Keys to the White House: 1960

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

Anton had played a key part in making his friend Congressman Gerald O'Conor the Speaker of the House, by securing the votes from his own state of Minnesota. With this help he provided, he had surely strengthened the already close political relationship between himself and O'Conor, which would be even more valuable now that O'Conor was Speaker of the House. Perhaps a position in the House leadership was coming somewhere down the line, although for now his focus was on his work in the Ways and Means Committee.

Anton had also played a key part in the presidential campaign of his close friend Hubert Humphrey. With his campaigning in the neighboring Wisconsin, he helped secure victory for Humphrey by appealing to urban laborers as well as rural farmers. It was a coalition quite alike to the defunct Farmer-Labor Party, which also explains his primary victories in more rural states like North Dakota and Nebraska, as well as the union-heavy state of West Virginia. But not one of the top five contenders had a clear lead as they entered the Democratic Nation Convention, and it looked like it was going to be the most split Convention in decades for the Democrats.

Despite this, Jepsen would put in his best efforts to help Hubert Humphrey get over the finish line. First he would attempt to make Senator Wayne Morse endorse Hubert Humphrey, by pointing out his progressive credentials as Senator, and was just a matter pragmatism considering how far down in delegates Wayne Morse is. He could perhaps promise a position Secretary of the Interior, but since he didn't have the official capacity to do so, he would run the ideas past Humphrey first.

The next visit would itch Jepsen at the back of his mind, as he had always hated the politics of smoke-filled backrooms that have decided the nomination without any popular support. It was Walter Reuther who was next in line. He would again bring up the Senators progressive credentials as Senator, and also that while he couldn't promise anything in an official capacity, he could perhaps have a position as Secretary of Labor, and perhaps even an official plank on repealing Taft-Hartley if Humphrey were to win. This would surely be enough to appeal to the union elements that Reuther represented. He also would run these offers past Humphrey to see if he was on board with what Jepsen had said.

And lastly there was Missouri Senator Stuart Symington. Like with Morse he would present voting for Humphrey as a matter of pragmatism, given that Symington only had the delegates of his home state of Missouri and the sparsely populated mountain and plains states. There was also the matter of Humphrey being one of the only other candidates that did not speak to segregated crowds, and the fact that Humphrey was a firm supporter of civil rights, unlike the tepid support the likes of Kennedy, Johnson and Stevenson have given. Perhaps the Vice-Presidency or some other cabinet position might be in the cards as well, although just like with the other offers, he would bring them by Humphrey afterwards to see if he agreed with what he had said in an unofficial capacity.

Jepsen had gone to all who he thinks have a chance of endorsing Humphrey, so all there was to donow was to wait for the Convention to proceed.

Humphrey for the Democratic Nomination

Lodge for the Republican Nomination

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

Jepsen wasn't surprised at the deadlock after the first ballot given the already split situation before the Convention, but much to Jepsen's chagrin Johnson had emerged the winner of the first rounds of balloting. Senator Symington had left without endorsing anyone after the first ballot, as had UAW Leader Walther Reuther, so it seemed that both were either uninterested or unconvinced in the offers Jepsen had made, and Jepsen couldn't help being just slightly disappointed their non-endorsements. But alas it seemed that Jepsen would have to change his approach to garner more support for Humphrey.

Senator Wayne Morse had gained many delegates seemingly out of nowhere, likely a due to Symington dropping out, as well as a timely endorsement from Senator Frank Church, meanwhile the situation had barely changed for either Humphrey, Kennedy or Stevenson after the first ballot.
"Perhaps it was time to pay Senator Morse a visit yet again with his stronger position? Maybe try to get some more Midwestern delegates on Humphreys side? Maybe make a play to get some Plains state delegates on his side? " All of these thoughts crossed Jepsen's mind one after another.

After a moment of silent contemplation(well silent as Convention standards go), Jepsen had his mind set on doing all of these things. He had to go all in on his efforts if he wanted a chance of seeing Humphrey as the nominee. At least as much time as he could spare away from his House duties and his family.


