Keys to the White House: 1960

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

"Indeed it was the immense popularity of Roosevelt that brought him victory over Willkie, there's no denying that, but Jackson also seems to forget that John Nance Garner only became Vice President because Roosevelt needed his delegates to secure a victory in 1932. And that same Vice-President who opposed the New Deal which saved this country from the Great Depression, went against Roosevelt in 1940 and opposed him for renomination. It was Henry Wallace who was nominated in his place as Vice-President, despite the opposition of the conservative elements of the party, so that Roosevelt could have a New Dealer as his right hand man. It was that ticket of the New Deal which won handily despite the objections of the conservatives and Southerners in the party. "

"It was also those self-same conservatives who managed to deny Henry Wallace the Vice-Presidency again in 1944, and instead chose then Senator Henry Truman as his replacement, despite the popularity of Wallace among the rank and file of the party. And all of this because he was slightly further to the left of Roosevelt. It only cost us the 1948 Election to see the consequences of that, as Truman lost the progressives to Henry Wallace, and lost some Southerners to Thurmond. "

"It's not conveniently forgetting, it's forgetting in the heat of the moment to clarify certain things.
If i believed all Southerners to be evil i would surely not have been a strong supporter of Kefauver in 1952, and i wouldn't have accepted Speaker Rayburn's offer to teach me more about the rules of Congress. But the difference with these men is that neither supported the Southern Manifesto, while you were part of those who did. It's those Southerners who signed on the Southern Manifesto i have a problem with, those who now suddenly say that we should disrespect the decision of the Court, while the ancestors of those same Southerns declared that we should respect the court on Dredd v. Scott. Not to mention their implicit support of a state's right to disenfranchise and discriminate against American citizens, which is flagrantly disrespecting the 14th and 15th Amendments. "

"And while i can respect Senator Jackson's positions on certain economical issues, and also respect him as a fellow veteran, it's simply very difficult to reconcile with his position on civil rights. I hope that this has brought the clarification that Senator Jackson sought."

[Huey Long is a Republican]

Private Call between Senator Jackson and Representative Jepsen, written down by Jackson staffers

Jackson : "Hello, Anton."

Jepsen : "Mark, what the hell do you want?"

Jackson : "Come now, is that a way to speak to someone in a higher chamber than you?"

Jepsen : "Go to hell. I have half a mind to hang up right now."

Jackson : "Well, I need to clear the air between us."

Jepsen : "What do you mean by that?"

Jackson : "You keep insinuating I'm against Brown v Board and Civil Rights, but I think the covert and Public Actions have shown that I am for it without speaking about it publicly."

Jepsen : "Don't go bull****ing me, Mark. You signed the Manifesto!"

Jackson : "And I was being threatened by a Primary Challenge if I didn't. If I was primaried, my ideas for Veterans and Farmers would've been left at the wayside for years to come because the idiots in the Senate care for only one thing, and that's power. I only want to serve my state and nation to the best of its ability."

Jepsen : "I can see your point there. Congress has always been an ineffective hellhole where everything gets bogged down. But that still doesn't excuse the Manifesto!"

Jackson : "I was getting to that. Let me finish. Look at how I've acted when it comes to Civil Rights throughout my career as of right now? My brother, Lou, is secretly very pro Civil Rights and plans to push for massive legislation that'll change a lot of Florida's Civil Rights laws, Collins is a Governor I am great friends with despite his pro-civil rights stance, and I helped make sure that Warren, someone who is for Civil Rights, defeats Holland in the Senate Primary in 1958. I am anything but an ally to men like Thurmond, Stennis, or Eastland."

Jepsen : "Then why all the secrecy? Why don't you stand up for your morals here and now and announce it to the world?"

Jackson : "I'll do that after I win re-election in 1962. By then, I have a feeling the State will be on the side of Civil Rights enough to where I won't face bad backlash for announcing it. If I'm nominated for the Vice Presidency, I'll do it immediately following Election Day if me and the Nominee wins. Otherwise, my 1962 promise stands."

Jepsen : "So, you're doing this to stay in the Senate not to further your career, but because you know you'd be facing a difficult renomination for Senate and you want to continue to help people in the Country?"

Jackson : "Yes, I am. This is why I'm clearing this up for you. My son, Marcus, is planning on joining the Military and I have a feeling if you didn't know this, you would slander him with my name in any future political career he has."

Jepsen : "...I see...Anything else you want to discuss?"

Jackson : "Several things. I don't expect to be nominated for the Vice Presidency at all. Hell, I was shocked at the idea being floated in the news too. However, I don't want to have it, to be honest. I don't feel nearly experienced enough and my wife doesn't enjoy the idea either as it'd only double the stress I'd be going through. But you have to understand, every time you attack me, I have to defend my honor."

Jepsen : "Fine...What do you suggest doing?"

Jackson : "A joint press conference between me and you, calling one another fine gentlemen that share certain disagreements, shake hands, and then walk away. How does that sound?"

Jepsen : "I'll...consider it."

Jackson : "Thanks, Anton. As for legislation ideas, maybe we could do something about infrastructure, immigration..."

[Call goes on for another 15 minutes before ending, The only record of the call ever taking place is sealed in an envelope that'll be in Mrs. Jackson's possession at all times].

[KaiserDave]

Did Anton agree to that message?

[Huey Long is a Republican]

Did Anton agree to that message?

OOC : I'm letting RepresentativeElcaspar decide what to do himself, hence why I leave player character interactions sometimes open ended. I'm not really doing much else besides telling Anton information that is already on this page and has been given to Gerry and Thomas. Apologies if I'm not making sense and if Elcaspar wants it removed, he can ask me privately and I'll delete the post.

[KaiserDave]

Did Anton agree to that message?

OOC : I'm letting RepresentativeElcaspar decide what to do himself, hence why I leave player character interactions sometimes open ended. I'm not really doing much else besides telling Anton information that is already on this page and has been given to Gerry and Thomas. Apologies if I'm not making sense and if Elcaspar wants it removed, he can ask me privately and I'll delete the post.

Sounds good

[Orwell]

The Convention Continues

Deadlock

Hubert Humphrey(+10): 40 = 50
Lyndon Johnson(): 32
John F. Kennedy (): 13
Adlai Stevenson II (+10): 58 + 10 = 68
William O. Douglas: 100

The third ballot was much of the first two, more deadlock and less movement. The Kennedy campaign faced outright collapse, while the Johnson camp faired better, but they were on the down swing as well. The real winner was Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas who had been put forth as a possible nominee for the Vice Presidency in 1944, before instead being passed over for Truman. This time it seemed the cards were more in his favor, many of the western delegates led by Senate Majority Leader Ernest MacFarland and Labor led by UAW President Walter Reuther flocked to his cause and with the endorsement of both of those powerful men Douglass was launched to become one of the leading candidates of the convention.
Douglas who had been the subject of drafting speculation in 1944 for Vice President and in 1952 for President finally acquiesced in 1960 and announced his stance on the issue, while his campaign faces the problem of the lack of his commitment to run he is a strong candidate and immensely popular for his connection to President Roosevelt his experience as Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission and having spent the last 21 years on the United States Supreme Court. Though his age 63 at the time of his inauguration in 1961 does play to some concerns.
In first place, Adlai Stevenson remains he has gained the support of some of the delegations from the upper south and the cracks are beginning to show in the supporters of Senator Johnson, the Kennedy delegates in their full rout have gone over to him in part, but the largest group had gone over to Justice Douglas and Senator Humphrey chaos has begun to run over the convention with the Republicans already having nominated Lodge and Nixon for President and Vice President.

