust. Instead, Istanbul would seek to ingratiate itself with Xavier in France and, when he was removed from power, with Queen Charlotte. Although both proved noncommittal, many Turks saw Ottoman security, especially against a potentially revanchist Russia, as lying in Paris.

Louisiana: Go West, Young Man!

The Boom Years (1841-1852)

    With the Richmond Settlement, Louisiana found itself a leading player in North America. Whereas in 1835 King Louis-Philippe possessed a mere 700,000 subjects, by 1850 there were more than 4.5 million individuals under his authority. This was achieved through the annexation of much of the American South as well as extremely high rates of immigration from Western Europe. While Europe languished in depression and was still feeling the aftershocks of the Great Eastern War, Louisiana looked at the world with tremendous optimism and with hopes for a brighter future.
   The Americans were formally absorbed into the Kingdom of Louisiana in 1845, with the government establishing itself as a bilingual state. West of the Mississippi French would be spoken, eastwards English. The rapid rates of immigration corresponded to a growth of internal infrastructure. Railroads were constructed in small chunks at first (New Orleans to Baton Rouge, Atlanta to Savannah) but over time the projects began to grow more ambitious. The united line connecting Atlanta and Laredo Texas was established in 1849. King Louis-Philippe II ordered plans for a transcontinental railroad in 1850, but he would not live to see its completion. During the 1840s tens of thousands poured westward and north onto the Great Plains, though this meant growing tension with indigenous inhabitants.
   Although limited industrialization would begin to take root in Louisiana proper by 1852, much of the realm remained focused on the traditional plantation economy. From Cuba to California, slave labor remained employed on a wide scale. It was their toil that fueled the substantial exports of cotton and other materials to Europe and the British Colonies to the north. Still, at a time when slave labor seemed essential, the difficulty of keeping it was growing. Thousands escaped into the British colonies, London setting up humanitarian societies to help settle and integrate those that had once been enslaved into normal life. It was not even that far of a journey for most escapees, merely having to make it to Transylvania or Cumberland. Though Louis-Philippe would complain often about this, and attempt at several instances to get the Quebecois and Mexicans to align with him, he found their support lacking on the issue.
   Still, Louisiana was one of the few realms to still employ slavery and that began to diplomatically isolate it. Spain had eventually abolished the practice in all of its remaining territories in 1841 following an agreement with Brazil to pay for the transition. As exports to Europe increased, so did European awareness about how these exports were created. Prince Xavier of France, unable to stomach the thought of slavery, organized the creation of cotton production in French India. Britain, Scandinavia, Spain, and Brazil signed an ultimatum in 1852 demanding that Louisiana begin the process of abolition or face sanction. Louis-Philippe was defiant, issuing a response arguing that “the nations of the Old World had no right to lecture those in the New.”
   Yet, the King was dead just weeks later, passing away on September 6th, 1852. His son Philippe refused the demands of the powers as well, believing that he could offset any losses by reaching out to new trade partners.

The Bust Years (1852-1860)