First up on the agenda was all the Midwestern delegates. Jepsen would make sure to keep support for Humphrey high among the delegates to minimize any potential defections. He would also appeal to former Reuther delegates that were considering supporting other candidates by pointing out the very pro-union record of Hubert Humphrey, as well as trying to bring over any remaining uncommitted delegates.

Lastly he would campaign among the remaining delegations, trying to bring in more support for Humphrey by pointing out his tireless advocacy for workers, farmers and unions, not to mention the shortcomings of the other candidates, calling out Johnson for being a Taft-Hartley supporter and his connections with conservative Dixiecrats, Stevenson and Kennedy for their aristocratic air that would potentially turn off working class Democrats, and and additional point on Stevenson being indecisive and long-winded, which he would tie-in with a point about Humphreys charisma being more ready for the TV-era.


Next on the agenda was Senator Wayne Morse. Jepsen would make the case that Morse and Humphrey needed to unite, if they wanted to prevent the potentiality of the conservative Johnson getting the nomination, or even to keep in competition with a Stevenson nomination. Once more he would speak of Humphreys tireless advocacy for workers, farmers and unions, not to mention his stellar advocacy for Civil Rights, which was much better than the tepid support that the other candidates had shown, even the damned northerner Stevenson didn't support using the armed forces to enforce the Brown decision. It was time for the Democrats to show boldness in fighting for Civil Rights, not back away from it by choosing a ticket like Johnson or Stevenson, and there was only one man with a chance to do so, and that was Humphrey.

Jepsen also once again offered the potentiality of a cabinet appointment if what he had already heard did not satisfy him. Jepsen himself suggested either Labor or Interior, but he also said that Morse could give his own suggestions if he agreed to such a deal.


And now it was time for the Plains states. The first thing was to visit the newly split Iowa and Missouri delegations, as an opening had presented itself with Thomas Kenway's falling out with Kennedy in the first case, as well as Symington dropping out without endorsing anyone in the latter case, not to mention the rest of the plains state that supported Symington.

He would campaign heavily among these delegates to swing them over to Humphrey, pointing out his tireless advocacy for farmers, as well as workers and unions, and touting Humphrey's strong support for the Family Farm Act at every opportunity he could, as well his opposition to Taft-Hartley, which also hurts farmers who attempt to unionize, and Jepsen would also use his own membership in the National Farmers Union as way to court support for Humphrey. It was time for a candidate who would lead a coalition of Farmers, Workers and Unions to victory, and that candidate was Hubert Humphrey.


At first Jepsen thought that his campaigning among the Plains delegates would be his last action before the second ballot, but he had come with another idea that might work in the mean time. Jepsen had played a key part in clinching Kefauver the Vice-Presidential nomination in 1952, as the Minnesota delegation was the key vote in that department. Jepsen had not really seen the need to call in a favour for this until now, but it was time to call the President to cache in what he could for Humphrey.

"Hello Mr. President it's Anton Jepsen calling from the Convention, i trust that you are holding up well?"

"Oh Anton you know that i am doing just fine. You wouldn't call the President just to see if he is doing well, especially not from the Convention."

"Was it really that easy to tell? In any case i am calling you to see if you might be able to help me with something here at the Convention. Perhaps as favour for how i helped you clinch the Vice-Presidential nomination in 52?"

"You don't say? What's your idea then? You know that any endorsement is off the table."

"I had no intention of asking for that, i already knew that would be too much to ask. Anyways so my idea is that you sow some divisions among the Southern delegates, mostly in the border states of Kentucky, West Virginia, Virginia, and of course your homestate of Tennessee. Johnson is in the lead right now, and it would be ideal if you could create some more support for Humphrey if possible, but even just making them uncommitted would preferable to where they are now."

"I see. Is there any other reason i should support Humphrey other than as a favour? It's tall task to get him support even in the border states. Although i might be able to create some uncommitted delegates."

"See it as him being the heir to your legacy of fighting for farmers and the working-class. He has had the same energy and charisma on the campaign trail you used to have, not to mention that he has the same liberal populist bend that you have had a strong reputation for. I rest my case."

"I will think it over Anton, and come back to you when i have an answer."

"Thank you Mr. President, that's all i needed from you."