In 2nd place now sits Justice Douglas who while not actively campaigning for the nomination was able to sway the support of Senate Majority Leader Ernest MacFarland and UAW President Walter Reuther much of his strength is in the midwestern and western delegations but with the collapse of Senator Kennedy he stands to gain support from the Liberals in New England, and with the step back from Senator Kenway most of the Iowa delegation flocked to Justice Douglas.

In 3rd place Minnesota Senator Hubert Horatio Humphrey gained the support of many who felt disaffected by Kennedy, Stevenson and Washington as usual types. He continued his slow gain among the plains states, but was unable to form a breakthrough with the ascent of Douglas and the strength of Stevenson his only hope of the nomination seemed if he could find a major breakthrough.

Senator Johnson faced some minor defeats in the border states and a few of the more liberal delegates in some of the southern states attempted to abandon him, while his lieutenants rangled many it seemed that someone was slowly trying to bleed him of his delegates, and he sent one of his fellow Texans to learn who seemed to be sabotaging his campaign.

Congressman Gerald O’Connor(+10): 75 + 10 = 85
Senator Thomas Kenway (+10): 6 + 10 = 16
Governor Will Angler (+5): 65 + 5 = 70
Senator Marcus Jackson II (+20): 88 + 20 = 108
Congressman Anton Jepson (+15): 23 + 15 = 38

Speaker Gerald O’Connor had traded barbs with the little known Governor of Vermont, while the barbs did little damage to either side it was generally considered that the Speaker came out on top, it was really up to him now though. With the convention deadlocked again, his support of Adlai while solid, it didn’t seem Adlai would gain the nomination on the 3rd ballot and this whole situation would continue to drag on in perpetuity with each ballot weakening the party even further.

Senator Thomas Kenway had adopted an isolationist approach, from those who had heard or seen of it the move towards popular representation in partisan primaries was a solid and needed one, but there was also the worry of defending his Senate seat in November if he weren’t to run. Who would be the candidate to succeed Tommy in the Senate if he were to hang it up.

Governor Will Angler had made some headlines trading barbs with the Speaker, but he still remained a lesser known figure than many of his political contemporaries, it did seem likelier and likelier with each passing ballot that Lodge would become President in the next year. The possibility of a Cabinet post began to circle around the rumor mill for the Governor, possibly Agriculture, Interior, or even Labor.

Senator Marcus Jackson II was successful for the most part in slowly pushing some of the more liberal southerners towards Senator Stevenson, but Senator Johnson had sent one of his top men looking into the traitor, though the men Jackson had convinced to support Stevenson have stayed loyal for now the retribution by Johnson could be great.

Congressman Jepson has been doing a wonderful job with Senator Humphrey’s campaign, but now the call for hims to leave the battle grows even louder, with Kennedy vanquished the nomination will almost surely be decided between Justice Douglas and Senator Stevenson with Senator Humphrey possibly being the deciding factor, shall he choose to back one of them it could gain him a powerful friend for a future run in 1964 or 68.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

At first Jepsen didn't think the the Draft Douglas campaign would amount to much, with it mostly being made up of disaffected delegates of other campaigns, but the third ballot sure proved him wrong on that. Many of the western delegates were swayed with the endorsement of Senate Majority Leader Ernest McFarland, while many Midwestern delegates also came over with the endorsement UAW President Walter Reuther. The Draft Douglas movement had truly come far from where it started.

It was also the reason why Humphrey failed to make anything but minor gains in the plains states, and it was  also why the situation mostly remained the same in the Midwest. Anton would either have to make a major breakthrough for Humphrey for him to succeed, or he could throw his support behind Douglas, which would be a better alternative than supporting Stevenson like Gerry suggested. Decisions, decisions indeed.


Jepsen had just come off a call with Senator Jackson, one he had not expected to be as cordial as it turned out to be. Talking about doing legislation for things like immigration and infrastructure as well as a few other issues, talking about his civil rights positions where he said he would renounce his support of the Southern Manifesto after 1962, or even earlier if he is chosen as Vice-President.

And the idea of a joint press conference? It was certainly an idea Jepsen had to think about, but it didn't take much time between the call ending and him deciding that would take Jackson up on the offer. Only a few hours later would Jepsen send a letter informing Senator Jackson that he would accept his offer, as well as offering to hash out the details of the press conference together. Fellow veterans and gentlemen that disagreed on certain issues they were indeed. "Cordiality will prevail this day" Jepsen ended off with in his letter.


Jepsen: "I assume that you have heard that Douglas has gained a lot of steam since last time?"

Humphrey: "It's difficult not to notice when he suddenly jumped into 2nd place out of nowhere."

Jepsen: "Indeed. But i have concluded that we would need a major breakthrough to get the nomination, especially with Douglas having the support of McFarland and Reuther. And right now that doesn't seem likely. "

Humphrey: "So what are you suggesting for our course of action for this campaign?"

Jepsen: "My suggestion is that we throw our support behind Douglas. He is a solid New Dealer and a strong progressive, so we have little to lose by supporting him, especially in comparison to supporting Stevenson like Gerald suggested.

Humphrey: "I am definitely much more open to supporting Justice Douglas than i am to supporting Stevenson. And you are right in that Douglas is much closer to our views. Is there something we should request for my potential endorsement? "

Jepsen: "If it isn't already covered by Douglas, i would suggest requesting a commitment to doing something on civil rights, perhaps you as a consideration for Vice-President, and if we can get it in there, a commitment to repealing Taft-Hartley.

Humphrey: "All reasonable ideas for requests. I will keep this in mind and consider throwing my support behind Douglas. "

Jepsen: "It's definitely better than letting Stevenson have the nomination by having us split. I will be fully behind you if you choose to support Douglas"

Humphrey: "That's good to hear Anton. Now was there anything else to talk about?"

Jepsen: "Nope, that was all i had for you."

Humphrey: "In that case i will see you later when i have made my decision. Farewell Jepsen."

Jepsen: "Farewell Hubert."

Well Jepsen had made the decision. He had suggested to Humphrey that he should throw his support behind Douglas considering the current situation at the Convention, and their ideological likeness. All there was to do now was wait.