   King Philippe of Louisiana overestimated his ability to offset the losses of the general boycott of Louisianan goods. Overnight the price of cotton plummeted, extra stock piling up in the port cities of Charleston, New Orleans, Havana, and Savannah. Economic growth slowed, plantation after plantation going bankrupt and being forced to sell their slaves.
   The King countered by establishing free trade with both Quebec (home of his wife) and Mexico (ruled by his brother). Yet, these realms were of comparable size to Louisiana and could not offset the loss of the European market, far larger at this point. Although eventually France would join this free trade area in 1859, when Queen Charlotte (who had far less scruples than Prince Xavier about slavery) took charge, relief would not come before then.
   Interestingly, while this period was one of immense suffering for the Louisianan economy, the very embargo enacted by the coalition seemed to serve its purpose. With plantations going bankrupt, and the economy being forced to shift from primarily agrarian, the cost of slaves plummeted, an excess for sale. Many were able to buy their own freedom for relatively low amounts, especially once the British Anti-Slavery Society began to covertly slip money south to help speed up the process. Slaves went from a third of the population in 1852 to a quarter by 1857 and a fifth in 1860. Many immigrants, especially those from Germany, began to also lobby against slavery. In 1858 the government in New Orleans ended the use of slaves in the construction of the Transcontinental Railroad, hiring immigrants instead. There was widespread celebration in 1860 when the first train travelled from Atlanta to San Francisco, a sense of accomplishment spreading throughout the realm.
  With the growth of a free Black class in Louisiana, it was only a matter of time before the inevitable occurred. With great reluctance, a mood many have since chastised him for, King Philippe of Louisiana felt obligated to enact the Emancipation Act of 1860. The slaves were freed, though that did not mean harsh treatment ceased. Those that were unable to find work or were deemed to be troublesome were deported forcibly to the west, forced to settle near the Great Salt Lake. While this created a solid, concentrated Black state in the Kingdom, many both in and outside the Kingdom decried the harsh methods used to make it so.
   The 1850s also saw increased conflict with the indigenous tribes of North America, as settlers moved in at a rapid pace. A series of low-level wars ensued with the Apache, Comanche, Sioux, Pawnee, Arapaho, and Shoshone throughout the 1850s. In most instances the result was Louisianans winning, signing an unfair treaty, and forcing the Native Americans to become subjects of King Philippe and convert to Catholicism. Although there was talk about relocating them, particularly advocated by immigrant communities, the government in New Orleans preferred the lighter hand approach that had often characterized French policy towards the indigenous Americans in the eighteenth century.
   With the abolition of slavery and increased economic ties to France, around 1860 the outlook for Louisiana would start to improve. The level of unemployment declined, production started to expand, and Louisiana’s status as somewhat of a pariah state began to dissipate. Once more, many looked forwards with optimism and hope.

Scandinavia: Masters of the Baltic

Extended Fighting and Integration (1844-1855)

   Despite the onset of peace in Europe proper, Scandinavia remained at war with the Kingdom of Quebec. Both Greenland and the Northern Territories had by now been occupied for years, many despairing about ever getting them back. A naval strike that direction was considered, but ultimately called off. Instead, the Scandinavians brought diplomatic pressure to bear on the Quebecois, highlighting Stockholm’s close dynastic and political ties to Great Britain, who remained suspicious of their northern neighbor. A combination of these threats and sheer fatigue ultimately brought the two parties to the negotiating table. The Treaty of Vienna, mediated by the Habsburgs (who had close ties with both sides) saw a compromise peace. Quebec agreed to return Greenland in return for Scandinavia abjuring its claims to the Northern Territories. Signed on August 9th, 1845, now the realm was truly at peace and could process the sheer insanity that it had endured over the past 8 years.
   Many suspected it was the peace that brought the Grand Coalition, which had governed the realm since 1838, tumbling down. New elections were called early in 1846, the results seeing the Liberals and Socialists make great gains, Johan Gabriel Richert taking office as Prime Minister. His aims were ambitious, with the hope being to ensure widespread economic prosperity in the aftermath of the Great Eastern War.
   With the Treaty of Breslau, Scandinavia gained vast tracts of land in northern Europe. Pomerania, Verden, Groningen, and Danzig all provided valuable naval bases and tremendous defensive potential. With the Scandinavian constitutionalist system however, these territories demanded representation in national affairs. After intense lobbying, and the consent of the socialists, the Electoral Reform Act of 1847 was passed. Not only would the regions be granted proportional representation in the National Assembly, but laws were passed providing the Balts with proportional representation as well. This was a watershed moment, the passage staunchly opposed by the Conservatives and Reactionaries, who feared losing influence with the dilution of native Scandinavian voters. Still, it would be for the Electoral Reform Act that Richert would be dubbed the “Father of Democracy.”
   King Frederick VI died in 1847, leaving Queen Catherine as the sole ruler of the entire Scandinavian realm, in line with the constitution. Although her husband had always favored the conservatives, Catherine was largely apolitical. She formed a close working alliance with Richert, their combined efforts resulting in substantial economic investment in the Baltic States, which had been damaged in the war, continued incentives for domestic development, and improvements to the education system. Telegraph and rail lines began to connect the Scandinavian cities and industrial factories popped up in certain regions, drawing in thousands from the countryside.
   Queen Catherine proved to be somewhat of a dove when it came to foreign affairs. Rather than rattle her sabre when Prussia announced the abolition of the German League in 1849, she merely issued a harsh statement condemning the move. There was little appetite for war and some, particularly the liberals and socialists that were in government, believed that the Treaty of Breslau had been perhaps a bit too harsh on Prussia.
   Scandinavia was largely spared the worst of the “Lost Decade.” Imports from the Baltic holdings, Lithuania in particular, offset the disruption caused by blight in Norway and Denmark. Furthermore, the Great Eastern War having only touched the hinterlands of the realm meant that much population growth continued apace. Though thousands of young men had died, not as much Scandinavian blood had been spilled by comparison.
   After a quiet solo reign of an additional eight years, Queen Catherine passed away in 1855. The death of the Queen was seen as a watershed moment in the history of the Scandinavian union. Catherine was the last reigning member of the House of Oldenburg and technically only derived her power from the Swedish throne. Her eldest son Gustav was named King Gustav IV of Scandinavia, formally cementing once and for all the dynastic claims of Denmark-Norway and Sweden.

