Age of Steam and Steel: Gameplay Thread
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Spamage
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« Reply #225 on: October 11, 2020, 05:27:03 PM »

1842
   1842 proved to be the crucial year in determining the outcome of the war. Clear winners would emerge in most theaters and the patience of the common people on both sides for the fighting continued to wane.
   In Bohemia, the year saw the Prussian garrison in Prague surrender once it became clear that no help would be forthcoming from the overwhelmed Queen Regent Augusta of Prussia. Further to the west, a combined effort of the still oncoming Brazilians and small groups of Scandinavian soldiers wiped out the remaining pockets of Prussian resistance, ensuring everything west of the Elbe was in the hands of the Triple Alliance. A Scandinavian offensive against Pommerania also showed some limited success.
   In Hungary, it was increasingly clear to Prussian commanders that they were on the verge of defeat. Despite the intentional and tremendous damage that had been inflicted on the heartland of the Austrian war effort, the government in Vienna refused to surrender. Aggressive Austrian tactics at the Battle of Gyor mauled the Prussians and forced them to retreat north towards Slovakia, restoring some degree of Habsburg authority over the constituent realm.
   Beyond the Carpathians the Austrians continued their determined advance. A second offensive succeeded in breeching the Polish lines at the Battle of Radom. Here the fragility of the Polish state was illustrated, Radziwill falling in battle to a stray Austrian bullet. The leader killed; the small Polish republic descended back into anarchy. The Catholic Republicans cooperated with the Austrians, much as they had since the start of the conflict. By the end of 1842 Warsaw had fallen into Habsburg hands, Prussia looking increasingly vulnerable.
   The Ottoman strike towards Moscow continued in 1842, culminating in the Battle of Tula, which saw the combined Russian Army of the North and Army of the South unite to defend their capitol and repel the invaders. The sheer vastness of the country proved to be a headache for the Turks, even with their Tatar allies. After the defeat Moscow looked somewhat secured, but the overall situation remained poor.
   With the Army of the North abandoning Riga in order to fight the Ottomans, the Scandinavians launched an offensive out of St. Petersburg to free the region, recapturing much of Estonia and Latvia in the process. Many in Stockholm speculated that the Triple Alliance would be able to eliminate the land connection between Prussia and Russia in 1843.
   The Ottomans continued to face setbacks in the East. The Russian Army of Astrakhan pouring into the Caucuses from the north, joined by the Persians assaults out of Trabzon in the south. A series of defeats made the situation quite clear to Turkish commanders, who gathered what remained of the tattered Army of the Caucuses and sailed for Istanbul on the Black Sea. By the end of the year Ottoman control over the Caucuses was almost nonexistent.
   Further success for the Persians continued in Mesopotamia, where the Russo-Persian forces took Mosul, forcing the Ottomans to retreat west towards the safety of Syria. The Armenians continued to rally behind the cause of Persian liberation, though their situation was a bit exposed. Small Turkish raids prevented them from causing any real damage in Anatolia proper. The Ottoman landing zone, meanwhile, slightly expanded, and the final embers of the Shi’ite Arab rising were crushed.
   The global scale of the Great Eastern War was reiterated when the Chinese launched a sudden attack against Russian positions in Mongolia and Xinjiang, dragging in the Koreans on their side. Russia found itself by enemies on all of its land borders, save for a narrow strip shared with Persia as the peasant demands grew even louder, encouraged by the False Alexander in St. Petersburg.
   The sheer level of hatred between Prussia and Brazil in the wider world was illustrated once more by the cruel punishment adopted by the Catholic Republicans. Prussian commanders captured in their colonies were fed once more to sharks in Nicaragua, the ceremony adopting some sort of civil significance in the Catholic Republican world. Yet, there would be innovation this time, Prussians captured in the Congo being instead fed to Nile Crocodiles.
   In South Africa, the Prussian fleet officially began a blocked of the Cape Colony. The locals continued to bleed out the larger numbers of the Catholic Republican force. A Portuguese attempt to provide relief by marching southwest from Mozambique was halted by a Zulu offensive, the locals having not forgiven or forgotten Portugal’s historic role as colonizer.

1843-1844
   In early 1843 the writing was largely on the wall. The Brazilians and Scandinavians began a punishing invasion of Silesia, meeting up with the Habsburg soldiers that had at this point crushed the remainder of the Polish cause. The Prussia Royal Army, in Slovakia, sound itself utterly surrounded. There were several attempts on the life of the Queen Regent and the Prussian people were utterly exhausted. The government had by now relocated to Kongisberg, both Berlin and Breslau behind enemy lines. The final straw came when word arrived that the Scandinavians were invading Lithuania, moving on Konigsberg itself. Swallowing her pride, and against the insistence of some of the hawks on the Prussian staff, Augusta formally surrendered to the Austrians on May 3rd, 1843. A massive peace conference was declared to meet as Breslau and hash out the future of Eastern Europe.
   This was a watershed moment, celebrated in the exhausted cities of Europe, though it did not necessarily mean either the Russians or Persians would join their allies in seeking peace. The Regent of Russia castigated the Prussians for their betrayal, in direct violation of a treaty signed ensuring no separate peace. 1843 in Russia saw the Ottomans pushed further back to the south as the Russian Army of Astrakhan finally suppressed the peasant risings between the populated heartland of Russia and the Urals. Still, it was obvious to everyone in Moscow that the situation was unfavorable, especially given the fact that the Triple Alliance would be able to coordinate a three-way invasion of Russia.
   The surrender of Prussia meant absolutely nothing to the Persians, who continued their raids into Ottoman territory. By 1843 the Ottomans had been involved in one conflict or another for since the Egyptian Rising had launched in 1831. Of any realm, it was clear which people had dealt with too much war. The level of enthusiasm, especially given the difficulties of operating in Russia during unfavorable conditions, had plummeted significantly. Little had been done to cease the intrigue in Istanbul. With the army threatening to mutiny should more men be sent to Russia; the Sultan was forced to contact his allies and discuss offering the Russians some sort of compromise peace in August.
   Further afield, the surrender of Prussia proper meant little to the inhabitants of the Cape Colony. At this point the Brazilian invasion had turned into a debacle. Repeated attempts by the Catholic Republicans to lift the Prussian blockade were thwarted, their navy simply not comparing in strength. How had such a bright situation turned so unfortunate for the Brazilians?
   In January 1844 the Regent Grand Duke Peter was assassinated, the identity of the attacker unclear. This was all it took to end the appetite for any further fighting. What the Russian people had long ago only now dawned on the nobility and military elite, there would be no saving Russia during another year of campaigning. Maria Augusta, mourning her son, found herself as Czarina Regent once more. Swallowing her pride, and that of her people, she let it be known Russia would accept a peace under reasonable terms. The Triple Alliance, led by the Turks, agreed, too exhausted to slog through a total invasion of Russia. Diplomats of the Czar were sent to Breslau to join in the already extensive discussions underway. Though Persia would continue to fight on, secure in its position of control over the Mediterranean, the remainder of the faction surrendered. Peace was finally at hand, six years after the onset of hostilities.

Treaty of Breslau (1844)
Prussian Peace
   The attention of the world was on Breslau in 1844. The Pope prayed publicly for a fair settlement in the Vatican, the Court of Versailles followed developments closely through telegram, and even in distant South America toasts to the eventual treaty were drunk. The world would never be the same. and the Long Peace (1788-1838) was dead. Tremendous pessimism had replaced the once hopeful outlook of most Europeans, the tremendous losses having shaken the continent to its core.
   The Treaty of Breslau eventually became a comprehensive reorganization of Eastern Europe and an ambitious blueprint for future colonization in Africa.
   Prussia undoubtedly was treated the harshest by the Triple Alliance and Brazil. King Frederick III had gambled, hoping to catch the Austrians off-guard during his attack in 1838 and it had cost both his realm and his neighbors dearly. Territorially, there were numerous changes. Austria had first choice at the conference, announcing the total annexation of Silesia, a region it had lost almost exactly a century prior. Furthermore, Saxony was restored to traditional borders and then some, undoing the partition of that Kingdom during the Prague Convention. Scandinavia followed with a list of equally onerous demands. Bremen-Verden was restored to its union with its Nordic neighbors. The City of Danzig was also handed over to the Scandinavians, allowing for their dominance over the mouth of the Vistula. The Principality of Groningen, taken from the Dutch by the Prussians alongside the British and the French, also fell into Scandinavian hands, expanding their role on the North Sea. Prussia was forced to renounce its role as protector of the Schleswig-Holstein Germans, the title being formally abolished in the next line. Finally, the government in Stockholm demanded the entirety of Pomerania, asserting their historic presence in the region. This was one of the rare points where the Prussians were able to push back to some extent, with the support of the Habsburgs. The eastern third would ultimately remain in Prussian hands. The Ottomans had Brazil had no demands for direct Prussian holdings in Europe proper.
   The German League would be left intact, albeit decentralized to some extent. The loss of so much Prussian territory greatly weakened the relative power between the Kingdom of Prussia proper and all of the other, minor members. Only Hesse-Kassel, desired by the Austrians for other designs they had on the region, and the minor Saxon Princes, who Vienna felt needed to be punished, were handed back to the Holy Roman Empire. The minor principalities were forbidden from raising men, in the hopes that if Prussia sought revenge that they would be unable to prove a second conduit for reinforcements as they had in the past.
   Colonially, the Portuguese were given direct control over Mozambique and Angola, while the mouth of the Congo, Namibia, and Delagoa Bay were transferred to the Brazilians. Despite of the goal in Sao Paulo to take control over the Cape Colony, Brazil would find itself betrayed by its ostensible monarchist allies, who blocked its petition to take over the region. “Better in Prussian hands than Brazilian,” was allegedly the remark of the King of Scandinavia. Instead, it was agreed that Prussia would retain the outpost, primarily due to the high number of Germans that had settled there. On Africa’s northeast cost, Prussian and Russian holdings in Tanzania and Zanzibar were given over to the Scandinavians. Austria, meanwhile, took control over the small settlement in Southern Madagascar and the two islands of Mauritius.
   Finally, Prussia was forced to pay a sizeable indemnity to her foes for having led Europe into war. This was a crippling amount, divided evenly between the Triple Alliance and the Brazilians, who would all employ the money for different purposes. The Prussian Navy was also curtailed, excess ships being handed over to the Scandinavians and the Habsburgs.
   The Treaty of Breslau thus utterly weakened the Prussian Kingdom, perhaps to a level not seen in more than a century. The loss of Silesia alone meant 3 million fewer taxpayers, not to mention the concessions elsewhere. National pride was severely damaged by the peace and the repercussions would become clear in the following years.