Douglas for the Democrats if Humphrey decides to throw his support behind him. Humphrey if he doesn't.

[GoTfan]

Thomas Kenway 1960, Part 6

More phonecalls from Democrats urging him to keep his place in the Senate. At first it had been a handful of Plains congressmen, then came Johnson, Stevenson, and Kennedy, surprisingly enough. Tom ignored all of them. This entire 'Convention' had been a farce from start to finish. Was this what politics was at its heart? Backroom dealing and cynical power plays?

"Are you okay Tommy?" Leah asked when he arrived at their hotel room.

"I think my kind of politics is dead." He replied, slumping dejectedly into a chair. "I mean, is this what it's come to? Smoke-filled backrooms and smacking each other in the press? It's the Spoils System come again." He added. The analogy wasn't 100% accurate but it meant the same.

"You shouldn't let a couple f bad days ruin your career." His wife said. Intellectually, Tommy knew she was right, but he couldn't do much.

"I can set up a legal practice back home. Work as a civil rights lawyer." He thought out loud. The cause of civil rights was close to his heart. Hell, without the black drivers of the Red Ball Express, there was no way he and 101st would've gotten to Bastogne in time.

"It's your decision, love. You know I'll support you no matter what."
Three copies of the letter were made. One was dispatched to Johnson, another to O'Connor, and the final one to Scoop. None of them would be happy about his decision, but his time in politics was at an end. Tom's idealism was gone. His unyielding optimism was gone. He was past caring.

The text of the letter read thusly:

'I have tried since I entered political life to maintain a sense of idealism and optimism for the future of our party and country. This convention has destroyed these ideals for me. I had hoped that we avoid moving under the table, and conduct our business openly.

I see now that I was wrng.

To this end, I will not run for a second term in the US Senate. I believe that Lieutentant-Governor William Nicholls will be able to beat any candidate the Republicans put forward, and will gladly campaign for him.

This was not a decision I made lightly, but it is, I feel, necessary for me and the party.

Thomas Kenway'
He fronted the press mere hours before the fourth ballot. It was the usual gaggle of outlets frm both radio and television. No reason to keep them waiting, he supposed. Best get on with it. He looked down at the prepared speech in his hands before stuffing it into his pocket. He owed people the decency of not working rom rehearsed lines for this.

"Hours ago, I reached a decision made for myself, my family and the party. I began my term as a Senator in 1954. At the time I was an idealist, an eternal optimist. It has been an attitude of mine since i was young. Even through my time in the war, i remained idealistc.

This convention has killed that.

I remain committed to my liberal, progressive beliefs. At the start of my term however, I vwed to myself that if things were sliding back in time, that I would leave politics. This convention, with its backroom polticking and dealmaking, seems more reminiscent of the 1920s than the present.

It is therefore with a heavy heart that I make the following announcement: I will not seek or accept my party's nomination for a second term in the United States Senate. Thank you."

Tommy left the podium, for what seemd like for good. As he left, he could hear many liberals begging him to reconsider, mixed in with the gloating from segregationists.

But that didn't matter anymore.

[KaiserDave]

Will Angler 1960

At least 100 people had gathered into the Burlington Town Square. American flags flew from each corner, and the crowd was scattered with flying Americans flags and posters on high of "Lodge and Nixon." Buttons attached the coats of many proclaimed "Vote Republican: Lodge and Nixon." Manner more had buttons declaring "Re-elect Will!" Many posters in the air had the same image of Will Angler staring forward pipe in hand pronouncing the same slogan. Will stood backstage in a long coat and hat chatting with several other Republican state officials, including Senator Aiken and the State Chair. Will took a long draw from his pipe, as they discussed the coming presidential race. Senator Lodge certainly had an edge over Douglas, but they had to bring it home.

"We cannot go along and lose another election. That will mean that well for only 4 of the last 34 years will we have had a Republican. Calamity, calamity." Aiken shook his head in dismay as he finished his sentence. Will took a long draw from his pipe again and then spoke.

"If we can't win in 60 the party will shattered, and the carcass will be left to the conservatives and Fossites." Everyone nodded in agreement. They were interrupted in their collective agreement by Senator Lodge jumping in and patting Will on the shoulder.

"So tell me why you all wanted me in Vermont?" Henry laughed and shook the hands of everyone there. Indeed a rally in Vermont was fairly pointless, Lodge was going to win Vermont with ease. But Will had been able to get one, to help Republicans down ballot and to hopefully keep his name in the headlines.

"It's time!" said Will. All the Republicans save Lodge strolled onto the stage to cheers and sat in a row behind the podium, which had a large "Lodge and Nixon" sign. Will stepped up to the cheers from the crowd, which yes looked over a hundred.

"Folks, Vermonters, Republicans! I'm happy to speak to you today on many matters, and I'm so excited for the next two years together. I believe that we have chance to secure our prosperity for a generation. Vermonters are wealthier, healthier, yes, but we've gotta secure this for future generations. In the next two years I commit to you that we will grow the budget surplus and we will look to save every penny we can. Back in 1950 you know I was in the state legislature and I went out to look for everything we could to return to taxpayers. I once cut out a 5,000 payment for a new marina near a state legislator's lakeside home! I didn't make many friends in the state house that day, but I believe that I did right by the people of Vermont. By 1962 I promise our surplus will grow, and our people will prosper. But today I have something very special for everyone. We have a very special guest today friends, I'm very proud to introduce a man who's career is defined by leadership, who's committed himself to service, and who cares deeply for the cause of good government and progress! The next President of the United States, Henry Cabot Lodge Junior!"

Lodge stepped onstage to applause as Will shook his hand as the cameras snapped and returned to his seat.

[Continential]

Helen Tobin

The former State Representative's career went downhill and maybe because she got very unlucky or because of her ambition being too high, so she was going to do a last stand before her political career was over, and run for Governor in 1962, after that McCormack defeated me for mayor. She knew that she had a last stand and she would campaign for Democrats in Massachusetts, and if she lost the nomination for Governor and maybe the election, she would switch parties.

[Huey Long is a Republican]

Oh, this was making him boiling mad. He could take whatever Johnson was sending his way, he was a man, he expected to take hits like that, but when he got a call from nervous Elizabeth about how some Texan thugs harassed her and tried to get information out of her, that was when he decided enough was enough. While his press conference with Representative Jepsen had gone smoothly enough, with both men stating that they agreed to disagree, recognized one another as fine gentlemen, and shaking hands at the hand, signifying their feud during the convention had ended. He was actually planning on meeting with Jenson later to discuss how to settle this whole convention fiasco, but right now, he had bigger fish to fry.