Scandinavia and the World (1855-1860)

   Gustav greatly differed from his mother on his political outlook, having inherited his father’s conservatism coupled with a peppering of reactionary thought. By 1855 Richert and the Liberals had been out of power for 3 years, so the Kingdom was spared any potential rows between the King and Prime Minister. Young Count Arvid Posse had been chosen as Prime Minister by the resurgent Conservatives, he proving quite deferent to the Crown.
   The priorities of the new King were clear: colonialism and a global reach. In order to accomplish this, Gustav IV inaugurated a tremendous expansion of the navy. Shipbuilding on a scale not before seen exploded throughout the realm, incorporating the newest models or technologies imported by his brother-in-law King Henry IX of Britain. The Treaty of Breslau had made Scandinavia the undisputed master of the Baltic, Gustav sought to capitalize on this. Although this would prove to be quite an expensive project, the Prussian indemnity was able to finance a good portion of the expenses, much to the horror of Berlin. By 1860 Scandinavia, after Britain and France, had the third largest fleet in the world. Britain, who saw the realm as a close ally, had only been too delighted to help.
   Simultaneous to the naval expansion was a growing investment in colonialism. After nearly two decades of neglect brought on by the Great Eastern War, Scandinavia began to invest in its African colonies once more. The Treaty of Breslau had included a clause by the Triple Alliance and Brazil to divide Africa into respective spheres of influence. Gustav viewed it as high time to make good on his claims. Liberia, the various outposts in East Africa, and Gabon began to expand. Agreements were made with existing local authorities where possible, otherwise indigenous Africans found themselves surrounded and forced to join a foreign colonial empire.
   Diplomatically, Scandinavia completely reorientated itself in line with the new diplomatic reality from 1835 to 1860. The traditional bonds to Prussia were severed. Russia remained an implacable foe. Brazil, which had been an erstwhile friend during the Great Eastern War, became somewhat of a nuisance in the Congo, jockeying for influence in some areas Scandinavia claimed for itself. For allies, the marriage of Princess Elizabeth of Britain to Crown Prince Karl served as a strengthening of the existing dynastic ties. Britain would be seen by many in Stockholm as the realm’s closest ally by 1860. After the Great Eastern War, Austria and Scandinavia began to drift apart to some extent, very little uniting them save for condemnation of Prussia. The Ottomans did remain close with their Nordic allies, pleased by Scandinavian aid to the naval reforms of Murad IV.