Russian Peace
   Russia was likewise viewed as an aggressor and a villain, but it was clear to the Triple Alliance that it had not yet been wholly defeated, so the peace would not be quite as harsh as the one made with Prussia, though it would still be severe.
   Territorially, Russia lost vast quantities of land. Karelia and Murmansk were ceded to the Scandinavians. Although Stockholm also insisted on the prohibition of a new Russian Baltic Fleet, the Habsburgs intervened, arguing such conditions would be a violation of sovereignty and hard to enforce. Austria meanwhile took a small slice of Russian Ukranian land, expanding the base of Ruthenians under Habsburg sovereignty. The Ottomans, meanwhile, had no compunctions about taking vast tracts of land. Podolia, Kherson, and much of Southern Ukraine changed hands. The Russians would retain Kiev and portions of the north and east, though they found themselves kicked off the Black Sea once more. Further east, the Ottomans demanded the Caucuses serve as the new border between the two empires, Georgia thereby falling into Turkish hands.
   Finally, the largest land transfer of the entire peace conference was decided. As a reward for their aid, Brazil had insisted on the instillation of a Catholic Republican government in a restored Poland. The Habsburgs, eager to be rid of their rebellious Polish subjects, had acquiesced. Thus, the signatories of the Treaty of Breslau agreed to the establishment of the Holy People’s Republic of Poland. Parts of Prussian Posen, Austrian West Galicia in its entirety, and Russian lands as far west as the Dnieper and Dvina were stitched together, the locals having no say in the outcome. Poland would be restored to the European map, though it would be a landlocked realm, surrounded by ideologically hostile neighbors.
   Russia, like Prussia, was forced to pay a substantial indemnity. In recognition for the ongoing Sino-Russian War (of which the Triple Alliance was wary of disrupting, given they hoped the two powers would beach each other to death), the start of payments was delayed until 1850. Russia would not pay a single Ruble to the Triple Alliance, events at home spiraling out of control.

Russia: Strains of War and Birth of the Republic
Sino-Russian War (1842-1847)
   Prodded on by Scandinavia and Austria, the Xing Dynasty was finally compelled to challenge the Russians in 1842, once the separatists in southern and central China were brought to heel. This was a move of pure opportunism, the Youfu Emperor hearing reports of the defeats in the west and the distracted nature of the Empire. Launching a massive expedition into Mongolia, seeking to regain that lost subject realm, the Chinese surprised the Russians garrisoned in the region. Pressure from Nanjing brought Joseon into the fight on the side of the Xing.
   Yet, the Russians defended with a fierce tenacity. Their rage was palpable, this was a fight for the very survival of the Russian state. On all enemies they had faced separately at various points in the past were united against the very idea of a strong Russian nation. In spite of the tremendous manpower losses, or perhaps because of it, the Russian Army of the East proved itself more than capable and experienced in engagements with the Chinese. Outnumbered substantially, the Chinese advance was halted and reversed at the Battle of Khatgal in 1846. A Chinese force double the size of the Russians was defeated, their leadership falling into captivity. By late 1846 most of Mongolia was back in Russian hands. With the peace in the west, China found itself facing the undivided attention of the Russians, whatever the political situation in Moscow.
   Chinese raids into Xinjiang proved more effective, but the region was a nightmare to hold. Russian commanders on the ground teamed up with the local Uyghurs, cutting off supplies and leaving substantial Han garrisons isolated and undersupplied. There would be few major battles in this region over the course of the war, the region’s isolation seeing to that.
   Joseon, meanwhile, intended to launch broader attacks against the Russian positions in the Northern Pacific, specifically Alaska and the Aleutian Islands. This was thwarted in 1844 by a pointed, yet stern Japanese warning that expansion in that direction would be seen as a direct act of hostility. Given the growing tensions between those two realms, Heonjong chose to back down, only providing token support to the Xing.
   The collapse of the House of Romanov provided decent cover for both sides to make a white peace and put the struggle behind them. Many in China felt that the Xing had rushed too quickly into war, especially with his dynasty so recently established and much of China still damaged.
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« Reply #226 on: October 11, 2020, 05:29:08 PM »

Russian Revolution & Aftermath: 1846-1860
   Peter IV was not welcomed warmly into Russia in 1844 after the Treaty of Breslau had been signed. His capture, and the role it played in demoralizing the Russian War effort, were strongly resented by most of his subjects. It seemed as though 300k young Russian men had been sacrificed solely for the return of the Czar and the loss of substantial territories. Peace in the west also meant, conversely, a substantial increase in taxes on the gentry in order to finance the massive indemnity demanded by former enemies. The only thing keeping the House of Romanov afloat was the respect many held for his wife, Maria Augusta, who had led the Empire through some of its darkest days, and the ongoing war with the Xing, seen as a matter of national pride.
   When Maria Augusta died in late 1845, some suspected foul play, though officially it was stated to be pneumonia. In the oppressive intrigue and paranoia of the restored St. Petersburg (which Peter IV had reestablished as the capitol) this proved fatal. Liberal officers in the army heard reports of an incoming crackdown, now that their patroness Maria Augusta was out of the way. They were to either be sent to fight in China or arrested and executed. Talk then spread to the barracks. In the middle of the night on March 7th, 1846 several battalions of soldiers mutinied, marching on the Winter Palace. The Czar’s guard joined the insurrection and stepping aside. Peter IV was roused from his chambers, dragged out into the central square.
   Protesting his innocence, the Czar called on the soldiers to return to their posts. Evoking patriotism and the rich history of the Romanov Dynasty, he promised that Russia would recover from this new age of darkness. The talk seemed to be turning the opinion in the crowd, some soldiers looking guilty and murmuring with shame. Yet, it was cut short. A half-drunk lieutenant ran up to the Czar, stabbing him in the stomach and calling out “Death of the wretched House of Romanov!” It was infectious. In minutes Czar Peter was surrounded, bludgeoned and stabbed to death by those sworn to his service.
   As the sun rose on the morning of March 8th, St. Petersburg was in a state of confusion. As people woke, it was clear something was afoot, but not what. The Winter Palace was sealed off, no one allowed in or out. The rebels, for all of their passion, had no concrete plan about what to do after the Czar was out of the way; they had merely feared for themselves. A cabal of liberal officers thus took charge, deciding to rid themselves of monarchy and start a new age in Russia. Young Grand Duke Ivan Petrovich, the grandson of the slain Czar and the heir to the throne, was gathered with his mother Princess Charlotte of Prussia and uncle Alexander Romanov and put on a ship for Konigsberg first thing in the morning, not having a chance to take any other action. The House of Romanov, which had governed Russia for two and a half centuries, ended with a whimper, falling over the course of a single night.
   Next, the primary task was finding a leader. It has just so happened by chance that General Mikhail Dmitrievich Gorchakov, who had distinguished himself in the campaigns against the Ottomans, was in the capitol to provide guidance on the situation in the Far East. Though he was not inclined to liberalism or republicanism, he too had been unsatisfied with the leadership of Czar Peter IV. Faced with hundreds of soldiers surrounding his residence and proclaiming him “President,” there was little he could do. Recognizing there were no other options, and he would be viewed by a traitor among conservatives for accepting the title, there was no choice but to throw himself into his role entirely. Gorchakov was relocated to the Winter Palace, assembling known reformists in the city and forcing them to start work in a constitution. The Russian Republic was declared on March 9th, 1846, in a realm on the verge of collapse from within and without.
   In the meantime, there was a vast realm to subdue. It said much about the popularity of Gorchakov, that few of his rivals in the military attempted to challenge him directly. Menshikov, perhaps the only figure that could rival the pull Gorchakov had among the soldiers, sent along his best wishes. Many of the civil servants in St. Petersburg, seeing no other way, also acquiesced to the new arrangement, hoping to maintain their positions in the new government.
   The fight for the future of Russia took place in the great cities, the vast mass of peasants and serfs in the countryside watching indifferently as the elite played for power. Moscow stood defiant at first, declaring its loyalty to “Czar” Ivan VII, who was now at sea in the Baltic. Many of the old nobility assembled here, challenging the republicans. Ryazan, Novgorod, and much of central Russia backed the government in Moscow, a hastily self-appointed regency council. Kiev and much of the south, where Gorchakov had distinguished himself, declared for the republicans. Likewise, the Orthodox Church, which had seen its authority severely curtailed at the hands of a powerful Czar, saw potential in republicanism, tacitly supporting the rebels in St. Petersburg.
   Yet, with the absence of a clear leader and a lack of morale in the monarchist camp, all it took was Gorchakov to move. The President assembled loyal soldiers at St. Petersburg and as word arrived that he was marching on Moscow, the locals panicked. Royalist forces, loyal to the idea of monarchy but having so recently observed its shortcomings under Peter IV, melted away. The nobles, eager to preserve some shred of influence, began to blame one another and switch sides. By the time the republicans entered Moscow, which surrendered immediately, they were in total control of the disorientated and unorganized realm.
   The fact the Russian Republic was able to come about so quickly and with so little bloodshed demonstrated how truly weak the Empire had become. The manpower base which would have otherwise fought a civil war was exhausted. The economy was in shambles and there was no way to defend the Crown. The prolonged conflict with China continued to place great strain on national pride, as did the sensation of seeing so much former territory sit in enemy hands. Granted, while Gorchakov was president, the fact remained that he had very little influence in the countryside, where the nobles held jealously onto their estates and local officials exerted almost absolute autonomy. Dagestan used the chaos of the Revolution to declare independence, though it would be alone in this regard, the suppression of the Turkish rebellions still fresh in the minds of many.
   Word reached St. Petersburg of the victory at Khatgal against the Chinese in May. This news would have undoubtedly saved the Czar, but in light of recent events it was seen as divine support for the Russian Revolution. A flood of nationalist sentiment took hold, the new President launching a program of ambitious reforms aimed at reversing the damage of the last few years and getting Russia back on its feet. Despite the heated objections of the nobility, serfdom was abolished and the estates broken up. The nobles were provided the option of keeping their estates, so long as they could provide a set payment to each freed serf, or breaking them up and receiving cash. Most chose the second option, the estates having long ago transformed into a source of headaches for most of the well-to-do. Yet, it would only be months before the nobility itself was abolished. The Code of 1847, published in January of that year, reformed the justice system in Russia and ended privileged treatment for those of noble status.
   The First Constitution of Russia was adopted in February 1847, after months of negotiation and ratification. A General Assembly would be elected by all adult males that could prove themselves literate and fluent in Russian. This was a tacit aim at integrating the numerous minorities that still remained in the realm. The President would assemble the government, chose a Prime Minister, appoint judges, and conduct foreign affairs. The position of President was granted broad powers, out of deference to Gorchakov, only facing the voters once every 6 years, with unlimited chances at reelection. Gorchakov easily won the vote in April, though some outside observers questioned if it had not been rigged. He was joined by numerous political parties, though he broadly aligned himself with a liberal-nationalist coalition for most of his time in office.
   Gorchakov’s first term (1847-1853) saw the new Republic make peace with the Xing and seek to establish itself on the global stage. He demonstrated that the new government still held the grudges of the Empire, announcing early in 1847 that grain exports to the rest of Europe would be ceased. Furthermore, he decreed there would be no payment of the indemnity demanded by the Treaty of Breslau. This was right at the moment famine was worsening in that direction, a deliberate insult to the established powers. At the same time, he continued with his reforms. The Russian Army was overhauled, the growing liberal class in major cities cultivated, and the tax code reformed along progressive lines. An ambitious rail project was enacted, aiming to cross the entirety of Russia. Now, this is not to say there was not backlash. But the authoritarian bent of the new Republic was made clear from 1849-1854 during the Great Reform, which saw extrajudicial killings of reactionary nobles, separatist dissidents, and other groups opposed
   Under Gorchakov, the Russians looked outwards and saw almost universal hostility. Prussia, their former ally, sympathized with Ivan VII, who had Hohenzollern blood and was too weak to be of any major service. The Habsburg realm likewise was highly unstable, focused on integrating new territories and holding itself together in the midst of the famine. Diplomacy with Scandinavia and the Ottoman Empire was entirely out of the question. It was only gradually the world came to accept that Russia had changed. The first country to recognize the Russian Republic was Switzerland in June 1847, the same realm that had inspired parts of the Russian constitution. Spain followed in August, seeing commercial opportunities, and Britain was third in September. Japan went so far as to offer a military alliance in 1848, which was promptly accepted, aimed at balancing the Xing-Joseon cooperation.
   Gorchakov was reelected in 1853 and again in 1860, leading Russia from 1846 until his eventual death in 1864, what proved to be a severe blow to the Republic. As an individual he had shaped the office of President to his liking. It was an open question if any of his successors would quite be able to wield it with the same effectiveness. His death came at the same time as other, more radical strains of political parties were making their debut on the Russian political scene.
   Under Gorchakov, Russia reversed the terrible trends that had started with the assault against the Ottomans in the 1830s. Although he did not actively expand Russia territorially, the bleeding stopped. The realm stabilized by 1850 and the economy, and population, began to grow at a rapid clip. At the same time much of Central and Western Europe were struggling through the end of the “Lost Decade,” Russia seemed to be on the upswing. Some of this was illusory though. Sure, the population had increased, but it was only a fraction of what it could have been had so many young men not been lost in the first place. Likewise, the republic seemed liberal and reformed, but that all was but a thin veneer for a highly authoritarian command system. Monarchists, socialists, theocrats, and genuine liberals all waited in the wings. Russia proved to be a land of contradictions by 1860, its future still uncertain.