"That Godd***n son of a b***h! How dare he threaten my wife to get to me?!" He had told the Speaker, Kenway, and Jepsen all about what had happened and they all agreed to speak out against what Johnson had done. Even worse, the Texan had sent spies to try and dig up dirt on him. Alndquist was able to sniff them out thankfully and obtain everything they had gotten before Lyndon could get his grubby mitts on anything. Jackson was a good man, but no one threatened his wife and got away with it. Later in the day, he gave a loathing speech in which he revealed all the people Johnson had sent to investigate and dig dirt up on him and even speaking about the harassing of Elizabeth. "Is this how the loyal support I have given to Senator Johnson throughout the Convention to be rewarded? My wife is to be threatened by his goons and I am to be spied on?! Is this how Senator Johnson treats those who support him? Well, I say it is time to move away from supporting such a morally bankrupt and corrupt individual, as what he has done I can only imagine is illegal in most respects across the country and if not, that should most definitely change! As of right now, consider my support for Senator Johnson null and void and henceforth, my support shall go to Senator Stevenson! While he and I disagree on some things, it is clear he and I share more things in common than myself and Humphrey ever could and at the same time, I can no longer bring myself to support Johnson any longer for what he has attempted to done. To my fellow Delegates from Florida, Tennessee, and may other Southern States, I ask if you want this morally bankrupt, power hungry man to be your choice for this election or do you want a man who, while you might not agree with on the issues, is certainly the better in terms of character? I implore you to choose right, because I know I will. My vote is for Stevenson!"
"So mind telling me what this meeting is all about?" Jepsen was drinking a glass of bourbon that the Senator had poured for him. The Floridian had contacted him the day before to set up a meeting in regards to the convention and now here they were. Jackson let his own glass go down his gullet before speaking himself.

"The deadlock has been going on for too long. At this point, it's clear a Lodge victory will happen." Jackson stated and Jepsen nodded somberly in agreement. Several ballots and still no Presidential Nominee. While it was likely it wouldn't be 1924 all over again, there was still a growing fear among many that this could lead to something like it. "I think we can just agree to unify behind a Stevenson Ticket, have him lose to Lodge in a landslide this year, then we focus on 1964. You can use that to get Humphrey and I'll offer myself as a Running Mate to him in that year. I won't officially give my support to him though and instead I'll push for someone like Fulbright to run, considering he's a moderate on most issues, it won't make me look like an idiotic segregationist, but I'll try and rally a few upper south moderate delegates to Humphrey. Does that sound like a good plan?" At this point, both men were exhausted as the convention was taking a lot out of the two of them, but Jepsen was still unsure of the idea.

"I have to ask Hubert his thoughts on this and I need time to think on your idea. I'll contact you after I thought about it, alright?" Jackson nodded and with that, Jepsen turned to leave, but the Floridan stopped him and simply said :

"This conversation never happened." And with that, Anton nodded and left the room into the empty hallway, leaving Jackson alone with his thoughts. Everything he had said there was true, but he knew Humphrey was likely going to lose, and lose big, to Lodge in '64. Maybe Jepsen knew too and was going to push Humphrey to run in 1968 instead. However, Jackson himself had sights on that year. It was clear Kenway did too. Simply put, He'd have to go through 8 years of President Lodge so he could challenge the Republican Nominee at the end. One could only hope everything worked as planned.
Jackson publicly switches his support over to Stevenson after releasing everything Johnson had on him; Will begin to actively push for Southern Delegates from most states to support Stevenson over Johnson.

[Orwell]

Democratic VP selection

Does Humphrey back Douglas?: 85
Lyndon Johnson(): 20
Adlai Stevenson II(+5): 9 + 5 = 14
William O. Douglas(+5): 94 + 5 = 99
Douglas acceptance speech: 82

It had happened again. On what would happen to be the final ballot of the Democratic National Convention, Associate Justice William O. Douglas had somehow won the nomination against the assumptions and thoughts of almost every political pundit and observer in the nation this nomination which he had not even begun the convention knowing if he would seek it. Douglas was able to overcome much of the perceived worry of the convention and many delegates came to him on the 3rd ballot, with the endorsement of Former President Truman, Governor of New York Franklin Roosevelt Jr., Senator Hubert Humphrey, and Senator Jack Kennedy led the dam to break and even with Senator Jackson and many of the southern delegates defecting to Stevenson Douglas was able to secure the nomination.

The nomination of Justice Douglas was peaked by a fiery speech in defense of liberalism, environmentalism, and the new deal as he accepted the Democratic nomination. Justice Douglas also announced that he would be allowing the delegates to select the Vice Presidential nominee, the popular choices were Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, Senator Al Gore of Tennessee, Senator Marcus Jackson of Florida, Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, and Governor George Docking of Kansas. Each candidate as their own potential weaknesses and positives, but it is up to the delegates to decide.

[GoTfan]

Thomas Kenway 1960, part 7

Well that was that then. His time in public life was basically over. It didn't seem like too big a loss if he was honest. Away from the backstabbing, he felt like a normal person. Not to mention that he'd be able to actually be a part of Archie's childhood and be a proper husband to Leah. he had missed her a lot when in Washington.

And it's not like he was lacking for job offers.

They'd actually started flowing in almost immediately, some of them sorely tempting, but the one that appealed most was from an old friend of his from law school, Eddie Jackson. The two had often talked about setting up their own law firm, and now they had the chance. He could combine that with being a guest lecturer at the University of Iowa.

There had been phonecalls as well, including more than a few angry ones. There were also ones that were sympathetic. Mainly from his liberal friends; Frank, George, Scoop, Hubert and others. Then there were a coupleof surprising ones; the biggest surprise came from none other than Bobby.

"That took a lot f guts. To say something like that." He said over the phone.

"Last time the two of us talked, you said I'd outlived my usefulness." Tom replied through clenched teeth

"I know, and I apologise for it. Look Tommy, I'm ready to bury the hatchet if you are."

Tomy thught it over. It was no use having enemies in this life, and besides, perhaps he could use this. "I am. It's pointless to be at each other's throats."

"Glad to hear it. Have you thought about what you'll do now?"

"Got in touch with an old friend of mine from law school; thinking about setting up our own firm. Say, how would you feel about getting some practical experience as a lawyer. I know you worked for Senate committees in the 50s but you've never actually been a practicing lawyer."

Silence. Tom thought he'd made the middle Kennedy brother irate again, but then he heard him. "Tell you what, I'll come to Iowa in two weeks and we can talk more."

"No problem. See you then Bobby." Tom said as someone knocked on the door. Archie rushed to answer it as the phone was set down.

"Daddy, man's here to see you." The boy said before scurrying off to find his mother.

"What is it Mark?" Tom replied tiredly.

[Huey Long is a Republican]

The Meeting with Tom couldn't have gone any better than it had. Yes, it had taken longer than expected, but after some time, he had been able to convince the Iowan to run for Governor in 2 years and told him his plans for 1968, stating that he was planning on running for President at that point by then, even if he was or wasn't Douglas' running mate. He had told Tom to tell the Iowan Delegates about his true feelings about segregation and how he abhorred it before telling them to keep it secret, for now, at least.However, now he had to make a phone call to Jepsen about something important. After a few seconds of silence on the phone, a voice was heard on the other end. "Hello?"