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Divine Republic of Brazil: The Only True Crime is Mercy

Cementing of Catholic Republicanism (1841-1847)

  Brazil had undoubtedly won the most from the Great Eastern War, even if it was denied its right to South Africa. In return for expending a mere several thousand lives, the Divine Republic received diplomatic recognition from Scandinavia, Austria, the Ottoman Empire, the Holy Roman Empire,
Saxony, and their assorted allies. Furthermore, with the establishment of the Polish People’s Republic, Catholic Republicanism was able to make a brief return as a legitimate political force in that theater. It was a tremendous coup for Archbishop-President de Andrade, though he downplayed it saying, “Recognition from the decadent aristocracy is a necessary evil until we are able to bring the true word of Christ back to Europe.”
   During the Great Eastern War and in the immediate aftermath, the attention of most in the Divine Republic was not centered on events in far-off Europe, but instead on the dramatic reforms being instituted by the central government. In 1841 the Catholic League was declared, bringing together Brazil, Colombia, Paraguay, Lower Peru, Ecuador, and Portugal (and eventually Haiti, in the late 1840s) in a close military and economic alliance. As the largest member, with a population surpassing that of Portugal, Brazil was the natural leader of the pact.
   As their allies were drawn closer into the Brazilian orbit, Andrade began to use the vast quantity of prisoners interned for their sins (primarily prisoners from the Brazilian Civil War) on a wide array of industrial and infrastructure projects. Brazilian labor was employed in the backbreaking work of repairing the in-progress Panama Canal. In conjunction with Colombia, Brazil assumed joint sovereignty over the canal when it was finally completed in 1852. Those prisoners that survived the brutal labor in Panama, hoping for release, were unceremoniously fed to sharks, alligators, and other animals in barbaric executions, continued international condemnation pouring in.
   At home, the main domestic reforms implemented in the aftermath of the Civil War focused on education. A mass expansion of the school system coincided with the injection of Catholic Republican ideology and a religious focus into the curriculum. A whole generation of children was being raised to be true believers in the potential for a perfect utopia, should evil be expunged and the true teachings of the Church be implemented on Earth. Although this caused great unease among most of the parents, no one felt able to challenge the system given the growing total control of the government over many aspects of daily life. The Eyes of God patrolled the streets of Sao Paulo, not afraid to punish anyone seen in violation of the laws.
   Andrade died in 1847, at the peak of his authority. His rule had seen a consistent and determined effort to remove and any all aspects of da Silva Lisboa’s legacy in Brazil. Whereas the realm had once been a liberal and tolerant state, those still adhering to these “antiquated” and “heretical” ideologies found themselves at risk of painful execution if they expressed themselves publicly. There were mass burnings of libraries in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janiero all throughout the 1840s as reports of the brutal executions carried out in Nicaragua made their way back to the people.

Fight for Andrade’s Legacy (1847-1860)