"In that case i will be off Anton. Goodbye."

"Goodbye."

After the phone call, all Jepsen could do now was wait. He had once more done all he could to try and help Humphrey. It was time to relax as much as he could.


Humphrey for the Democrats

Lodge for the Republicans

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

Well it seems the the appeal Jepsen had made to the Reuther and Morse delegates had worked. Senator Wayne Morse had collapsed completely on the second ballot due to Jepsen peeling off his supporters, and Senator Frank Church even endorsed Humphrey after the second ballot was over.
And alongside some Kennedy defections, this had gotten Hubert Humphrey to 3rd place alongside the faltering Senator Kennedy. But once again to Jepsen's chagrin, Senator Stevenson had now jumped into first place, and Johnson still remained a strong second. "At least we're in striking distance." Jepsen thought to himself.

A draft movement? Jepsen hadn't thought of that possibility occurring, and yet here it was. A mix of disaffected Reuther, Symington and now Morse delegates had come together to draft Associate Justice William O. Douglas, and he had even showed willingness to accept the nomination if it came to him. Jepsen had always been an admirer of the civil libertarian and New Dealer Douglas, and if it were any other time he might have supported the draft movement, but he was committed to his friend Hubert Humphrey now.


With Stevenson now in the lead, it was time for a tour among his Midwestern and Northeastern delegates to try and sway them over to Humphrey. He would hammer hard at Stevenson's tepidness when it comes to civil rights, pointing out his calls for "proceeding gradually" with civil rights after the Brown decision, and for deferring to the South's long-held "traditions", as well as his opposition to using armed forces to enforce the decision of the Supreme Court. Jepsen would also criticize Stevenson on his labor stance, or more lack thereof on labor issues, in contrast to the quite clear pro-labor positions of Hubert Humphrey.


"Drafting Senator Jackson for Vice-President? Is that really the best the Convention can do?" Jepsen thought to himself, before going up on the podium to deliver a speech in the Convention Hall.

"Surely there are much better choices around than a man who would rather keep the Democratic Party united for the sake of the South, rather than split it for the cause of human rights. Senator Jackson is even suggesting that supporting the so-called "divisive" ideas of Hubert Humphrey is breaking party unity, which is tantamount to suggesting that liberal ideas as whole are breaking party unity. So don't you talk to me about preserving party unity. The Southerners are always the first and the fastest to preach about party unity, yet they were the first to bolt when former President Truman took action on civil rights, so don't you talk to me about preserving party unity. The Party of Balance? Surely you must remember that FDR won in 1940 just fine without a Southerner on the ticket, so surely it's possible to win without one on the ticket. And if it's possible to win without a Southerner, it's surely possible to win without the South. "

"Jackson says that the The Democratic Party is the Party for all of America, but how can that be the case when we haven't proved civil rights for the all the citizens in our country? He stands for nothing more than a state's right to preserve a system of oppression on this issue of civil rights, and yet he has the gall to call Humphrey divisive and not himself. I will stand on the side of human rights, while he will stand on the side of state's rights."

"At least this might bring some second thoughts about nominating Jackson as the Vice President" Jepsen thought to himself as he left the stage.


With what seems to have been a misunderstanding on his delegates part in voting for Johnson, Thomas Kenway had now removed himself completely from the process and declared himself an observer. Jepsen couldn't blame him, as he himself disliked backroom politics heavily, but if he had to do something he disliked to get the nomination for his friend and someone he believed in, he would do it.

With Kenway now just an observer, Jepsen would attempt to bring as much as the Iowa delegation as possible. He would cite Humphrey's strong support for the Family Farm Act, as well his strong advocacy for workers and unions. Not to mention the fact that Humphrey is closer to Kenway ideologically than Johnson is.


Jepsen sighed again as his friend Speaker Gerry left from their meeting about Humphrey. How in the hell was he supposed to talk to Humphrey about this? He had worked so hard to get him this far, only to be asked to have him drop out at this high point. Humphrey would likely not be a Happy Warrior no matter how he approached it, but Jepsen would at least try to talk to him if nothing else, he'd promised Gerry at least that. Although he knew himself that his attempt would be halfhearted at best.