"Anton, glad to hear from you." Jackson said happily as he sat his legs on his desk, ready to speak about something important. "That was an unexpected result."

"Indeed it was, Mark. I honestly thought for a minute that we'd have more deadlock." Silence reigned before he started to speak. "What is this phone call about?"

"Well, we now have a liberal at the top of the ticket and someone with enough support that we may have a chance in November, however slim it may be. It may not be Humphrey, but I have no doubt you're still gleeful nonetheless. However, now it is the time to talk about Balance."

"Balance?"

"Balance. You and I both know the voters won't accept a Liberal/Liberal ticket and the Republicans have already caught on to that with their choice of Lodge and Nixon and Johnson is too much of an untrustworthy snake to be anywhere near the Vice Presidency. And Gore, I'd rather die than allow him to come anywhere close to the nomination." It was with this sentence that Anton began to catch on.

"Leaving you and Docking as the only remaining choices." Anton's voice was calm, cold, and yet, both men knew what this would mean.

"I doubt Docking's abilities to help the Ticket in the fall."

"I don't blame you. So do I. That leaves you."

"Exactly. If you're able to, without being caught by Johnson and his cronies, speak to as many Delegates as possible from across the country, tell them my actual beliefs, and try and convince them to support me for the Vice Presidency. Do you think you could do that?"

"I'll consider it. Good talking to you, Mark."

"Right back at you, Anton." And now, with that call done, Jackson made a move to do his speech at the National Convention.

"...And so, I am greatly honored to see Justice Douglas become our Party's Nominee for the fall. Indeed, he may not have been my first or second choice, but he was most definitely my third choice in the case that Senator Stevenson's support had fallen through. Justice Douglas has served admirably since his appointment to the court by President Roosevelt in 1939, making sure the New Deal and the many ideas and Policies of Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, and Kefauver were passed. Thus, it is clear my support falls behind him completely and utterly.

However, when it comes to his potential running mate, I begin to feel a bad taste in my mouth. Realizing that he has ruined any chances of getting the Presidential Nomination, Johnson has decided to put his efforts to running for the Vice Presidency. Have we forgotten what he did to try and force me to support him during the balloting even though I was? How do we not know that he will not simply abuse the office of the Vice Presidency upon entering the office and search for stuff on his political enemies to ruin them? Simply put, I do not believe Johnson to be a trustworthy enough man to be the Vice President and I highly encourage each of you to not support him as well. Then we have Senator Stuart Symington, who, while I respect as a fellow Southerner, I disagree with ideologically. Already, there is a liberal on our party's presidential ticket, Justice Douglas, and I believe it is time we balance out our party's ticket as the Republican ticket has done. How will many voters feel when they look to us and see a dual Liberal Ticket and then look to see a Moderate and Conservative ticket opposing us, bringing ideological balance to the White House and their administration should Lodge win? What will the South do upon the news of that Symington has been selected? Like it or not, the South is a critical part of our party's victory, and always has been, this was proven in 1948. Like it or not, the South is a part of our party that must be listened to and respected, like it or not, both the Northern and Southern wings of the party must come together, united, for all to see and appreciate! I believe our vice Presidential nominee needs experience, enough that will make sure they know how to handle the future should President Douglas require their assistance. They'll need to know how to handle things should the President be unable to, they should be experienced in both foreign and domestic issues and have more than four years of experience so we can know they are ready should the task fall into their lap should the worst come to pass! And today, we must decide to choose our nominee not after 2 or 3 ballots, but one and one ballot alone, or this convention will never end! It is time to end the division this convention of our party and bring it together, bring Unity for Victory!"

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen at the Convention

Truth be told, by the time that Jepsen had come to meet with Senator Jackson about the Convention, he had already had his conversation with Humphrey about endorsing William O. Douglas, and it was likely that he would not be receptive to yet another conversation about shifting to Stevenson. But he would make mention of what Jackson had said nonetheless as he had promised that much at least, but Jepsen quite frankly didn't expect much to come of it.

And indeed little did come of it as Humphrey ended up endorsing Justice Douglas before what was to be the final ballot of the Convention, with Stevenson and Johnson was left in the dust as Douglas gained enough steam to win the nomination. Jepsen was glad to see such a trough and trough New Dealer and progressive as the nominee.




Jackson as the Vice-President? Well he is quite the better choice than Johnson, although Jepsen personally preferred either Symington or Gore, and Docking might put a slight dent in the Republican margins in the plains states. Although since Jepsen would be able to converse about Jackson's true views to the delegates he might actually be the best choice, if not his preferred choice.

This was the moment when Jepsen decided to campaign for Jackson as VP.

Jepsen will campaign among the delegates to convince them to get on board with Jackson as the Vice-Presidential nominee, telling them about his true beliefs and the benefits he brings to the ticket. He would start among the former Humphrey delegates first, as they were likely to need to most convincing, although it might be slightly easier due to Jepsen's role in his campaign. From there on out he would campaign in a random order among the delegates.

Ironic that the two men that used to snipe at each other in Congress and at the Convention where now working together. That was all Jepsen could think to himself.

[Orwell]

Bumping this to show any potential new players how it would, this will be the main gameplay thread for the 1960 election and the 1962 midterms. Any further questions please ask in the signup thread or pm me. Thanks

[Orwell]

Race for the Whitehouse 1960!

Lodge/Nixon 60! A stronger Nation!

The Republican convention was mostly without fan fair in 1960. The GOP prepared to sally forth with their best chance to win the White House since 1948. They nominated Former Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. of Massachusetts along with Senator Richard M. Nixon of California, a ticket of apt experience, ideological, and geographic balance. The GOP also hopes to lessen the Democratic hold on the Senate with the current composition of 57-41 with “Independent Democrats” James Eastland and Strom Thurmond of Mississippi and South Carolina joining the Democratic Caucus to bring the total 61-39.
    As the convention season ended the Republican ticket left their Boston convention with a renewed vigor for the fall campaign, Senator Lodge focused his efforts on his home region of New England and the Mid Atlantic where he saw in roads to be made in the key swing states of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, all states that could tip the balance of the election in his favor. This was coupled with Senator Nixon campaigning in the industrial heartland of the nation, with the region having favored the Democrats in 1952, and 56. The post convention polls show a Republican lead in the key swing states of Iowa, Illinois, and Michigan, but these leads were so narrow many election watchers consider the states tossups. In Wisconsin, Ohio, and Virginia the ticket holds wider leads of 4, 3, 4 respectively. In Virginia the GOP also looks to defend Senator Theodore Roosevelt Dalton who looks to become the first multi term Republican Senator in the states history.
   The Republican platform is similar to that of the platform in 1952, where the party wishes to continue the New Deal programs mostly as they currently are, but with limited curbing of the most excessive parts of the Democratic agenda. There is also a plan for a large expansion of defense spending, a program that was not underfunded by the Eisenhower and Kefauver administrations, but with an ardent Internationalist in Senator Lodge the ticket wishes to see the nation take a more active role in world affairs and points to the failed coup in Iran and the worsening relations with the Middle Eastern state as an example of the perils of the Democratic administration. Senator Nixon has taken to the attack on Justice Douglas for politicizing the Court and failing to protect the integrity of the court by entering into the political arena, but with Justice Douglas resigning from the court as he accepted the nomination this attack has been rendered quite mute. The campaign has seen it fit to appoint Vermont Governor Will Angler as the Chairman of the campaign and put him in charge of planning the campaign activities for the 1960 campaign.
 