  In such an absolutist, command system, Andrade’s death was always going to be significant. What was worse in Brazil though, was that there was not necessarily a clear heir, the late Archbishop-President’s vows of celibacy preventing the creation of any sort of dynastic clique. This mean, naturally, that there would be tremendous infighting and scheming over the next several years as no established authority was able to muster the legitimacy of the late leader. It also coincided with a splintering of Catholic Republican ideology into several camps, each wanted to take the Catholic League in a different direction. In effect, whatever unity had birthed the Divine Republic died with its founder.
   The second Archbishop-President had been handpicked by Andrade. This was Manuel do Monte Rodrigues de Araújo, the Bishop of Rio de Janiero. Having witnessed the destruction of his home city by the Prussians firsthand, he was a bitter foe of all the “imperialist colonizers” in the Americas. Still, he was also far more pragmatic. Andrade had viewed him as a loyal deputy and a competent replacement. What he did not know was truly how much ideological daylight there was between them. Araujo was far more tolerant of traditional Catholics, scaling back funding for the Eyes of God and eliminating the gratuitous executions in Nicaragua. Instead he redirected much of the fervent energy of the true believers to the African colonies and winning new converts. He had the eventual goal of dominating the regions further inland in mind. Catholic Republican missions were established far up the Congo. With the backing of the Brazilian military, many locals found themselves outgunned and forced to convert. Unlike in Brazil proper, there was no scaling back of punishments in Africa, where cruel practices earned the condemnation of many outside observers.
   Diplomatically Andrade had focused on greater diplomatic engagement. Araujo viewed this as a mistake. He saw the failure of Catholic Republicanism in Poland as a significant warning not to overextend. Although cordial relations would be maintained with Spain, neither side seeing the total conflict that would be required to defeat the other as worth it, Brazil largely disengaged from European affairs under Araujo.
   The shift in ideology under Araujo opened the door to other splintering. Araujo himself died in 1853, some suspecting the Andradists (as the True Believers following Andrade became known) of having poisoned him. It was at this point several clear factions emerged in Brazil. The aforementioned Andradists advocated a return to the intrusive domestic politics of the Divine Republic’s founder. In particular, they pointed to a moral relaxation that had taken place between 1847 and 1853, crime on the rise and the moral character in “decline.” Araujoists meanwhile wanted a continuation of Araujo’s policies. Their focus was not on maintaining Catholic Republicanism in Brazil, but instead proselytizing to the wider world, primarily Africa. The Jesuits, who had played a crucial role in the establishment of Catholic Republicanism emerged as a third alternative. They planned to dismantle and utterly reform the government of Brazil, replacing the office of Archbishop-President with a council of clerics and laypeople. Furthermore, it was the Jesuits who wanted a total relaxation of domestic censorship, earning them the tacit support of most common people. As time went by these ideological splits would touch other areas of politics, dividing the Republic further. By 1860 however, a placeholder Archbishop-President had been elected in Sebastião Pinto do Rego, who was determined to keep the peace. Compromising with the Andradists, he increased the level of surveillance and enforcement, but refrained from reinstituting some of the crueler practices in regards to execution or internment. It remained unclear which ideology would emerge triumphant in an isolated Brazil.
  

Prussia: Fires of Revenge

The Black Years (1844-1849)