France: A Beleaguered King and a Prosperous Kingdom
France Adrift in the Lost Decade (1841-1849)
   Marie Fernandina’s main goal was keeping France out of the conflagration exploding on the continent, a role she fulfilled admirably. Despite the horror stories from the East, and the potential for an even greater foe to emerge from the firestorm, the French government was more focused on cementing its ties to Padania and recovering from the damage of the Flemish insurrection. France maintained its largely isolationist stance as Prussia was defeated and Russia pushed towards revolution. Yet, when the Habsburgs turned and brutally began to assault the Rhineland, a new sense of panic swept French society. Though the government maintained its neutrality, the sight of Austrians marching up the Rhine caused great indignation in the realm. There were many “volunteer” divisions that found their way to Cologne, helping to forestall the Austrian onslaught only briefly before the revolutionary Kingdom imploded in 1847. France only was able to issue slight diplomatic condemnations of the events in the Rhineland and offer sanctuary to the King and his family, a smart choice as word that the Emperor planned to have him assassinated leaked out of Vienna.
   As a noncombatant, the French found themselves on the outside-looking-in for the Treaty of Breslau. French designs on Africa were ignored as the signatories pledged broad adherence to a future planned partition of the continent. Any illusions of a balance of power in Central Europe seemed to have been shattered, the Habsburg, Scandinavian, and Polish seizure of Prussian lands throwing that realm into chaos and unrest. The sight of mighty Russia, the colossus on the other side of Europe, easily drifting towards republicanism was alarming. In such an environment, where some in Paris feared that the Triple Alliance would turn on France next, the regime determined to intervene wherever threats would arise. Naples, despite its bad behavior, was placated, the two regimes signing the Treaty of Lucca in 1849, recognizing Neapolitan influence over Tuscany and Romagna in return for Naples abjuring any claim to Padania. This was squarely directed as Vienna. Spain received help in crushing the 1851 Basque Rebellion. Across the Atlantic, alliances were cultivated with Quebec, Louisiana, and Mexico.
   One of the benefits of the Great Eastern War and its aftermath emerged in the financial sector. France being the only major power not in a state of war or recovering from one, many bankers chose to relocate their operations to Paris. This was coupled with generous tax incentives, aimed at drawing them in. The government under Marie Fernandina also provided tremendous amounts of credit to both sides, further bolstering the financial status of the city. By 1850 it was clear that to get the economic pulse of the world, one need only look to Paris. Stock trading blossomed in such an environment and the French Franc was widely seen as the most reliable form of global currency.
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« Reply #227 on: October 11, 2020, 05:30:16 PM »

Poor King Louis (1843-1865)
   King Louis XIX came from an august bloodline. His family tree held Kings of Naples, Holy Roman Emperors, Italian nobility, in addition to the renowned senior Bourbon Kings of France. Yet, this same heritage would also be a severe strain on the young King. Descended from his great predecessor Louis XIV 8 different ways, Louis XIX demonstrated clear effects of inbreeding in his family tree. All 4 of his grandparents had been Bourbons, in addition to 5 of his great grandparents and 8 of his great-great grandparents.
   Louis XIX proved to be a particularly sickly young man. There were several instances in the early 1840s where the Court at Versailles feared the King would pass. He was a lethargic ruler, focused more on surviving than achieving any concrete advancements for France. His body fluctuated often between small periods of health and resilience and bouts of bedridden delirium. In the absence of a strong leader, as was perhaps natural, factions formed at the court, various power-bases jockeying for influence. The strongest throughout the early reign of the King undoubtedly centered around Marie Fernandina. As an experienced and capable regent, she was widely respected throughout France. Though Louis had been declared of age in 1843, she continued to govern France behind-the-scenes until her death in 1852 during the preparations for her grandson’s wedding.
   Despite the clear effects of inbreeding, and numerous questions about whether the sickly King was even fertile, dynastic politics had to continue. With Prussia in a state of despair, and the Habsburgs seeming triumphant, France made a clear signal of its diplomatic priorities when Princess Catherine, the sister of the King, was wed to King Frederick IV of Prussia in June 1848. This was both a tacit rebuke of the Austrian advancements in the Rhineland and a diplomatic olive branch after decades of nonengagement. Although no formal alliance followed, it was enough to dissuade Vienna from challenging the abolition and absorption of the remainder of the German League in 1849. France was finding itself increasingly competing with the Austrians, Brazilians, Scandinavians, or Ottomans in its many territories and clearly needed a friendly power to balance it out.   
   Louis himself, under the suggestion of his grandmother, was matched with Princess Charlotte of Quebec, who was 10 years his junior. She was the granddaughter of King Louis Henry, born to his son and heir Henry. At the time of their marriage in 1852 the King was 26 and his new wife merely 16. Though she was young, she would demonstrate herself to be a capable player in the game of intrigue in Versailles. The royal marriage demonstrated the growing ties between France and her former colonies in Louisiana and Quebec, who proved equally resistant to joining the intrigues of the European continent.
   The death of Marie Fernandina created a power vacuum. Two figures began to dominate the court. The new Queen Charlotte, as the potential mother of the future heir and beloved by her husband, slowly began to identify herself tacitly with the conservative and reactionary elements of French society. Prince Xavier, the 46-year-old uncle of the King and heir to the throne, was beloved by the liberals and actively sought to undermine the Queen’s power.
   Initially, both due to his age and the dominant left-wing governing coalition, Xavier assumed control over the French government in all but name. His was a policy of economic reform, repairing and rationalizing the economy of France and Padania to function along modern lines. Xavier and Adolphe Thiers, who was still the power in the political scene proper in 1852, formed a close alliance. Louis XIX, who was somewhat inclined to liberalism in memory of his late father, backed his uncle. In foreign policy, Xavier aligned himself with the Austrians over the Neapolitans, seeking to resurrect the moribund alliance between Paris and Vienna. He had his daughter Vittoria of Bourbon-Savoie wed to Archduke Maximilian, the grandson and eventual heir of Francis II in 1855.
   The years of Xavier’s governance proved beneficial for France. In the 1850s the dreariness of the previous decade had given way to stability. The terrible famine of the 1840s was over and all throughout the two kingdoms the economy started to grow. Xavier undertook ambitious projects as well, expanding the small telegraph networks and continuing the legacy of Louis XVIII through rapid railroad construction. French settlers were relocated to Flanders, where the local Flemings suddenly felt government pressure to emigrate to North America or the Netherlands. In the end, most fled to New Holland, bolstering the Dutch-speaking population of that far-off land.
   With his success, Xavier made no secret of pressuring his nephew to bestow favors upon him and his family, given he was still the heir. By 1858 it had been 6 years since the royal wedding and Queen Charlotte remained childless. Louis XIX formally revived the dead House of Savoy, naming Xavier the first member of the House of Bourbon-Savoy. Xavier’s children were granted generous estates, while he lined his pockets with funds from the treasury.
   Yet, this dominance could not last. In 1859 rumors of corruption in the government cabinet brought down Thiers’ coalition and forced new elections. The scandal expanded though, engulfing many of Xavier’s favorites and known allies. Seeing himself beset by foes, the Prince retired back to Piedmont, ceding the power of the Crown quietly to Charlotte, who had been quietly brooding. In a masterstroke of political genius, the 23-year-old Queen asserted her position at once. The conservatives swept into power governing in a coalition with the nationalists. Those deemed effective under Xavier were offered posts in the new government, an attempt at preventing poor feelings and future retribution.
   Charlotte quickly won back control over her husband, especially with Xavier absent. Though Louis was wary of cooperating with the conservatives, she convinced him of the necessity to follow the will of the people. When the King acquiesced, the embarked on a broad seizure of control over the French state. Charlotte was much more focused on power politics and diplomacy than the economically-minded Xavier. Called the “Prussian Tyrant” by her opponents, she was beloved by the army, Church, and peasantry. Diplomatically, Charlotte rejected Xavier’s détente with Austria, seeking to reassert ties between Prussia and France. France sought to regain its international standing under her watch.
   This involved a brutal and rapid strike south in India against the Kingdom of Mysore in 1860. The last independent Indian state on the subcontinent, the realm had long protected its status. Joseon and the Habsburg Monarchy had been particular vital trading partners in the previous decade, the realm trying to modernize in time to fend off any potential onslaught. Mysore had just enough weaponry and skill to hold its ground for the first few years of the conflict, but by 1863 the French colonial forces had breached the line and were pouring into the remainder of the realm. At the last minute, the Maharaja sued for peace, offering to become a client realm along the lines of the other satellite states. Charlotte, negotiating on behalf of the government in Paris agreed, though France too substantial territorial concessions as a surety. India, at long last, was almost entirely in French hands. Save for a few Portuguese and British outposts, the vast subcontinent with all of its wealth was now under foreign authority. Although no further expeditions were conducted in the 1850s, the later part of the decade saw Paris’ focus shift towards North Africa, where Algiers suddenly seemed weak and ripe for the plucking.
   1860 saw Queen Charlotte in full command of the French government in all but name. The “Prussian” Period of her rule also coincided with ambitious reforms to the military and an expansion of French garrisons overseas. Yet, the Queen still was without an heir, not for a lack of trying. With Louis XIX continuing to endure health scares, her authority, otherwise absolute, is undermined by the constant worries of his death and ascension of Xavier to the throne…