 

Douglas/Jackson 1960! A Brighter Future for a Beautiful Nation.

It had happened, after the chaos of the beginning of the convention and the failure to find a suitable candidate, they had reached to the Supreme Court and nominated Associate Justice William O. Douglas for the Presidency along with Florida Senator Marcus Jackson II for the Vice Presidency. While this ticket was reached through political meandering and had angered the Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson. The personal relationship between Senator Jackson and Leader Johnson was now strained at best, and this led to the worry of some party leaders on the chance of the GOP carrying Texas. This worry was reinforced by a slate of polls following the convention showing the Douglas Jackson ticket only leading by 2 points in the Lone Star State even after Senator Johnson offered a hearty endorsement of the ticket on the final day of the convention.
   The ticket has focused primarily on restoring order to the Democratic base, with adequate balance from both Jackson and Douglas representing different wings of the party both geographically and ideologically there is no question of experience on this ticket with great support from the South, as Jackson initiated a tour of the Democratic south to secure the region a photo of Jackson locked in hands with South Carolina Senator Strom Thurmond raised in a show of unity did rouse some criticism from some of the more liberal members of the party. Douglas focused on securing the key swing states of New York and Pennsylvania, both states showing Democratic leads with the ticket leading by 4 in the Empire State, but a mere 1 in the Keystone State.
   The Democratic platform was a liberal one, with a strong focus on the rights of labor and environmentalism, these served to reinvigorate the base of the party as they head into a close election for the 1960 cycle. The ticket cannot be argued against as not being severe against the Communist menace as Jackson has served as a hardened red hunter among the Senate. Having more political experience then Justice Douglas, Senator Jackson has been put in charge of the political planning for the campaign and along with Anton Jepsen of Minnesota the Chairman of the Douglas campaign are key in planning the strategy to elect the Justice in November.

[NewYorkExpress]

Joe Biden
 
Joe Biden may not have been able to vote yet, but that didn't mean he wasn't politically active. Biden began taking part in Civil Rights protests in his home state of Delaware, and also joined the Douglas Campaign as an unpaid intern in Delaware.

Joe was looking forward to his internship, and helping Douglas lock down his home state.

[Huey Long is a Republican]

MARCUS JACKSON II ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL

For the Campaign, Jackson will focus on the Upper South, mostly the states of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Virginia, and Texas, Alaska, and Oklahoma, trying to deliver the combined 81 Combined Electoral Votes to Douglass on election day as with these Electoral Votes, he will win the election even if he loses every other swing state (the margin being 274 Douglass, 264 Lodge). He will focus primarily on his credentials working for the farmers of the nation for the rural areas as well as his past support for veterans to get them on board for the ticket. Despite there being a slim chance of the ticket winning, he will give the campaigning his all. Furthermore, he will make a campaign stop in Miami and then in Tallahassee for Louis while, depending on whether or not Arnold won his primary, he will make a single stop in South Carolina. On Election Day, he will sit patiently and wait for the results to come in.
Jackson : "Anton, It's Marcus."

Jepson : "Mark, hey. You're doing some great campaigning there. I know I made the right decision letting you loose on the South like that."

Jackson : "Thanks, and I'll stick to my promise. If we win this, I'll renounce the Southern Manifesto as the horrid document it is the day after the results are declared. If we lose, I'll renounce it after my 1962 re-election. Maybe in 1963 or 1964. I'm interested in becoming Senate Majority Leader but I need the report of those slime balls in the Deep South to do it."

Jepson : "Any particular reason you held hands with Strom Thurmond?"

Jackson : "Appearances, nothing more, Anton. The party needs to be united behind Douglass right now and I'm the best chance we have for the South not bolting."

Jepson : "I assume that's fair. So, any particular reason you called?"

Jackson : "I was thinking...the party needs for unity for Douglass cabinet if he wins, that means we need both Northerners and Southerners in the cabinet."

Jepson : "What do you suggest?"

Jackson : "Three Southern Senators and Three Northern Senators are in the cabinet. Fulbright for State, LBJ for Defense, Humphrey for Agriculture, and Hill for Health, Education, and Welfare is my current idea. You can come up with the final two Northern Senators for whatever posts, I don't care, see if Humphrey and Douglass likes the idea."

Jepson : "But don't you hate Johnson?"

Jackson : "I do, oh believe, I want nothing more than him to rot for what he put Elizabeth through, but we need him for Texas. If we can't keep Texas, then this whole ticket doesn't stand a snowball's chance in hell of doing much of anything."

Jepson : *Sigh* "Alright then, you do what you think is best for the Ticket in the South, I'll keep on working in the North. Will you discussing this to Johnson."

Jackson : "Yeah, I'll do it personally. I want him and me to put our differences aside for this election, but if we lose, I need you to rally support behind me to challenge him for Senate Majority Leader following the midterms."

Jepson : "Alright, I'll try to get everyone on board with the idea. Anything else?"

Jackson : "Nah, not yet, at least. I'll be talking with Fulbright about being the Token Southerner in 1964 if we lose, try and get him to run until Humphrey has a clear lead in Delegates. Talk to you later."

Senator Jackson would later have a meeting with Senate Majority Leader Johnson where the two would discuss for hours about the plan Jackson had for the Douglass cabinet and that they needed Johnson for Texas and Texas was needed in order to ensure that the Democrats have a chance at winning. He hopes Johnson will agree with the plan and actively use his machine in the state to ensure a decent Douglass victory.

[GoTfan]

Thomas Kenway, 1960: Part 8

It was done and over with. His time in politics was dead. Strangely though, it felt like a weight had been lifted from his shoulders as he began to work with Eddie and Bobby on establishing the law firm. Bobby had actually proven quite receptive to the idea of joining up with them as a partner, and the money he broguth with him didn't hurt either. It had been decided that there'd be two offices; one in Iowa City and one in Boston. The plan was close to his heart; they'd focus their work on civil and labour rights, and worked to develop links with the requisite groups in the industrial and southern states.