  The Great Eastern War was a disaster for Prussia. Not only was the realm sliced up, divided among the victors and setting back the House of Hohenzollern by a century, but Prussia itself had served as a battlefield. Infrastructure was destroyed, vast throngs of subjects dislocated, and the countryside raided by the rapacious enemy. The respected Prussian military had been humbled and annihilated, only shattered remnants remaining in tact by the time Queen Regent Augusta had formally unconditionally surrendered to the Triple Alliance. Colonial holdings in Africa had been pruned down substantially. On top of that, humiliating conditions had been placed on the German League as Berlin also found itself responsible for a massive indemnity. Perhaps worst of all the Catholic Republicans, who Prussia had brutally cracked down on twice, were established in Poland, their new realm far larger than the reduced Kingdom of Prussia. It was a nightmare. The conflict was viewed by many as having been more terrible than the Thirty Years’ War.
   The regency of Augusta was doomed from the moment she signed the Treaty of Breslau on behalf of her grandson, King Frederick IV. February 6th, 1845 saw a coup force her to cede her powers as sole regency to a council, consisting of leading generals, statesmen, and Junkers. This was a technocratic revolution in all but name. The Council was empowered to only abolish itself, in a deliberate attempt to sideline the Crown, which many liberals blamed for the state of Prussia. The King technically was in his majority, but the Regency Council clung to power, sidelining the monarch and focusing on repairing the damage of the past decade. They sought to placate the Triple Alliance, keeping Prussia prostrate before the victorious foes. Yet, they had not counted on the tenacity and fury of King Frederick IV.
   Frederick was a hateful man. He knew his parents had been murdered at the hands of some foreign power. Scandinavia had stabbed Prussia in the back, betraying their past friendship. The Habsburgs, perhaps the evilest of all, were focused on turning Germany into yet another one of their fiefs. He hated the cabal that had toppled his grandmother and forced him to live sidelined from power. Growing up in such a wretched and constrictive atmosphere left its mark on the King.
   When word reached Potsdam, where the King resided, that the Regency Council was formally debating a constitution for Prussia, the King snapped. Assembling the Palace Guard in June 21st, 1847, many who were appointed for their dislike of the King, his speech to the men was so passionate and nationalistic, he won them over. Decrying the poor state of Prussia, he condemned the “vultures in Berlin” that were fighting over the scraps of the once great realm. He set out for the capitol, throngs of impoverished and vengeful veterans of the Great Eastern War joining in.
   The March on Berlin toppled the Regency Council. Surrounded by the King and his hostile mob, the members felt they had no choice but to abolish themselves. They were then arrested as the first command of the restored King, many dying in prison over the coming years. King Frederick may have been many things, but merciful he was not.
   Frederick portrayed himself as a symbol of national renewal. Using his youth to his advantage, he attempted to wed the pre-war Prussia of his childhood with the newer, industrialized nation emerging from the ashes. A onetime “Patriotic Tax” was implemented in 1848 for vast military reform, the ostensible goal being to protect against the ongoing chaos of the Polish Civil War. In reality, the King’s aims became clearer in 1849.
   Ties with France were established through his marriage to Princess Catherine in 1848, the sister of Louis XIX. Although this was notable on its own, the friendly relationship with Paris gave Frederick some of the diplomatic flexibility he felt necessary. His main goal was now to further expand Prussia, but not through direct military conquest.
   The German League was essentially destroyed in the Great Eastern War. So many of the members had been occupied and forced to flee that the organization suffered from neglect in the later stages of the conflict. In the Treaty of Breslau, the Triple Alliance tried to resurrect the body, this time aiming to use it as a means of containing and weakening the now smaller Prussia. Indeed, this seemed to have its desired effect at first, the various other princes, far more cautious then Frederick IV, aligning themselves with the Regency Council and merely seeking to rebuild their damaged territories. Yet, the stipulation preventing them from raising armies of their own proved to be their undoing. In early 1849, Austria still occupied with the war in the Rhineland and the rest of Europe utterly exhausted by fighting, Frederick assembled the members in Berlin. The morning of March 7th, 1849, he launched his coup. All throughout the various principalities, Prussian soldiers poured in and overwhelmed the meager police forces. In a speech to the minor lords in Berlin, the Prussian King announced that the German League was no more. While it had served its purpose for roughly a century, it was time for Prussia and North Germany to move forward. The delegates were told that their homelands were under occupation that very moment and there was no hope of foreign intervention. They were given a choice: swear fealty of Frederick IV or find themselves removed from power and their lands directly absorbed by Prussia. Valuing at least token autonomy, most swore fealty to Frederick. Dubbed the German Coup, Europe reacted with shock to the boldness of the young King’s action. His realm had been chastened a mere five years prior and he was already challenging the conditions? Yet, Frederick was astute in his assessment of the political situation. Neither Scandinavia nor Austria showed any inclination to challenge the new arrangement in northern Germany, each sending token protests.

A Phoenix or an Eagle? (1849-1860)

  The direct annexation of the German League increased both the taxpayer and manpower base of Prussia. Though the wounds from the Great Eastern War still stung, they were not as severe as they had once been. The 1850s however, saw Frederick pull back from further military challenges. Wary of the intrigue in Versailles, he was unsure if he could count on the support of France should he take action in Germany. Furthermore, with the Habsburgs seemingly secure during the Great Re-mediatisation, he thought it unwise to challenge them again until the international situation was more favorable to Prussia. So, he bided his time. Instead, Prussia began to slowly restore its navy to its former glory. Many looked on with shock as the shipyards of Cape Town and Wihelmshaven began to bustle once more. A particular matter of confusion was how Prussia was financing such ambitious projects.
   Prussian foreign policy under Frederick IV involved a shift in priorities. With the Russian Revolution, and the arrival of his cousin, the would-be Czar Ivan in Berlin, relations with the Russian Republic deteriorated. Prussia, meanwhile, remained hostile with Austria and Scandinavia as well. Feelers were sent to the Ottomans, with the hopes of mending ties, though no conclusive decisions were made. At the same time, Berlin continued to look towards Paris and Madrid with friendship. When Queen Charlotte of France seized de facto power over that realm, Frederick was pleased in particular, hopes for future cooperation increasing.
   Instead of causing tension in Europe, Prussia instead poked Brazil in the eye in southern Africa. There were frequent tacit proxy wars between the two powers throughout the region, employing various native allies against each other as well as the other larger power. These allowed the Prussian Army to keep their experience on the ground and test out new military tactics on the field, even if it was against less capable adversaries. By 1860, many looked with worry at the militaristic Prussia under a stern, flag-waving King. The fleet was recovering and the economy in that realm was finally showing signs of life. Would Frederick IV threaten the peace of Europe or had his childhood experiences served as warning enough of charging into a fight? The future of Prussia was unclear.