Habsburg Monarchy: The Cost of Victory
Rhenish War (1846-1849)
   Once the Treaty of Breslau was signed, the Habsburg Monarchy had a brief moment of respite. The realm was in tatters. Bohemia and Hungary had borne the brunt of the Prussian advance, while other areas had spent thousands of their young men in the grand struggle. Silesians remained skeptical of the return of Habsburg control after a little more than a century. To the east, the Emperor’s new Ruthenian subjects watched suspiciously. All across the Empire the prospect of famine appeared increasingly likely and the financial state of the government was desperate.
   Yet, despite these challenges, Emperor Francis was determined to exterminate the threat to the Holy Roman Empire along the Rhine. In the Rhineland he saw all the solutions to his problems. Ample harvest and loot to refill Viennese coffers, the elimination of a revolutionary threat, and a restoration of imperial power. With Prussia no longer standing in the way and France focused internally, many in Vienna saw 1846 as the prime chance to strike out and exterminate the revolutionary realm. Breaking their unofficial truce, Habsburg soldiers crossed back into the Rhineland on June 15th, 1846.
   The Rhenish were shocked, but not surprised. For almost a decade now preparations had been made to deal with the Austrian onslaught. New defensive strategies were employed, slowing the Austrian advance and causing tremendous casualties. Still, this could only do so much. The Swiss provided financial aid, but were wary of committing men after their struggles in Northern Italy. France, or at least the French people, sent men, but the numbers were less than ideal. Slowly the Austrians moved west. Stuttgart fell back into their hands in 1847 and Cologne itself fell in late 1848, causing the King of the Rhine to take his family and flee to France. Although some pockets of resistance held out until 1849, causing extensive damage in the region’s countryside, the war was in large part completed. The rump government of the Kingdom of the Rhine abolished itself at Aachen, recognizing the return of Imperial Authority to west Germany. In the span of 3 years the combination of war and the general famine utterly devastated parts of the most prosperous German region. The Austrians had won two tremendous victories against Prussia and the Rhenish, but many wondered if it had come at too high a price.

Diplomatic Exhaustion (1849-1860)
   With so many men dead and the economy in such desperate straits, the next decade would see an isolationist Habsburg Monarchy focus inwards as the world around it was set aflame. Indeed, a deep pessimism took root in Austria from the late 1840s until the death of Emperor Francis in 1859. European affairs were neglected as diplomatic attention turned towards the growing colonial theaters further afield.
   Although there were vocal objections to King Frederick of Prussia’s abolition of the German League in 1849, the prospect of further military intervention in another theater was absolutely abhorrent to most in the Habsburg demesne. When it became clear that Scandinavia too had no intention of getting involved, that settled the matter. A mere diplomatic objection was issued to Berlin. Public opinion in the various Austrian territories was opposed to a fight with Prussia and there were concerns over the loyalty of the restored Silesian subjects.
   The Austrian focus on nonintervention and internal stabilization extended to other theaters as well. Rather than challenge the King of Naples after the Romagna Coup in 1852, which saw that supposedly neutral principality directly absorbed into the Kingdom of Naples, all the Austrians did was muster their troops and man the border in a defensive fashion. Vienna looked on with distaste but inaction as Maria Sophia, the Grand Duchess of Tuscany and daughter of the Emperor, was slowly pushed into the pro-Neapolitan camp by her husband. As Poland descended into utter anarchy and civil war during the late 1840s and early 1850s, Vienna merely provided arms and material support to the monarchists, electing to take no further action. Although there was alarm further afield at the events in Russia, Poland and the Ottomans were buffer states between the Habsburgs and the Russian Republic, limiting that as a diplomatic priority. Even when France assaulted the Kingdom of Mysore in 1860, what had been a key trade partner of Austria, the government merely stepped aside and allowed the Indian realm to collapse.

The Great Re-Mediatisation of the Empire & Internal Reform (1849-1860)
   With the collapse of the Rhenish and reacquisition of the minor Saxon principalities, Emperor Francis found himself in a unique position in Imperial history, given the chance to directly reorganize the Empire in a way none of his predecessors, except for perhaps Ferdinand II briefly during the Thirty Year’s War, had done. Two parallel policies were enacted: mediatisation and shoring up the loyal princes.
   The Great Re-Mediatisation occupied most of the attention in Vienna during the various diplomatic crises on all other sides. Francis II issued the Munich Decrees in March 1849 as the war with the Rhineland entered its very last stages. He outlined ambitious reform. The plan involved the shattering of what had once been the numerous imperial principalities and bishoprics. The land was then to be partitioned among the Imperial knights, free cities, and minor princes. This, in effect, would create a whole class of vassals who owed their loyalty (as well as the future survival of their smallholdings) to the Emperor.
   Yet, the loyalty of some of the major princes could not be forgotten, and some in Vienna also believed it was in the best interest of the Emperor to keep some medium-sized vassals to provide enforcement and support. This eventually resulted in the Six Major Principalities, the only regions of the Empire not divided up like the others. These were Baden, Ansbach, Bayreuth, Wurzburg, the Palatinate, and Hesse. Saxony too remained quite large, but for the most part operated outside of Imperial Authority, despite still being a member state.
   Baden, where Duke Leopold (nephew of the Emperor) was restored to his throne in 1850, expanded, gaining a bit of Württemberg, the Principality of Hohenzollern in the south, and some other nearby landholdings. Emperor Francis named his second son, Archduke Francis, as the Margrave of Ansbach. Bayreuth, which had been previously united with Ansbach, was given to the Emperor’s third son, Archduke Maximilian. Both were required to issue toleration of religion in order to make their Catholic faith palatable to the many Protestants in the region. The Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt was greatly rewarded for his loyalty to Francis during the formation of the Kingdom of the Rhine. Not only was he restored to his traditional territories, but he gained much of Hesse-Kassel as well, taken out of the German League by the Treaty of Breslau. The new Duchy of Hesse would be the largest of the Six Major Princes. The Archbishopric of Wurzburg proved to be the only major clerical principality that survived the reform, by virtue of it not having fallen to the rebellion. The Prince of the Palatinate was restored to his lands and title, though now as a restored member of the Empire than a prince in the German League.
   Re-mediatisation, meanwhile, occurred in the remainder of Baden, the entirety of the Rhineland, and the minor Saxon principalities. The Imperial Commission, established as part of the Munich Decrees, settled once and for all property dispute cases that had languished in the moribund Imperial Courts for decades, if not centuries. The ecclesiastical holdings were cut back to a great degree as local areas gained more autonomy. The common people, some of whom had been embittered by the return of Imperial Authority, were gradually won over by the clear progress that victory had allowed the Emperor to make. It was hoped that the new system, with hundreds of weak microstates, would prove durable enough to beat the strains of external pressure in the future.
   In addition to reform of the Holy Roman Empire, the 1850s saw great changes made to the direct holdings of Emperor Francis II. The famine of the 1840s, which affected much of the continent, reiterated the importance of agrarian reform. Francis employed the sizeable indemnities from Prussia and Russia to not only rebuild what had been destroyed, but also incentivize the modernization of farming throughout Hungary and East Galicia (which was renamed Ruthenia). New methods and practices helped to create substantial surpluses by the mid-1850s and led to consistent population growth from that point onwards.
   Vienna would also emerge as a third financial city in Europe after Paris and London, with the Dutch banking industry relocating under invitation of the Royal Family. In addition to the growing financial sector, Bohemia would see manufacturing begin to spring up during reconstruction, the damage having allowed of investors to swoop in and establish factories at a fairly low cost. Though it would not rival Britain nor France by 1860, some speculate that the Bohemian industry could prove crucial for economic development in the Habsburg Monarchy moving forward. 
   Francis II died in 1859, after 32 years on the throne. His reign had seen the achievement of some of his dynasty’s greatest aims. Despite the inferno that had erupted, Germany had been retaken and the Holy Roman Empire strengthened. Prussia was, for a few years at least, chastened as the long-desired territory of Silesia was restored to the Kingdom of Bohemia. Though he ruled an at times unwieldy cauldron of nationalities, the Treaty of Breslau had seen the number of German speakers increased substantial as a proportion of population while the discontented Poles were set loose. Croatia flourished under the rule of Jelacic, Bohemia industrialized alongside Lombardy, and Hungary and Ruthenia rapidly prospered as agricultural heartlands. Francis was succeeded by his son, Charles VIII of the Holy Roman Empire as Europe continued to move forward.