"Hello Hubert" Jepsen said in a more somber manner than usual as he entered the room.

"Hello Anton. Is something the matter? You're not as happy as i usually see when you come in here."

"Well i have just come off a meeting with the Speaker. He wants you to consider dropping out and join the fold for Stevenson. Something about you potentially taking 20 ballots to nominate or something of that sort."

Humphrey's expression turned slightly as he Jepsen finished his sentence.

"He wants me to drop out? Now? Were are at a high point in this campaign, and all our hard work will be for naught if i do so."

"Well i agree with that too. But i am just the messenger for what the Speaker wanted you to consider. If you do however end up agreeing to it you should ask for concessions. Some real action on civil rights, and whatever else you can get."

"Well i don't like the idea of dropping out at this crucial time, but i will at least give what the Speaker has said some consideration. "

"As i said earlier i don't either, but i will be with you no matter which decision you make."

"Is that all Anton?"

"That is all." He said as he left the room.


Humphrey for the Democrats.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

"Indeed it was the immense popularity of Roosevelt that brought him victory over Willkie, there's no denying that, but Jackson also seems to forget that John Nance Garner only became Vice President because Roosevelt needed his delegates to secure a victory in 1932. And that same Vice-President who opposed the New Deal which saved this country from the Great Depression, went against Roosevelt in 1940 and opposed him for renomination. It was Henry Wallace who was nominated in his place as Vice-President, despite the opposition of the conservative elements of the party, so that Roosevelt could have a New Dealer as his right hand man. It was that ticket of the New Deal which won handily despite the objections of the conservatives and Southerners in the party. "

"It was also those self-same conservatives who managed to deny Henry Wallace the Vice-Presidency again in 1944, and instead chose then Senator Henry Truman as his replacement, despite the popularity of Wallace among the rank and file of the party. And all of this because he was slightly further to the left of Roosevelt. It only cost us the 1948 Election to see the consequences of that, as Truman lost the progressives to Henry Wallace, and lost some Southerners to Thurmond. "

"It's not conveniently forgetting, it's forgetting in the heat of the moment to clarify certain things.
If i believed all Southerners to be evil i would surely not have been a strong supporter of Kefauver in 1952, and i wouldn't have accepted Speaker Rayburn's offer to teach me more about the rules of Congress. But the difference with these men is that neither supported the Southern Manifesto, while you were part of those who did. It's those Southerners who signed on the Southern Manifesto i have a problem with, those who now suddenly say that we should disrespect the decision of the Court, while the ancestors of those same Southerns declared that we should respect the court on Dredd v. Scott. Not to mention their implicit support of a state's right to disenfranchise and discriminate against American citizens, which is flagrantly disrespecting the 14th and 15th Amendments. "

"And while i can respect Senator Jackson's positions on certain economical issues, and also respect him as a fellow veteran, it's simply very difficult to reconcile with his position on civil rights. I hope that this has brought the clarification that Senator Jackson sought."

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

At first Jepsen didn't think the the Draft Douglas campaign would amount to much, with it mostly being made up of disaffected delegates of other campaigns, but the third ballot sure proved him wrong on that. Many of the western delegates were swayed with the endorsement of Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland, while many Midwestern delegates also came over with the endorsement UAW President Walter Reuther. The Draft Douglas movement had truly come far from where it started.

It was also the reason why Humphrey failed to make anything but minor gains in the plains states, and it was  also why the situation mostly remained the same in the Midwest. Anton would either have to make a major breakthrough for Humphrey for him to succeed, or he could throw his support behind Douglas, which would be a better alternative than supporting Stevenson like Gerry suggested. Decisions, decisions indeed.


Jepsen had just come off a call with Senator Jackson, one he had not expected to be as cordial as it turned out to be. Talking about doing legislation for things like immigration and infrastructure as well as a few other issues, talking about his civil rights positions where he said he would renounce his support of the Southern Manifesto after 1962, or even earlier if he is chosen as Vice-President.