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Joseon: Birth of an Asian Empire

Consolidating Gains (1841-1850)

   Korea greatly expanded its influence overseas with the Treaty of Willemstad. In effect, the Dutch East Indies, except for Java, was partitioned between Korea, Japan, and France. A growing presence in the South China Sea ensured that Korean trade flourished in the region. As the European powers, primarily France, began to get more aggressive towards the smaller, Asian kingdoms, Korea found many powers willing to offer favorable terms in return for a blanket offer of protection. Vietnam in particular, wary of the blossoming friendship between France and Siam, sought to cement ties with Seoul, marrying a younger princess to King Heonjong.
   The 1840s would center primarily on attempts to integrate Borneo and the other vassal Duchies created by the Korean victory. There was substantial investment in infrastructure in these regions, fortifications also prepared in case any neighboring power sought to topple the new status quo.
   Sunwon stepped back from the regency officially in 1845, Heonjong taking the reins of power. Yet, she remained a constant advisor at her grandson’s side. Over time, as he came to see the difficulties she had been dealing with for years, he came to forgive her for attempting to maintain her power. The partnership between grandmother and grandson would later be widely celebrated in Korean literature as the prime example of filial piety.
   Korea had endured great reform since the 1830s and many did not recognize the realm. While on the surface much remained the same, traditions functioning as they always had, everywhere there were signs of a new age dawning. The Korean rail networks were substantial, providing ease of transport and helping for foster further economic growth and development. Growing trade with the West, France and Britain in particular, meant an influx of foreign goods. The Seoul Lutheran Synod began to actually have a measurable effect, some metrics showing as much of 10% baptized by 1860. The xenophobia, which had led to anti-Catholic riots almost fifty years ago, abated somewhat. Telegraph lines now crisscrossed the realm and, though some peasants had been superstitious and afraid of them at first, were widely accepted within a couple of years. This is not to say change was universally popular, many traditionalists still objecting to each reform, but with Heonjong and Sunwon of one mind, they found themselves sidelined. The longer they were kept away from having real influence, the more likely it was that they would be unable to turn back the clock.

The Tiger and the Dragon (1850-1860)

   Korea and Japan had cooperated significantly to chasten the Dutch. Yet, with the Sino-Russian War, their interests began to diverge. Many in Seoul were wary of what was perceived as Japanese encirclement of the Korean Peninsula. Japanese warnings to Korea to not attack Russia were also seen as a grave offense. In response, the Japanese disdained further Korean colonization of the South Pacific and a major naval buildup ordered by King Heonjong. Broadly, the picture in East Asia developing was of a Russo-Japanese alliance opposed to a Xing-Joseon pact. Although neither alliance was official, and there was great suspicion between the Xing and Koreans in particular, it was enough to cause tremendous tension.
   In effect, what had been a cordial friendship descended into a bitter rivalry, Korea dubbed the Tiger and Japan the Dragon. Heonjong inaugurated a massive shipbuilding and modernization campaign, seeking to employ improvements of the very primitive metal ships that had been tried in the war with the Netherlands. Japan was not pleased. In 1855 there was a close call when a Korean ship fired on a Japanese fishing vessel, the two governments going to the brink of war. In response, Japan began a massive naval buildup and modernization. With French naval advisors eventually providing input, sent by Queen Charlotte in 1859, results were evident. Both continued to occupy distant Pacific outposts, many expected that in the long run only one East Asian power would be able to govern the region. With France leaning towards Japan, Korea instead cooperated with Scandinavia and Britain, both who also had outposts in East Asia. The collapse of the Kingdom of Mysore to French assault alarmed many in Seoul, who awoke to the fact that France could prove as much of a future enemy as Japan.
  Sunwon died in 1857, content in her impressive achievements. Almost immediately after her passing, Heonjong finally strangled the clan system that had infiltrated the royal court over the past century or so. The Jo and Kim clans, those of his mother and grandmother, were purged from office by the military. Although most were pardoned and allowed to live off of the King’s generosity, they were kept far away from decision-making. Although there was a brief attempt at mutiny and insurrection when a couple of popular officials were caught up in Heonjong’s purges, the King’s determination won out, eliminating any threats to the stability. Sunwon’s anti-corruption efforts were reactivated and the government actively sought to recruit from outside the Palace for future administrators and advisors. The examination systems were reformed and started to included mathematics, natural sciences, and world affairs. There would be no going back to the Korea of the 1830s.