Austria Overseas (1841-1860)
   The Habsburg Monarchy had never been a participant in the colonial game to the same extent as its continental rivals. While France, Britain, Prussia, Scandinavia, and the Netherlands had sought to establish outposts all around the globe, by 1835 Austria merely had a small trading colony at Delagoa Bay in southeast Africa. That changed during the reign of Francis II, who proved to be highly interested in the world around him. While the Treaty of Breslau saw Delagoa handed over to Portugal, it did leave the door open to Austrian expansion in Madagascar, which was ultimately achieved following a series of campaign from 1853 to 1856. Under Francis’ watch separate outposts had also been established at the Nicobar Islands and at Ningbo in China, which proved to be the most lucrative holding off all.
   Vienna was also a friend of Mysore in India, having gone so far as to enter into talks with the Maharaja about establishing a protectorate over that realm during the mid-1850s. Of course, this was prevented by Queen Charlotte of France’s decision to launch an invasion of that realm. Though Vienna objected to the invasion, there was little that could be done in such a relatively distant territory. This would be a consistent frustration for the pro-colony Austrians, who would find themselves often outcompeted in colonial theaters, save China, by powers that had been established for far longer.
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Ottoman Empire: Betrayal and Reform

Conclusion of the Russo-Persian War (1844-1847)
   With the Treaty of Breslau ending hostilities with both Russia and Prussia, many in the Ottoman Empire assumed that their allies in Vienna and Stockholm would then turn their attention towards defeating the Persians. Yet, the Triple Alliance disbanded almost immediately, perhaps before the ink at Breslau was even dry. Scandinavia was far more focused on its continued struggle with Quebec, while the Habsburgs were preparing to attack the Rhineland. In any case, neither of the former allies had either finances or men to spare. Thus, the Ottomans would face the Persians alone.
   This was terrible news for the exhausted people of the Empire. Already Persia had taken the entirety of Armenia and Mesopotamia. Substantial Ottoman losses in Russia and the Caucuses had leveled the numerical playing field, even with the Russian soldiers abandoning the Persian armies. Furthermore, the landings attempted along the Gulf had done little other than irritate the locals and achieve symbolic gains. Indeed, the outlook was bleak. The Durrani betrayed Istanbul in early 1845, exiting the war when the Persians offered a white peace, the gains in the west against the Ottomans too tantalizing to be ignored.
   Sure, the Turks did not stand alone, but their allies proved less than capable. Oman was content in its occupation of part of Yemen and the Arabs were more focused on returning their life to normal. Thus, little action took place initially.
   Two Turkish attempts to retake Armenia in 1846 and 1847 failed, further crushing the morale. With creditors knocking and the various ethnic minorities in the Balkans demanding no further conscription, it was felt in Istanbul that there would be no other option than to sue for peace. The Persians were greedy, demanding all of Armenia, the Caucuses, Mesopotamia, and Eastern Arabia. Naturally, these terms were out of the question to many. It would take 8 months to eventually negotiate, with the French acting as mediators, before the Treaty of Marseilles was agreed in early 1848. Georgia was partitioned between the Ottomans and the Persians, Azerbaijan falling prey to the Qajar greed. Armenia too would be divided. The Ottomans retained Trebizond and the Persians were not given any coastline on the Black Sea, which was now entirely Ottoman. Furthermore, Mesopotamia was ceded to the Persians in its entirely, a humiliating development, but the negotiators at Marseilles could see no other way around it. In return the Ottomans were recognized as the sole controller of the Suez, the joint-allied occupation ending after more than a decade.
   After three centuries, Ottoman dominance over Iraq was shattered, the Persians taking control of a region not held for more than half of a millennium. Yet, with the losses in the region, the Ottomans also shed the unruly Kurds and Armenians, who had been nothing but trouble over the past few decades. Perhaps there was some hope in such a bitter outcome.

Imperial Reform (1847-1860)
   The Ottoman state clearly needed change. As the Greek rebellion and conspiring of the various other nationalities in the closing days of the war with Persia had demonstrated, there was a substantial portion of subjects in the Empire that did not feel represented at all by the government. Indeed, the general image of the government was that of a corrupt, incompetent, bumbling, and archaic state merely coasting on the inertia of past glory. Mustafa IV would not be the Sultan for this task, however, dying in early 1846. His son, the Crown Prince Selim had eventually died of his mysterious illness contracted during the Greek Campaign. Instead, a younger son, Prince Murad, became Sultan Murad IV.
   Expectations for a younger son achieving much were quite low. Sultan Murad IV proved his doubters wrong, embarking on an ambitious path of reform and reorganization. For the first time in decades, the Sultan overruled his advisors and found himself in little need of the traditional vizier. In 1848 he declared the commencement of a new era of reform. A People’s Advisory Council was established in Istanbul, consisting of eight Turks, three Arabs, three Slavs, two Greeks, one of each: Bedouin, Berber, Romanian, Tatar, Gypsy, Georgian, plus three seats which any may fill. This was intended to give all the various minorities a real stake in government. Murad expanded religious toleration, reaffirming the rights of his subjects to follow their conscience and sought to mend the schism in the Greek Orthodox Church, reasserting the control of the Patriarch of Constantinople in the various monasteries and parishes where the rebellion had taken root.
   Murad IV also began a program of industrialization and rail development. Although the small railways would only crisscross parts of the Balkans by 1860s and nascent industrialism was in a few select cities, it was clear there was new energy in Istanbul. Army Reform was initiated in 1850, naval reform under Scandinavian guidance following in 1853. Both of these would aim to avenge the humiliating defeats and mismanagement that had plagued both the attempted invasion of Russia as well as the war with the Persians.
   The Sultan recognized that Mesopotamia was lost. Rather than blindly mourning it though, he ordered the government to play up the advantages it had gained in the Great Eastern War. The Ottomans were the undisputed masters of the Black Sea. The loss of Mesopotamia had eliminated a potentially vulnerable frontier and allowed for the state to recentralize. Egypt was now a direct holding, providing access to far more people than had been lost in Iraq and Sunni to boot.
   As for territorial expansion, Murad was frustrated in an attempt to purchase Tunis back from the Neapolitans, who rejected the agreement outright. Instead, the Ottoman focus shifted south. A series of aggressive campaigns aimed at restoring national pride from 1855-1857 saw Sudan conquered in its entirety and established as territory of the Empire. With the trade route between East Asia and Europe finally conflict free, the end of the 1850s would see the trade across the Suez boom to a level heretofore unseen, proving extremely lucrative for Istanbul.
   Diplomatically, Murad would move the Ottomans away from the recent cooperation with the Habsburgs. Although the Scandinavians were forgiven for not having helped in Persia, primarily through their offer of naval aid, the Austrians gradually began to be viewed with distrust. Instead, Istanbul would seek to ingratiate itself with Xavier in France and, when he was removed from power, with Queen Charlotte. Although both proved noncommittal, many Turks saw Ottoman security, especially against a potentially revanchist Russia, as lying in Paris.

Louisiana: Go West, Young Man!
The Boom Years (1841-1852)
    With the Richmond Settlement, Louisiana found itself a leading player in North America. Whereas in 1835 King Louis-Philippe possessed a mere 700,000 subjects, by 1850 there were more than 4.5 million individuals under his authority. This was achieved through the annexation of much of the American South as well as extremely high rates of immigration from Western Europe. While Europe languished in depression and was still feeling the aftershocks of the Great Eastern War, Louisiana looked at the world with tremendous optimism and with hopes for a brighter future.
   The Americans were formally absorbed into the Kingdom of Louisiana in 1845, with the government establishing itself as a bilingual state. West of the Mississippi French would be spoken, eastwards English. The rapid rates of immigration corresponded to a growth of internal infrastructure. Railroads were constructed in small chunks at first (New Orleans to Baton Rouge, Atlanta to Savannah) but over time the projects began to grow more ambitious. The united line connecting Atlanta and Laredo Texas was established in 1849. King Louis-Philippe II ordered plans for a transcontinental railroad in 1850, but he would not live to see its completion. During the 1840s tens of thousands poured westward and north onto the Great Plains, though this meant growing tension with indigenous inhabitants.
   Although limited industrialization would begin to take root in Louisiana proper by 1852, much of the realm remained focused on the traditional plantation economy. From Cuba to California, slave labor remained employed on a wide scale. It was their toil that fueled the substantial exports of cotton and other materials to Europe and the British Colonies to the north. Still, at a time when slave labor seemed essential, the difficulty of keeping it was growing. Thousands escaped into the British colonies, London setting up humanitarian societies to help settle and integrate those that had once been enslaved into normal life. It was not even that far of a journey for most escapees, merely having to make it to Transylvania or Cumberland. Though Louis-Philippe would complain often about this, and attempt at several instances to get the Quebecois and Mexicans to align with him, he found their support lacking on the issue.
   Still, Louisiana was one of the few realms to still employ slavery and that began to diplomatically isolate it. Spain had eventually abolished the practice in all of its remaining territories in 1841 following an agreement with Brazil to pay for the transition. As exports to Europe increased, so did European awareness about how these exports were created. Prince Xavier of France, unable to stomach the thought of slavery, organized the creation of cotton production in French India. Britain, Scandinavia, Spain, and Brazil signed an ultimatum in 1852 demanding that Louisiana begin the process of abolition or face sanction. Louis-Philippe was defiant, issuing a response arguing that “the nations of the Old World had no right to lecture those in the New.”
   Yet, the King was dead just weeks later, passing away on September 6th, 1852. His son Philippe refused the demands of the powers as well, believing that he could offset any losses by reaching out to new trade partners.