And the idea of a joint press conference? It was certainly an idea Jepsen had to think about, but it didn't take much time between the call ending and him deciding that would take Jackson up on the offer. Only a few hours later would Jepsen send a letter informing Senator Jackson that he would accept his offer, as well as offering to hash out the details of the press conference together. Fellow veterans and gentlemen that disagreed on certain issues they were indeed. "Cordiality will prevail this day" Jepsen ended off with in his letter.


Jepsen: "I assume that you have heard that Douglas has gained a lot of steam since last time?"

Humphrey: "It's difficult not to notice when he suddenly jumped into 2nd place out of nowhere."

Jepsen: "Indeed. But i have concluded that we would need a major breakthrough to get the nomination, especially with Douglas having the support of McFarland and Reuther. And right now that doesn't seem likely. "

Humphrey: "So what are you suggesting for our course of action for this campaign?"

Jepsen: "My suggestion is that we throw our support behind Douglas. He is a solid New Dealer and a strong progressive, so we have little to lose by supporting him, especially in comparison to supporting Stevenson like Gerald suggested.

Humphrey: "I am definitely much more open to supporting Justice Douglas than i am to supporting Stevenson. And you are right in that Douglas is much closer to our views. Is there something we should request for my potential endorsement? "

Jepsen: "If it isn't already covered by Douglas, i would suggest requesting a commitment to doing something on civil rights, perhaps you as a consideration for Vice-President, and if we can get it in there, a commitment to repealing Taft-Hartley.

Humphrey: "All reasonable ideas for requests. I will keep this in mind and consider throwing my support behind Douglas. "

Jepsen: "It's definitely better than letting Stevenson have the nomination by having us split. I will be fully behind you if you choose to support Douglas"

Humphrey: "That's good to hear Anton. Now was there anything else to talk about?"

Jepsen: "Nope, that was all i had for you."

Humphrey: "In that case i will see you later when i have made my decision. Farewell Jepsen."

Jepsen: "Farewell Hubert."

Well Jepsen had made the decision. He had suggested to Humphrey that he should throw his support behind Douglas considering the current situation at the Convention, and their ideological likeness. All there was to do now was wait.


Douglas for the Democrats if Humphrey decides to throw his support behind him. Humphrey if he doesn't.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

Truth be told, by the time that Jepsen had come to meet with Senator Jackson about the Convention, he had already had his conversation with Humphrey about endorsing William O. Douglas, and it was likely that he would not be receptive to yet another conversation about shifting to Stevenson. But he would make mention of what Jackson had said nonetheless as he had promised that much at least, but Jepsen quite frankly didn't expect much to come of it.

And indeed little did come of it as Humphrey ended up endorsing Justice Douglas before what was to be the final ballot of the Convention, with Stevenson and Johnson was left in the dust as Douglas gained enough steam to win the nomination. Jepsen was glad to see such a trough and trough New Dealer and progressive as the nominee.




Jackson as the Vice-President? Well he is quite the better choice than Johnson, although Jepsen personally preferred either Symington or Gore, and Docking might put a slight dent in the Republican margins in the plains states. Although since Jepsen would be able to converse about Jackson's true views to the delegates he might actually be the best choice, if not his preferred choice.

This was the moment when Jepsen decided to campaign for Jackson as VP.

Jepsen will campaign among the delegates to convince them to get on board with Jackson as the Vice-Presidential nominee, telling them about his true beliefs and the benefits he brings to the ticket. He would start among the former Humphrey delegates first, as they were likely to need to most convincing, although it might be slightly easier due to Jepsen's role in his campaign. From there on out he would campaign in a random order among the delegates.

Ironic that the two men that used to snipe at each other in Congress and at the Convention where now working together. That was all Jepsen could think to himself.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen: On the Campaign Trail 1960

Well there it was. Anton Jepsen had become the campaign manager for William Douglas after Senator Jackson had been nominated as the vice presidential nominee at the DNC. It was not quite the position that Jepsen had imagined himself being in at the beginning of the convention, but given the fact that Jepsen was key in both the nomination of Douglas and Jackson, not to mention his previous experience as a campaign manager in 1948, although that was only on a statewide level.