Qajar Persia: Surrounded by Foes

Triumph of the Shah (1841-1848)

   The eventual Qajar victory against the Ottomans came at a heavy cost. Though Mesopotamia, Iraq, and the Caucuses had been secured, the demographic effects of turning the war into a sectarian conflict would have broader implications. Shi’ite Islam was all but eliminated in Arabia and other small communities in the Ottoman Empire found themselves under suspicion, many choosing to convert of emigrate. Thus, Persia found itself somewhat alone in the Near East, none of the other regional powers wanting anything to do with them. The Durrani still despised the Qajars for their attacks. Russia, who was nominally friendly, was too busy with internal issues to provide any real material aid. The Ottomans, obviously, held the Persians with nothing but the contempt, while the Omani, who had once been allied with Tehran, were seen within Persia as traitors. France was largely ambivalent about Persia and so the Qajars found themselves, on somewhat bended knees, coming back to Scandinavia and Austria for trade.
   Still, the magnitude of victory could not be understated. By striking the Ottomans at a vulnerable moment, three centuries of Turkish domination of Mesopotamia had ended. The Armenians and Kurds, both who were granted autonomy under Persian suzerainty, proved capable administrators and helped to keep the Sunni Arabs of northern Iraq in line. The resettlement of Turkish nomads and refugees in the north also helped create a nice buffer in the otherwise sparsely inhabited territory.
   Yet, Mohammad Shah Qajar would not be able to savor his triumph for long. Peace with the Ottomans was formally settled in 1847 and he died just 10 months later, in early 1848. He had seen great change in his lifetime. Born during the weak period of restored Afsharid rule, when Persia had found itself subservient to Turks and other foreigners, Qajar had used the ensuing Afsharid civil war to establish himself instead. The humiliations of the past were avenged and the world was reminded of what a potent force the Iranian people could be.

A New Persia (1848-1860)

   The Shah was succeeded by his son, who became Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. The new Shah turned his focus toward centralization, rationalization, and reform. The early years of his rule involved an active suppression of the tribes and other local leaders. Having seen their potential in igniting civil strife, this centralization of authority would last his entire reign. Although this was unpopular in some quarters, particularly among rural Persians, the backing of the military and civil service proved insurmountable.
   Military and economic reforms were initiated in the early 1850s. Forced conscription and training was adopted first in the capitol and then eventually in most provinces. Young men were taught how to use firearms, fight in combat, and follow military orders. In effect, an informal national guard of sorts was established. Further investment in the military resulted in an upgrade of weapons (the previous supply largely having been imported during the late Afsharid period) and the creation of a small Persian fleet. Pushed by some of his admirals to create a grand Persian navy, the Shah was noncommittal, pointing out how terribly the navy had conducted itself against the Ottomans in the Great Eastern War.
   Economically, as in much of the world, rail lines were constructed. A universal tax system was decreed and a bureaucracy set up to collect it. There were attempts to improve crop yields in Mesopotamia as well, but local resistance largely meant that project was a failure.
   Peace with the Ottomans would surprisingly endure through 1860, though not for a lack of tension. The two powers eyed each other warily and the Caucuses, in particular, saw a lot of questionable activity. Persia annoyed Russia when it recognized the independence of Dagestan in 1858, but other than that tried to keep the peace with as many of its neighbors as possible.