His decision not to seek a second term didn't win him any favours with Iowa Democrats, but he hoped he'd done enough work for the party during his time in the Senate to tip the balance in his favour. At leah's urging, he hadn't completely ruled out returning to politics yet. Just as he was prepared to go door-to-door for the Douglas/Jackson campaign, his anger was sparked by a photograph.

It was just after lunch in his Senate office in Washington. He and Bobby were discussing some minor arrangements when he saw Marcus, linked in arms with . . . Strom f**king Thurmond?!

"What the hell is this . . ." He said, quietly, clenching his fist.

"Tommy, don't blow a gasket." Bobby warned.

"Strom f**king Thurmond?!" He shouted, slamming his fist on the desk. "That man is the antithesis of everything this nation stands for. He's the one who wrote the Southern Manisfesto! He is the single biggest obstacle to treating blacks equally!"

"Tommy-"

"Bobby, that man represents the worst parts of our society. He doesn't want to treat blacks as equals because of the colour of their skin." He sighed. "The state's right's stuff's just sanitised malarkey; we both know that."

"Of course we know that, but he's still a Democrat, same as us." Bobby insisted. The two had seemingly let go of their old animosity, but there was still some of it there; Eddie once said a blind man could see that the two still had some hard feelings towards each other.

"And people wonder why I didn't run again." Tommy sighed again. Jackson had offered to support him if he ran for governor in '62, but he couldn't reconcile his own stances with someone who had done that with Strom Thurmond of all people. "Let's just . . . let's just go back to the office arrangements."

"Agreed, I was thinking we should . . ."

His campaigning for the Democratic ticket was still there, but it was markedly reduced in enthusiasm compared to the glory days under Eisenhower. Kenway did what he could to drum up support where he was able, and he put on a decent show, but privately, his heart wasn't in it. As the campaign went on, he found it harder and harder to reconcile his own beliefs on civil rights with that of his party.

In his mind, it was just cowardice. Taking a stand mattered a hell of a lot more than just winning votes. he'd aways clung to the belief that a person did what was right because it was right and did it without fear. He'd done that on D-Day, in Holland, at Bastogne, and he'd tried to do that in the Senate, but . . .

Much of his campaigning efforts was focused on cajoling farm groups to the Democratic side, as well as attempting to do the same for labour groups based close by. He particularly attempted to strike up cordial relations with Walter Reuther, and the two agreed on the need for both law firms and labour unions to partner on civil rights issues.

On election day, he voted straight Democrat. Whatever else he may be, he was a loyal party member.

[KaiserDave]

Will Angler: Campaign Trail 1960

Never before had Governor Angler been placed in such a position of national responsibility. Yes he had been Governor of Vermont, and had past a laundry list of progressive reforms. He had frustrated the Proctor Machine and ushered in progressive Republican dominance in the state of Vermont. But in the eyes of the nation, Vermont was an obscure, small, irrelevant Yankee enclave. Being chair of the first serious Republican presidential campaign since Warren in 48 was something else entirely.

Will had labored for Senator Lodge for two elections, and he had grown close personally and politically with the fellow Yankee Republican veteran. He had been rewarded for his loyal service with a heavy responsibility. If he succeeded in getting Lodge elected, the sky was the limit, if Lodge went down in defeat, Will would never go anywhere. He had to win.

So he put his mind to winning. He did one 14 county tour of Vermont to wrap up his in person re-election campaigning, put his small campaign fund in the hands of his campaign manager, and rented out an apartment in Boston for the rest of the campaign.

Lodge and Angler both acknowledged the same reality. This election would be fought and won in the north, specifically the northeast, where Will and Lodge were on friendly turf. At the campaign headquarters at the exquisite Boston Ritz Carlton, the campaign leaders puffed cigars and discussed strategy. Will, was unaccustomed to such luxury, but he was so engrossed in the strategy in didn't matter. He puffed his pipe as he gave a briefing to the team of Yankee northern Republicans.

"This election will be won in the northeast my friends. New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts. That's where we'll cripple the Dems. In order to do so, we'll make a concerted effort for the Negro vote. The Democrats have made themselves, weak, weak on this issue. Every time they go to lick the boots of those damn Dixiecrats for "party unity" they open themselves to attack here in the North. We're already gonna lose the South, and don't any of you entertain fantasies we won't." The men nodded, all of them being northern Yankees, none of them really amused themselves with southern strategies.
'We're not running a lily white campaign to appeal to a few Klansmen when we gonna run the score up here in the north. We're going to plaster than photo of Jackson and Thurmond in every city we go too, we're gonna air racist Dixiecrat ramblings wherever we go, and we're going to remind everyone why we're the Party of Lincoln and why they're the party of Tillman. When this campaign is through everyone will understand that. And we'll talk about communism, we're gonna talk about vigilance against the Soviet Union a lot folks, we're gonna be the anti Klan, anti communist ticket, and we're gonna win."

True to his word, Angler launched a major offensive against the northeast. Money, speakers, infrastructure, and Lodge himself were heavily deployed. Lodge toured Pennsylvania, with major stops in Pittsburgh and Philadelphia. He toured Detroit, and he toured traditionally Democratic turf in cities across the north, in Cleveland, in Chicago, in Baltimore, and in Newark. Of course the campaign wasn't entirely regionalized, Lodge went out west, to Iowa, Minneapolis, Milwaukee, Denver, and despite the fact that the campaign was effectively giving up on Texas with their civil rights rhetoric, he stopped in Dallas and Houston.

Angler made a few stops in Massachusetts for the Lodge campaign, but he primarily focused on logistics, strategy, and media (he was always on radio and increasingly, television, to talk up Lodge). However he was noted for a speech to a black church in Boston, where Will declared.

"It took a lot of fighting to pass the civil rights bill in Vermont. But it was the right thing to do, it was the moral thing to do, and it was the godly thing to do. And a lot of people hated it, I reckon the Klansmen and the Citizens Councillors down south hate me quite a bit, I reckon they hate Senator Lodge too, and I welcome their hatred! It shows we are right! It shows...we will win!"

As October rolled around, Lodge had a major speech in Harlem to a crowd of predominantly black New Yorkers, including many prominent journalists and figures in that community. Will had a hand in organizing his speech, but there was really only one important contingent. Lodge's commitment to a sweeping civil rights bill. A bill to end discrimination in businesses and in housing on the basis of race and ethnicity. It was a very ambitious proposal, but it was absolutely in tune with northern voters, and could be significant in tipping the black vote.

Will was backstage during the speech, it was too important to miss.

Lodge rolled into the most important section.