Regardless that previous experience would come in handy now, despite it's limited nature. It was going to be a close one, and Jepsen was key in either making or breaking the Douglas campaign. It was heavy weight on his shoulders, and he couldn't help but think that he wouldn't do the campaign justice, but Jepsen would do his best regardless. He would do that much at least.


While Jepsen initially had little doubt about sending Jackson to primarily campaign in the South (with a few visits here and there to other states), and for most of the campaign there was nothing to seed doubt as Jackson was always one to play up the issues where he and the Democrats delivered.

And then came that damned photo of him holding hands and waving with that damned Senator Strom Thurmond.

Jepsen had held himself back when he had been on the phone with Jackson. Something about party unity yet again. But with Strom Thurmond? The antithesis of party unity? A man of hateful politics, and a man who had already left the party. That was too much. I mean Jepsen knew of Jackson's true views on civil rights, but the lack of awareness of the optics of such an appearance has in the North was staggering. The Republicans and the papers in the North where gonna have a damned field day with this.
  
Jepsen sighed. While it wasn't the best, it wasn't campaign ending either. Potential ground lost to the Republicans could be won back with enough effort and strategy. And with that Jepsen prepared himself for a strategy meeting.


In the Midwest the focus would on building up a solid campaign infrastructure, which would be backed up a similarly solid campaign fund. Everything in-between speakers and offices would be included, but importantly was on capitalizing on the energized base after the DNC. A focus on driving turnout would be key, not to mention on community outreach for those primarily outside the base.
And that would mean a heavy focus on volunteers in as many Midwest states as possible, as a grassroots approach would make both of those aforementioned strategies easier.  

As for the actual issues emphasized in the Midwest to achieve tihs, Jepsen would heavily focus on the Family Farms Act in the farming communities, making clear that it was the Democrats who came to protect the small farmers from the predations of larger landholders and agricultural business interests represented by the Republicans. Elsewhere he would emphasize the strongly pro-labor Democratic platform, the anti-labor stances taken by Lodge by voting for the Taft-Hartley Act, and making note of Lodge's potential lack of relatability to the working class voters to his blue blood stature. And lastly emphasizing Medicare would be key in securing older voters.

Douglas would be instructed to keep a healthy campaigning schedule here, second only slightly to the Northeast.


A similar strategy would be put to use in the Northeast, with a solid campaign infrastructure with solid funding, that emphasized outreach to potential voters outside of the base, focused on turning out the Democratic base, all trough the use of a large number of volunteers. A more grassroots based strategy. Although anything north of Massachusetts was deemphasized due to the perceived lack competitiveness.

As for the actual issues emphasized in the Northeast, it would be similar to the Midwest though with more of an emphasis on the labor aspects, as well the addition of environmental issues such as the toxic smog in many cities, as well the pollution in the rivers and bays. There would tie-ins with the pro-labor stances as well, by pointing out that the working man only suffered more without environmental action, and to hit home on a lack of a similar commitment from the Republicans.
And last but not least Medicare to secure older voters.


And while Jepsen's hands were tied somewhat on Civil Rights due to his role in the campaign, he could still do his best rebuke the Republicans claims, without making too many grand claims himself (despite how much as he wanted to do otherwise):

Lodge would like to make you believe that only he and his Party could deliver on Civil Rights. But that story is not an entirely accurate one. In fact he conveniently ignores that a decent section of his own party would like nothing more than to keep things as they are, and push forward their own views on other issues. And that is just one part. To think that Lodge could claim that Douglas, the foremost advocate of civil liberties and rights when he was on the court, is in hands of the Southern interests is quite frankly ridiculous. He even won the nomination outright without much support from the South.

As for Jackson, yes he signed the Southern Manifesto, but has he ever acted on that ever since? Has ever shown any support recently? And while that is not a perfect standard to go by, it's certainly better than your assumption that Jackson jumped giddily and gleefully at the opportunity to meet with Strom Thurmond. How can that be so when it's their first meeting? Certainly we would have heard more praise heaved at Thurmond if Jackson is truly the trough and trough segregationist that you claim he is. Most of your argument falls apart if that core assumption falls away. As you say yourselves, Jackson has never been a radical, and this is no different.

Here is where Douglas will keep his main focus in terms of campaigning.