The Bust Years (1852-1860)
   King Philippe of Louisiana overestimated his ability to offset the losses of the general boycott of Louisianan goods. Overnight the price of cotton plummeted, extra stock piling up in the port cities of Charleston, New Orleans, Havana, and Savannah. Economic growth slowed, plantation after plantation going bankrupt and being forced to sell their slaves.
   The King countered by establishing free trade with both Quebec (home of his wife) and Mexico (ruled by his brother). Yet, these realms were of comparable size to Louisiana and could not offset the loss of the European market, far larger at this point. Although eventually France would join this free trade area in 1859, when Queen Charlotte (who had far less scruples than Prince Xavier about slavery) took charge, relief would not come before then.
   Interestingly, while this period was one of immense suffering for the Louisianan economy, the very embargo enacted by the coalition seemed to serve its purpose. With plantations going bankrupt, and the economy being forced to shift from primarily agrarian, the cost of slaves plummeted, an excess for sale. Many were able to buy their own freedom for relatively low amounts, especially once the British Anti-Slavery Society began to covertly slip money south to help speed up the process. Slaves went from a third of the population in 1852 to a quarter by 1857 and a fifth in 1860. Many immigrants, especially those from Germany, began to also lobby against slavery. In 1858 the government in New Orleans ended the use of slaves in the construction of the Transcontinental Railroad, hiring immigrants instead. There was widespread celebration in 1860 when the first train travelled from Atlanta to San Francisco, a sense of accomplishment spreading throughout the realm.
  With the growth of a free Black class in Louisiana, it was only a matter of time before the inevitable occurred. With great reluctance, a mood many have since chastised him for, King Philippe of Louisiana felt obligated to enact the Emancipation Act of 1860. The slaves were freed, though that did not mean harsh treatment ceased. Those that were unable to find work or were deemed to be troublesome were deported forcibly to the west, forced to settle near the Great Salt Lake. While this created a solid, concentrated Black state in the Kingdom, many both in and outside the Kingdom decried the harsh methods used to make it so.
   The 1850s also saw increased conflict with the indigenous tribes of North America, as settlers moved in at a rapid pace. A series of low-level wars ensued with the Apache, Comanche, Sioux, Pawnee, Arapaho, and Shoshone throughout the 1850s. In most instances the result was Louisianans winning, signing an unfair treaty, and forcing the Native Americans to become subjects of King Philippe and convert to Catholicism. Although there was talk about relocating them, particularly advocated by immigrant communities, the government in New Orleans preferred the lighter hand approach that had often characterized French policy towards the indigenous Americans in the eighteenth century.
   With the abolition of slavery and increased economic ties to France, around 1860 the outlook for Louisiana would start to improve. The level of unemployment declined, production started to expand, and Louisiana’s status as somewhat of a pariah state began to dissipate. Once more, many looked forwards with optimism and hope.

Scandinavia: Masters of the Baltic
Extended Fighting and Integration (1844-1855)
   Despite the onset of peace in Europe proper, Scandinavia remained at war with the Kingdom of Quebec. Both Greenland and the Northern Territories had by now been occupied for years, many despairing about ever getting them back. A naval strike that direction was considered, but ultimately called off. Instead, the Scandinavians brought diplomatic pressure to bear on the Quebecois, highlighting Stockholm’s close dynastic and political ties to Great Britain, who remained suspicious of their northern neighbor. A combination of these threats and sheer fatigue ultimately brought the two parties to the negotiating table. The Treaty of Vienna, mediated by the Habsburgs (who had close ties with both sides) saw a compromise peace. Quebec agreed to return Greenland in return for Scandinavia abjuring its claims to the Northern Territories. Signed on August 9th, 1845, now the realm was truly at peace and could process the sheer insanity that it had endured over the past 8 years.
   Many suspected it was the peace that brought the Grand Coalition, which had governed the realm since 1838, tumbling down. New elections were called early in 1846, the results seeing the Liberals and Socialists make great gains, Johan Gabriel Richert taking office as Prime Minister. His aims were ambitious, with the hope being to ensure widespread economic prosperity in the aftermath of the Great Eastern War.
   With the Treaty of Breslau, Scandinavia gained vast tracts of land in northern Europe. Pomerania, Verden, Groningen, and Danzig all provided valuable naval bases and tremendous defensive potential. With the Scandinavian constitutionalist system however, these territories demanded representation in national affairs. After intense lobbying, and the consent of the socialists, the Electoral Reform Act of 1847 was passed. Not only would the regions be granted proportional representation in the National Assembly, but laws were passed providing the Balts with proportional representation as well. This was a watershed moment, the passage staunchly opposed by the Conservatives and Reactionaries, who feared losing influence with the dilution of native Scandinavian voters. Still, it would be for the Electoral Reform Act that Richert would be dubbed the “Father of Democracy.”
   King Frederick VI died in 1847, leaving Queen Catherine as the sole ruler of the entire Scandinavian realm, in line with the constitution. Although her husband had always favored the conservatives, Catherine was largely apolitical. She formed a close working alliance with Richert, their combined efforts resulting in substantial economic investment in the Baltic States, which had been damaged in the war, continued incentives for domestic development, and improvements to the education system. Telegraph and rail lines began to connect the Scandinavian cities and industrial factories popped up in certain regions, drawing in thousands from the countryside.
   Queen Catherine proved to be somewhat of a dove when it came to foreign affairs. Rather than rattle her sabre when Prussia announced the abolition of the German League in 1849, she merely issued a harsh statement condemning the move. There was little appetite for war and some, particularly the liberals and socialists that were in government, believed that the Treaty of Breslau had been perhaps a bit too harsh on Prussia.
   Scandinavia was largely spared the worst of the “Lost Decade.” Imports from the Baltic holdings, Lithuania in particular, offset the disruption caused by blight in Norway and Denmark. Furthermore, the Great Eastern War having only touched the hinterlands of the realm meant that much population growth continued apace. Though thousands of young men had died, not as much Scandinavian blood had been spilled by comparison.
   After a quiet solo reign of an additional eight years, Queen Catherine passed away in 1855. The death of the Queen was seen as a watershed moment in the history of the Scandinavian union. Catherine was the last reigning member of the House of Oldenburg and technically only derived her power from the Swedish throne. Her eldest son Gustav was named King Gustav IV of Scandinavia, formally cementing once and for all the dynastic claims of Denmark-Norway and Sweden.

Scandinavia and the World (1855-1860)
   Gustav greatly differed from his mother on his political outlook, having inherited his father’s conservatism coupled with a peppering of reactionary thought. By 1855 Richert and the Liberals had been out of power for 3 years, so the Kingdom was spared any potential rows between the King and Prime Minister. Young Count Arvid Posse had been chosen as Prime Minister by the resurgent Conservatives, he proving quite deferent to the Crown.
   The priorities of the new King were clear: colonialism and a global reach. In order to accomplish this, Gustav IV inaugurated a tremendous expansion of the navy. Shipbuilding on a scale not before seen exploded throughout the realm, incorporating the newest models or technologies imported by his brother-in-law King Henry IX of Britain. The Treaty of Breslau had made Scandinavia the undisputed master of the Baltic, Gustav sought to capitalize on this. Although this would prove to be quite an expensive project, the Prussian indemnity was able to finance a good portion of the expenses, much to the horror of Berlin. By 1860 Scandinavia, after Britain and France, had the third largest fleet in the world. Britain, who saw the realm as a close ally, had only been too delighted to help.
   Simultaneous to the naval expansion was a growing investment in colonialism. After nearly two decades of neglect brought on by the Great Eastern War, Scandinavia began to invest in its African colonies once more. The Treaty of Breslau had included a clause by the Triple Alliance and Brazil to divide Africa into respective spheres of influence. Gustav viewed it as high time to make good on his claims. Liberia, the various outposts in East Africa, and Gabon began to expand. Agreements were made with existing local authorities where possible, otherwise indigenous Africans found themselves surrounded and forced to join a foreign colonial empire.
   Diplomatically, Scandinavia completely reorientated itself in line with the new diplomatic reality from 1835 to 1860. The traditional bonds to Prussia were severed. Russia remained an implacable foe. Brazil, which had been an erstwhile friend during the Great Eastern War, became somewhat of a nuisance in the Congo, jockeying for influence in some areas Scandinavia claimed for itself. For allies, the marriage of Princess Elizabeth of Britain to Crown Prince Karl served as a strengthening of the existing dynastic ties. Britain would be seen by many in Stockholm as the realm’s closest ally by 1860. After the Great Eastern War, Austria and Scandinavia began to drift apart to some extent, very little uniting them save for condemnation of Prussia. The Ottomans did remain close with their Nordic allies, pleased by Scandinavian aid to the naval reforms of Murad IV.
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« Reply #229 on: October 11, 2020, 05:32:17 PM »
« Edited: October 11, 2020, 05:45:20 PM by Spamage »

Divine Republic of Brazil: The Only True Crime is Mercy
Cementing of Catholic Republicanism (1841-1847)
  Brazil had undoubtedly won the most from the Great Eastern War, even if it was denied its right to South Africa. In return for expending a mere several thousand lives, the Divine Republic received diplomatic recognition from Scandinavia, Austria, the Ottoman Empire, the Holy Roman Empire,
Saxony, and their assorted allies. Furthermore, with the establishment of the Polish People’s Republic, Catholic Republicanism was able to make a brief return as a legitimate political force in that theater. It was a tremendous coup for Archbishop-President de Andrade, though he downplayed it saying, “Recognition from the decadent aristocracy is a necessary evil until we are able to bring the true word of Christ back to Europe.”
   During the Great Eastern War and in the immediate aftermath, the attention of most in the Divine Republic was not centered on events in far-off Europe, but instead on the dramatic reforms being instituted by the central government. In 1841 the Catholic League was declared, bringing together Brazil, Colombia, Paraguay, Lower Peru, Ecuador, and Portugal (and eventually Haiti, in the late 1840s) in a close military and economic alliance. As the largest member, with a population surpassing that of Portugal, Brazil was the natural leader of the pact.
   As their allies were drawn closer into the Brazilian orbit, Andrade began to use the vast quantity of prisoners interned for their sins (primarily prisoners from the Brazilian Civil War) on a wide array of industrial and infrastructure projects. Brazilian labor was employed in the backbreaking work of repairing the in-progress Panama Canal. In conjunction with Colombia, Brazil assumed joint sovereignty over the canal when it was finally completed in 1852. Those prisoners that survived the brutal labor in Panama, hoping for release, were unceremoniously fed to sharks, alligators, and other animals in barbaric executions, continued international condemnation pouring in.
   At home, the main domestic reforms implemented in the aftermath of the Civil War focused on education. A mass expansion of the school system coincided with the injection of Catholic Republican ideology and a religious focus into the curriculum. A whole generation of children was being raised to be true believers in the potential for a perfect utopia, should evil be expunged and the true teachings of the Church be implemented on Earth. Although this caused great unease among most of the parents, no one felt able to challenge the system given the growing total control of the government over many aspects of daily life. The Eyes of God patrolled the streets of Sao Paulo, not afraid to punish anyone seen in violation of the laws.
   Andrade died in 1847, at the peak of his authority. His rule had seen a consistent and determined effort to remove and any all aspects of da Silva Lisboa’s legacy in Brazil. Whereas the realm had once been a liberal and tolerant state, those still adhering to these “antiquated” and “heretical” ideologies found themselves at risk of painful execution if they expressed themselves publicly. There were mass burnings of libraries in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janiero all throughout the 1840s as reports of the brutal executions carried out in Nicaragua made their way back to the people.