In the Upper South, as well Texas and Oklahoma most of the remaining spending would be used on similar campaign infrastructures used to facilitate the same strategies as in the Midwest and Northeast. Outreach, turnout and volunteers was the name of the game. And in conjunction with Jackson's campaigning in the South, it would once again be the same strategies. Emphasize the Family Farm Act, Medicare, the Democratic pro-labor platform and conversely that anti-labor views of Lodge.


Whatever few resources would remain would be spent mostly in the West, with this also being an experiment ground for trying to make the most of low resources. The grassroots aspect would key here, as the low amount of funding meant low amounts of campaign infrastructure, and reliance on their creativity and hard work. It was simple, there was to focused  on the Family Farm Act across the farming communities in the west, with the only goal in the end being cutting into the Republican margins no matter how little it was.


Well Jepsen had narrowed it down to two cabinet positions that he wanted filled. Attorney General and Secretary of the Interior. He figured that's where the most change could be affected, although definitely more so trough the Attorney General, than the Secretary of the Interior.

As for the choices for each respective position he had narrowed that down to one as well, after many days of deliberation. He had narrowed it down to Governor Herschel C. Loveless of Iowa for Interior. While for Attorney General he had narrowed it down to Governor Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin.

There had been quite a few potential options for either, like Frank Church for Interior, and Franklin Roosevelt Jr. for Attorney General, among others. Although these were ruled out for various reasons.

But this is what Jepsen had settled on.

He sent a letter to Douglas informing him of these recommendations for the cabinet, as he was out campaigning at the moment. Hopefully it would come to something if they won.


Being a campaign manager certainly didn't give many opportunities for personally campaigning. Sure Jepsen had come out to rebuke certain remarks from Lodge, but that was about the most he had done so far. And the little spare time he did get, he decided to spend with his family.

Although he would personally campaign for a bit in Minnesota and the nearby states of Iowa and Wisconsin towards the last week of the campaign, emphasizing the Family Farm Act and the contrasting labor positions of Douglas and Lodge.

As for Douglas, Jepsen recommended that he barnstorm every state from Iowa to Massachusetts in the last week of the campaign. In which Jepsen would obviously join for part of the way, as he had developed a decent rapport with Douglas, and would be campaigning in Iowa and Wisconsin anyway.

Naturally on Election Day, Jepsen would vote straight Democratic up and down the ticket. He was cautiously optimistic about their chances.

1 point for 4 years in the House of Representatives for Anton Jepsen (MN-5) 1960-1964

Just posting this here just in case.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

Well it was always going to be a difficult task for the Democrats to win a third term in row, but it was still somewhat of a disappointment to Jepsen that the progressive Douglas campaign ended up coming short. It was closer than anybody expected in the beginning however, with strong debate performances by both Douglas and Jackson buoying the Democrats chances of winning. At least we managed to give the Republicans a run for their money.

But now there was just the future to look towards. Hopefully we will be able to provide a good show in 1964 as well.


At the same time Jepsen was convincingly reelected in his district. It was a small thing, but at least there would something to celebrate when he would come home to Minnesota. But even that was muted a bit when he had heard that his friend Gerry O'Connor was planning on stepping down from the Speakership already. Not that it wasn't an understandable decision, Jerry wanted to spend more time with his family after all, but already so soon the old guards like McCormack would have a shot at  control of the Speakership again.

The coalition O'Connor created had become leaderless after he announced his decision. Jepsen was faced with a hard decision, as he could either work his way up in the powerful Ways and Means Committee, or try and take charge of this coalition and use it like O'Connor did.

But Jepsen didn't rest too long on his decision. He couldn't let his friend O'Connor's hard work go waste. He would try rallying the O'Connor coalition behind him, and keep the Speakership in it's hands. It would be Old Guard vs New all over again, just like few years ago. He would either win, or go down trying his hardest. The West, Midwest and the New Southerners must be united once again to win against McCormack.

He would do personal visits and appeals to as many members of the House as he could, at least those Jepsen thought possible to convince. As well as send out any supporters to do the same.
It was all he could do.

6 points on booting the Democrats downballot across the country in 1962