Fight for Andrade’s Legacy (1847-1860)
  In such an absolutist, command system, Andrade’s death was always going to be significant. What was worse in Brazil though, was that there was not necessarily a clear heir, the late Archbishop-President’s vows of celibacy preventing the creation of any sort of dynastic clique. This mean, naturally, that there would be tremendous infighting and scheming over the next several years as no established authority was able to muster the legitimacy of the late leader. It also coincided with a splintering of Catholic Republican ideology into several camps, each wanted to take the Catholic League in a different direction. In effect, whatever unity had birthed the Divine Republic died with its founder.
   The second Archbishop-President had been handpicked by Andrade. This was Manuel do Monte Rodrigues de Araújo, the Bishop of Rio de Janiero. Having witnessed the destruction of his home city by the Prussians firsthand, he was a bitter foe of all the “imperialist colonizers” in the Americas. Still, he was also far more pragmatic. Andrade had viewed him as a loyal deputy and a competent replacement. What he did not know was truly how much ideological daylight there was between them. Araujo was far more tolerant of traditional Catholics, scaling back funding for the Eyes of God and eliminating the gratuitous executions in Nicaragua. Instead he redirected much of the fervent energy of the true believers to the African colonies and winning new converts. He had the eventual goal of dominating the regions further inland in mind. Catholic Republican missions were established far up the Congo. With the backing of the Brazilian military, many locals found themselves outgunned and forced to convert. Unlike in Brazil proper, there was no scaling back of punishments in Africa, where cruel practices earned the condemnation of many outside observers.
   Diplomatically Andrade had focused on greater diplomatic engagement. Araujo viewed this as a mistake. He saw the failure of Catholic Republicanism in Poland as a significant warning not to overextend. Although cordial relations would be maintained with Spain, neither side seeing the total conflict that would be required to defeat the other as worth it, Brazil largely disengaged from European affairs under Araujo.
   The shift in ideology under Araujo opened the door to other splintering. Araujo himself died in 1853, some suspecting the Andradists (as the True Believers following Andrade became known) of having poisoned him. It was at this point several clear factions emerged in Brazil. The aforementioned Andradists advocated a return to the intrusive domestic politics of the Divine Republic’s founder. In particular, they pointed to a moral relaxation that had taken place between 1847 and 1853, crime on the rise and the moral character in “decline.” Araujoists meanwhile wanted a continuation of Araujo’s policies. Their focus was not on maintaining Catholic Republicanism in Brazil, but instead proselytizing to the wider world, primarily Africa. The Jesuits, who had played a crucial role in the establishment of Catholic Republicanism emerged as a third alternative. They planned to dismantle and utterly reform the government of Brazil, replacing the office of Archbishop-President with a council of clerics and laypeople. Furthermore, it was the Jesuits who wanted a total relaxation of domestic censorship, earning them the tacit support of most common people. As time went by these ideological splits would touch other areas of politics, dividing the Republic further. By 1860 however, a placeholder Archbishop-President had been elected in Sebastião Pinto do Rego, who was determined to keep the peace. Compromising with the Andradists, he increased the level of surveillance and enforcement, but refrained from reinstituting some of the crueler practices in regards to execution or internment. It remained unclear which ideology would emerge triumphant in an isolated Brazil.
  
Prussia: Fires of Revenge
The Black Years (1844-1849)
  The Great Eastern War was a disaster for Prussia. Not only was the realm sliced up, divided among the victors and setting back the House of Hohenzollern by a century, but Prussia itself had served as a battlefield. Infrastructure was destroyed, vast throngs of subjects dislocated, and the countryside raided by the rapacious enemy. The respected Prussian military had been humbled and annihilated, only shattered remnants remaining in tact by the time Queen Regent Augusta had formally unconditionally surrendered to the Triple Alliance. Colonial holdings in Africa had been pruned down substantially. On top of that, humiliating conditions had been placed on the German League as Berlin also found itself responsible for a massive indemnity. Perhaps worst of all the Catholic Republicans, who Prussia had brutally cracked down on twice, were established in Poland, their new realm far larger than the reduced Kingdom of Prussia. It was a nightmare. The conflict was viewed by many as having been more terrible than the Thirty Years’ War.
   The regency of Augusta was doomed from the moment she signed the Treaty of Breslau on behalf of her grandson, King Frederick IV. February 6th, 1845 saw a coup force her to cede her powers as sole regency to a council, consisting of leading generals, statesmen, and Junkers. This was a technocratic revolution in all but name. The Council was empowered to only abolish itself, in a deliberate attempt to sideline the Crown, which many liberals blamed for the state of Prussia. The King technically was in his majority, but the Regency Council clung to power, sidelining the monarch and focusing on repairing the damage of the past decade. They sought to placate the Triple Alliance, keeping Prussia prostrate before the victorious foes. Yet, they had not counted on the tenacity and fury of King Frederick IV.
   Frederick was a hateful man. He knew his parents had been murdered at the hands of some foreign power. Scandinavia had stabbed Prussia in the back, betraying their past friendship. The Habsburgs, perhaps the evilest of all, were focused on turning Germany into yet another one of their fiefs. He hated the cabal that had toppled his grandmother and forced him to live sidelined from power. Growing up in such a wretched and constrictive atmosphere left its mark on the King.
   When word reached Potsdam, where the King resided, that the Regency Council was formally debating a constitution for Prussia, the King snapped. Assembling the Palace Guard in June 21st, 1847, many who were appointed for their dislike of the King, his speech to the men was so passionate and nationalistic, he won them over. Decrying the poor state of Prussia, he condemned the “vultures in Berlin” that were fighting over the scraps of the once great realm. He set out for the capitol, throngs of impoverished and vengeful veterans of the Great Eastern War joining in.
   The March on Berlin toppled the Regency Council. Surrounded by the King and his hostile mob, the members felt they had no choice but to abolish themselves. They were then arrested as the first command of the restored King, many dying in prison over the coming years. King Frederick may have been many things, but merciful he was not.
   Frederick portrayed himself as a symbol of national renewal. Using his youth to his advantage, he attempted to wed the pre-war Prussia of his childhood with the newer, industrialized nation emerging from the ashes. A onetime “Patriotic Tax” was implemented in 1848 for vast military reform, the ostensible goal being to protect against the ongoing chaos of the Polish Civil War. In reality, the King’s aims became clearer in 1849.
   Ties with France were established through his marriage to Princess Catherine in 1848, the sister of Louis XIX. Although this was notable on its own, the friendly relationship with Paris gave Frederick some of the diplomatic flexibility he felt necessary. His main goal was now to further expand Prussia, but not through direct military conquest.
   The German League was essentially destroyed in the Great Eastern War. So many of the members had been occupied and forced to flee that the organization suffered from neglect in the later stages of the conflict. In the Treaty of Breslau, the Triple Alliance tried to resurrect the body, this time aiming to use it as a means of containing and weakening the now smaller Prussia. Indeed, this seemed to have its desired effect at first, the various other princes, far more cautious then Frederick IV, aligning themselves with the Regency Council and merely seeking to rebuild their damaged territories. Yet, the stipulation preventing them from raising armies of their own proved to be their undoing. In early 1849, Austria still occupied with the war in the Rhineland and the rest of Europe utterly exhausted by fighting, Frederick assembled the members in Berlin. The morning of March 7th, 1849, he launched his coup. All throughout the various principalities, Prussian soldiers poured in and overwhelmed the meager police forces. In a speech to the minor lords in Berlin, the Prussian King announced that the German League was no more. While it had served its purpose for roughly a century, it was time for Prussia and North Germany to move forward. The delegates were told that their homelands were under occupation that very moment and there was no hope of foreign intervention. They were given a choice: swear fealty of Frederick IV or find themselves removed from power and their lands directly absorbed by Prussia. Valuing at least token autonomy, most swore fealty to Frederick. Dubbed the German Coup, Europe reacted with shock to the boldness of the young King’s action. His realm had been chastened a mere five years prior and he was already challenging the conditions? Yet, Frederick was astute in his assessment of the political situation. Neither Scandinavia nor Austria showed any inclination to challenge the new arrangement in northern Germany, each sending token protests.

A Phoenix or an Eagle? (1849-1860)
  The direct annexation of the German League increased both the taxpayer and manpower base of Prussia. Though the wounds from the Great Eastern War still stung, they were not as severe as they had once been. The 1850s however, saw Frederick pull back from further military challenges. Wary of the intrigue in Versailles, he was unsure if he could count on the support of France should he take action in Germany. Furthermore, with the Habsburgs seemingly secure during the Great Re-mediatisation, he thought it unwise to challenge them again until the international situation was more favorable to Prussia. So, he bided his time. Instead, Prussia began to slowly restore its navy to its former glory. Many looked on with shock as the shipyards of Cape Town and Wihelmshaven began to bustle once more. A particular matter of confusion was how Prussia was financing such ambitious projects.
   Prussian foreign policy under Frederick IV involved a shift in priorities. With the Russian Revolution, and the arrival of his cousin, the would-be Czar Ivan in Berlin, relations with the Russian Republic deteriorated. Prussia, meanwhile, remained hostile with Austria and Scandinavia as well. Feelers were sent to the Ottomans, with the hopes of mending ties, though no conclusive decisions were made. At the same time, Berlin continued to look towards Paris and Madrid with friendship. When Queen Charlotte of France seized de facto power over that realm, Frederick was pleased in particular, hopes for future cooperation increasing.
   Instead of causing tension in Europe, Prussia instead poked Brazil in the eye in southern Africa. There were frequent tacit proxy wars between the two powers throughout the region, employing various native allies against each other as well as the other larger power. These allowed the Prussian Army to keep their experience on the ground and test out new military tactics on the field, even if it was against less capable adversaries. By 1860, many looked with worry at the militaristic Prussia under a stern, flag-waving King. The fleet was recovering and the economy in that realm was finally showing signs of life. Would Frederick IV threaten the peace of Europe or had his childhood experiences served as warning enough of charging into a fight? The future of Prussia was unclear.
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« Reply #230 on: October 11, 2020, 05:33:18 PM »

Joseon: Birth of an Asian Empire
Consolidating Gains (1841-1850)
   Korea greatly expanded its influence overseas with the Treaty of Willemstad. In effect, the Dutch East Indies, except for Java, was partitioned between Korea, Japan, and France. A growing presence in the South China Sea ensured that Korean trade flourished in the region. As the European powers, primarily France, began to get more aggressive towards the smaller, Asian kingdoms, Korea found many powers willing to offer favorable terms in return for a blanket offer of protection. Vietnam in particular, wary of the blossoming friendship between France and Siam, sought to cement ties with Seoul, marrying a younger princess to King Heonjong.
   The 1840s would center primarily on attempts to integrate Borneo and the other vassal Duchies created by the Korean victory. There was substantial investment in infrastructure in these regions, fortifications also prepared in case any neighboring power sought to topple the new status quo.
   Sunwon stepped back from the regency officially in 1845, Heonjong taking the reins of power. Yet, she remained a constant advisor at her grandson’s side. Over time, as he came to see the difficulties she had been dealing with for years, he came to forgive her for attempting to maintain her power. The partnership between grandmother and grandson would later be widely celebrated in Korean literature as the prime example of filial piety.
   Korea had endured great reform since the 1830s and many did not recognize the realm. While on the surface much remained the same, traditions functioning as they always had, everywhere there were signs of a new age dawning. The Korean rail networks were substantial, providing ease of transport and helping for foster further economic growth and development. Growing trade with the West, France and Britain in particular, meant an influx of foreign goods. The Seoul Lutheran Synod began to actually have a measurable effect, some metrics showing as much of 10% baptized by 1860. The xenophobia, which had led to anti-Catholic riots almost fifty years ago, abated somewhat. Telegraph lines now crisscrossed the realm and, though some peasants had been superstitious and afraid of them at first, were widely accepted within a couple of years. This is not to say change was universally popular, many traditionalists still objecting to each reform, but with Heonjong and Sunwon of one mind, they found themselves sidelined. The longer they were kept away from having real influence, the more likely it was that they would be unable to turn back the clock.

The Tiger and the Dragon (1850-1860)
   Korea and Japan had cooperated significantly to chasten the Dutch. Yet, with the Sino-Russian War, their interests began to diverge. Many in Seoul were wary of what was perceived as Japanese encirclement of the Korean Peninsula. Japanese warnings to Korea to not attack Russia were also seen as a grave offense. In response, the Japanese disdained further Korean colonization of the South Pacific and a major naval buildup ordered by King Heonjong. Broadly, the picture in East Asia developing was of a Russo-Japanese alliance opposed to a Xing-Joseon pact. Although neither alliance was official, and there was great suspicion between the Xing and Koreans in particular, it was enough to cause tremendous tension.
   In effect, what had been a cordial friendship descended into a bitter rivalry, Korea dubbed the Tiger and Japan the Dragon. Heonjong inaugurated a massive shipbuilding and modernization campaign, seeking to employ improvements of the very primitive metal ships that had been tried in the war with the Netherlands. Japan was not pleased. In 1855 there was a close call when a Korean ship fired on a Japanese fishing vessel, the two governments going to the brink of war. In response, Japan began a massive naval buildup and modernization. With French naval advisors eventually providing input, sent by Queen Charlotte in 1859, results were evident. Both continued to occupy distant Pacific outposts, many expected that in the long run only one East Asian power would be able to govern the region. With France leaning towards Japan, Korea instead cooperated with Scandinavia and Britain, both who also had outposts in East Asia. The collapse of the Kingdom of Mysore to French assault alarmed many in Seoul, who awoke to the fact that France could prove as much of a future enemy as Japan.
  Sunwon died in 1857, content in her impressive achievements. Almost immediately after her passing, Heonjong finally strangled the clan system that had infiltrated the royal court over the past century or so. The Jo and Kim clans, those of his mother and grandmother, were purged from office by the military. Although most were pardoned and allowed to live off of the King’s generosity, they were kept far away from decision-making. Although there was a brief attempt at mutiny and insurrection when a couple of popular officials were caught up in Heonjong’s purges, the King’s determination won out, eliminating any threats to the stability. Sunwon’s anti-corruption efforts were reactivated and the government actively sought to recruit from outside the Palace for future administrators and advisors. The examination systems were reformed and started to included mathematics, natural sciences, and world affairs. There would be no going back to the Korea of the 1830s.

Qajar Persia: Surrounded by Foes
Triumph of the Shah (1841-1848)
   The eventual Qajar victory against the Ottomans came at a heavy cost. Though Mesopotamia, Iraq, and the Caucuses had been secured, the demographic effects of turning the war into a sectarian conflict would have broader implications. Shi’ite Islam was all but eliminated in Arabia and other small communities in the Ottoman Empire found themselves under suspicion, many choosing to convert of emigrate. Thus, Persia found itself somewhat alone in the Near East, none of the other regional powers wanting anything to do with them. The Durrani still despised the Qajars for their attacks. Russia, who was nominally friendly, was too busy with internal issues to provide any real material aid. The Ottomans, obviously, held the Persians with nothing but the contempt, while the Omani, who had once been allied with Tehran, were seen within Persia as traitors. France was largely ambivalent about Persia and so the Qajars found themselves, on somewhat bended knees, coming back to Scandinavia and Austria for trade.
   Still, the magnitude of victory could not be understated. By striking the Ottomans at a vulnerable moment, three centuries of Turkish domination of Mesopotamia had ended. The Armenians and Kurds, both who were granted autonomy under Persian suzerainty, proved capable administrators and helped to keep the Sunni Arabs of northern Iraq in line. The resettlement of Turkish nomads and refugees in the north also helped create a nice buffer in the otherwise sparsely inhabited territory.
   Yet, Mohammad Shah Qajar would not be able to savor his triumph for long. Peace with the Ottomans was formally settled in 1847 and he died just 10 months later, in early 1848. He had seen great change in his lifetime. Born during the weak period of restored Afsharid rule, when Persia had found itself subservient to Turks and other foreigners, Qajar had used the ensuing Afsharid civil war to establish himself instead. The humiliations of the past were avenged and the world was reminded of what a potent force the Iranian people could be.

A New Persia (1848-1860)
   The Shah was succeeded by his son, who became Naser al-Din Shah Qajar. The new Shah turned his focus toward centralization, rationalization, and reform. The early years of his rule involved an active suppression of the tribes and other local leaders. Having seen their potential in igniting civil strife, this centralization of authority would last his entire reign. Although this was unpopular in some quarters, particularly among rural Persians, the backing of the military and civil service proved insurmountable.
   Military and economic reforms were initiated in the early 1850s. Forced conscription and training was adopted first in the capitol and then eventually in most provinces. Young men were taught how to use firearms, fight in combat, and follow military orders. In effect, an informal national guard of sorts was established. Further investment in the military resulted in an upgrade of weapons (the previous supply largely having been imported during the late Afsharid period) and the creation of a small Persian fleet. Pushed by some of his admirals to create a grand Persian navy, the Shah was noncommittal, pointing out how terribly the navy had conducted itself against the Ottomans in the Great Eastern War.
   Economically, as in much of the world, rail lines were constructed. A universal tax system was decreed and a bureaucracy set up to collect it. There were attempts to improve crop yields in Mesopotamia as well, but local resistance largely meant that project was a failure.
   Peace with the Ottomans would surprisingly endure through 1860, though not for a lack of tension. The two powers eyed each other warily and the Caucuses, in particular, saw a lot of questionable activity. Persia annoyed Russia when it recognized the independence of Dagestan in 1858, but other than that tried to keep the peace with as many of its neighbors as possible.
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« Reply #231 on: October 12, 2020, 07:53:20 PM »

The Final Memorial of Queen Sunwon

Published at Hanseong (Seoul) in accordance with her will following her death in 1857. Translated by the British Oriental Society, and published by the Oxford University Press, 1859.

Prologue

Grandson,
First let me say that while in the decade since the burdens of the regency were lifted from me, that while there are some things I would have done differently, I can only say they would have been different, not better. I am content knowing that Joseon has had, and will continue to have good governance under a sovereign who recognizes that the Mandate of Heaven is not a mandate to do as you please. Not that monarchs alone are susceptible of that error which laid low the Qing Dynasts. One need only look at the Luciferian Republicans of South America and Poland, to see that. While they claim to be bringing the light of God into the world, they resemble much more Lucifer than Christ, in that they serve their own wills rather than that of Heaven.

Second, as you will no doubt already noticed, for you are not a witless courtier who thinks only of what pleasant repast and entertainment they will be enjoying tonight, I am being my usual acerbic self in this memorial, with only the fact that I am sharing my spiciness more broadly than has been my wont as a departure from my custom. One of the benefits of being dead is that one no longer has to worry about what others may think.

I have heard it said that the relationship between Joseon and Japan is that of a tiger and a dragon. If we have a dragon in the neighborhood, it is to our west, not our east. I see the relationship between us as that of a tiger and a tanuki1, with the possibilities of us being either best of friends or worst of rivals, though I hope we shall be friendly rivals, each seeking to do better than the other, but glad when the other does well.

However, I have not arranged for this to be published merely to repeat all of my counsels to my grandson. He already has those, and I trust in his wisdom to make wise use of them, including when the best thing to do is ignore them. My purpose is to provide counsel, but to the nation as a whole, in the hopes that each of us can enjoy the Mandate of Heaven and bring prosperity and peace to each of our realms, be they a home, a hearth, a farm, a factory, a kingdom, or a kinship.

1 In the original, "tanuki" was written as たぬき using the Japanese hiragana word for the raccoon dog, Nyctereutes procyonoides, with a footnote giving the Korean name for the animal (너구리 neoguri). In Japanese folklore, the tanuki is a mischievous trickster, much like our own Reynard the Fox.
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« Reply #232 on: October 18, 2020, 05:59:59 PM »

An excerpt from:
Economics of the Early Joseon Empire

by Edwin Cannan

London School of Economics Press, London 1910

Chapter 6: Coinage and Currency

The Joseon Empire began coining machine struck coinage in 1837, though only in silver at first, and continued the use of brass cash coinage for small change rather than struck coinage until the late 19th century. What made Joseon coinage distinct was not the manner of its manufacture, but that by accident they ended up with two distinct forms of silver coinage for their core and colonial economies.  The first, the nyang, was based on East Asian weight standards, and was the standard used on the Joseon peninsula and in the Duchy of Outer Manchuria.  The second, the won, was based on the Spanish silver dollar and was originally intended strictly as a trade coinage, but when the Joseon kingdom acquired its colonies in Nusantara, where similar trade coinage was already in use, the won and its octal fractions became the standard coinage.

Unlike some economies, that of the Joseon empire never flirted with bimetalism and remained on the silver standard, never embracing the gold standard, with only a very limited amount of gold coinage minted, as large values were typically transferred via gold or silver ingots, or banknotes of the Bank of Joseon. This meant that the Joseon Empire has suffered both the problems and benefits of being on the silver standard over the past few decades.

The main effect of the dual silver coinage was that despite an intrinsic silver value that should have valued the won as 0.72 nyang, for ease of administration, the won was officially valued at only 0.7 nyang, which gave the core a slight economic advantage over its island colonies.  A differently valued colonial currency is hardly unique to the Joseon Empire, as for example with the French livre and the French Indian roupie.
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