"The principle competent of my civil right agenda is a broad, comprehensive, sweeping piece of legislation to prohibit racial discrimination in housing, business, hiring, and transportation. A strongly enforced law to end these shameful practices. That means an end to segregated buses, segregated restaurants, segregated movie theaters, segregated diners, segregated apartments, segregated gymnasiums, all of it, prohibited by law. And we'll enforce it! And if the Democrat governors don't like it, we'll send in the national guard like Ike did in 57. Justice Douglas might promise this too, but he can't deliver. He simply cannot. His party is in hoc to the Citizens Councillors and Klansmen of the most nasty sort. Look no further than his running mate, an avowed segregationist, and signatory of that nefarious southern manifesto. While Jackson is hardly a radical himself, he's all too happy to accompany himself with such snakes as Strom Thurmond, a deeply duplicitous racist. The Democratic Party cannot be trusted on civil rights, but the party of Lincoln can."

The die was cast. The campaign was gambling on a surge in the northern and black vote, at the expense of southern whites. As November approached, the campaign pivoted towards anti communism and the Cold War. With the campaign playing up Lodge's foreign policy credentials and diplomatic skill. As the Election Day approached, Lodge was portrayed as a true statesman, diplomat, and compassionate human being who was simply the perfect man to lead the United States into the 60s, as opposed to the Democratic Party, which was dominated by southern racists.

Senator Nixon spent most of his time campaigning in California and in the west at large, pinning down that region, but he appeared at major campaign stops with Lodge. President Warren was dragged out of retirement for a few stops in California, where he remains immensely popular.

Lodge spent the last week of the campaign in Michigan, Illinois, New York, and Pennsylvania, the four most important targets, and he held his final rally in Massachusetts.

Angler had put in his best. When he went to vote in Vermont, he voted straight Republican, with the exception of a few candidates for local offices who were in the pockets of the Proctors, in which case he voted Democrat.

Will voted in the morning, took a call from his campaign manager in which he was congratulated on another landslide gubernatorial victory, and took a midday car back to Boston, for results were near.


Running for Re-election as Governor

[Mycool]

Sophie Sharpe: 1960

Sophie was running for re-election this year. She didn't get the Presidential ticket she had hoped for, worse still, her state looked to be safe for the GOP in the Presidential election. However, Sophie had a race to win, two to be exact. While the Presidential ticket was uninspiring at best, there was a Senate election that had piqued Sophie's interest.

Maurine Neuberger was running for a full term in the US Senate after being passed over for an appointment following her husband's death. A woman representing Oregon in the Senate? Sophie mused, maybe one day she could run for Senate as well... But first, Neuberger needed to be elected to show that a woman could win. Sophie threw her support behind Neuberger, publically endorsing her, using her labor connections to organize for both elections, and energizing women voters in her district.

Oregon was progressive, she knew. But Neuberger was running against the former Governor, and she could not take any vote for granted. Sophie was confident they could win, Neuberger was popular, committed to running a solid campaign.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen: On the Campaign Trail 1960

Well there it was. Anton Jepsen had become the campaign manager for William Douglas after Senator Jackson had been nominated as the vice presidential nominee at the DNC. It was not quite the position that Jepsen had imagined himself being in at the beginning of the convention, but given the fact that Jepsen was key in both the nomination of Douglas and Jackson, not to mention his previous experience as a campaign manager in 1948, although that was only on a statewide level.

Regardless that previous experience would come in handy now, despite it's limited nature. It was going to be a close one, and Jepsen was key in either making or breaking the Douglas campaign. It was heavy weight on his shoulders, and he couldn't help but think that he wouldn't do the campaign justice, but Jepsen would do his best regardless. He would do that much at least.


While Jepsen initially had little doubt about sending Jackson to primarily campaign in the South (with a few visits here and there to other states), and for most of the campaign there was nothing to seed doubt as Jackson was always one to play up the issues where he and the Democrats delivered.

And then came that damned photo of him holding hands and waving with that damned Senator Strom Thurmond.

Jepsen had held himself back when he had been on the phone with Jackson. Something about party unity yet again. But with Strom Thurmond? The antithesis of party unity? A man of hateful politics, and a man who had already left the party. That was too much. I mean Jepsen knew of Jackson's true views on civil rights, but the lack of awareness of the optics of such an appearance has in the North was staggering. The Republicans and the papers in the North where gonna have a damned field day with this.
  
Jepsen sighed. While it wasn't the best, it wasn't campaign ending either. Potential ground lost to the Republicans could be won back with enough effort and strategy. And with that Jepsen prepared himself for a strategy meeting.


In the Midwest the focus would on building up a solid campaign infrastructure, which would be backed up a similarly solid campaign fund. Everything in-between speakers and offices would be included, but importantly was on capitalizing on the energized base after the DNC. A focus on driving turnout would be key, not to mention on community outreach for those primarily outside the base.
And that would mean a heavy focus on volunteers in as many Midwest states as possible, as a grassroots approach would make both of those aforementioned strategies easier.  

As for the actual issues emphasized in the Midwest to achieve tihs, Jepsen would heavily focus on the Family Farms Act in the farming communities, making clear that it was the Democrats who came to protect the small farmers from the predations of larger landholders and agricultural business interests represented by the Republicans. Elsewhere he would emphasize the strongly pro-labor Democratic platform, the anti-labor stances taken by Lodge by voting for the Taft-Hartley Act, and making note of Lodge's potential lack of relatability to the working class voters to his blue blood stature. And lastly emphasizing Medicare would be key in securing older voters.

Douglas would be instructed to keep a healthy campaigning schedule here, second only slightly to the Northeast.


A similar strategy would be put to use in the Northeast, with a solid campaign infrastructure with solid funding, that emphasized outreach to potential voters outside of the base, focused on turning out the Democratic base, all trough the use of a large number of volunteers. A more grassroots based strategy. Although anything north of Massachusetts was deemphasized due to the perceived lack competitiveness.

As for the actual issues emphasized in the Northeast, it would be similar to the Midwest though with more of an emphasis on the labor aspects, as well the addition of environmental issues such as the toxic smog in many cities, as well the pollution in the rivers and bays. There would tie-ins with the pro-labor stances as well, by pointing out that the working man only suffered more without environmental action, and to hit home on a lack of a similar commitment from the Republicans.
And last but not least Medicare to secure older voters.


And while Jepsen's hands were tied somewhat on Civil Rights due to his role in the campaign, he could still do his best rebuke the Republicans claims, without making too many grand claims himself (despite how much as he wanted to do otherwise):

Lodge would like to make you believe that only he and his Party could deliver on Civil Rights. But that story is not an entirely accurate one. In fact he conveniently ignores that a decent section of his own party would like nothing more than to keep things as they are, and push forward their own views on other issues. And that is just one part. To think that Lodge could claim that Douglas, the foremost advocate of civil liberties and rights when he was on the court, is in hands of the Southern interests is quite frankly ridiculous. He even won the nomination outright without much support from the South.

As for Jackson, yes he signed the Southern Manifesto, but has he ever acted on that ever since? Has ever shown any support recently? And while that is not a perfect standard to go by, it's certainly better than your assumption that Jackson jumped giddily and gleefully at the opportunity to meet with Strom Thurmond. How can that be so when it's their first meeting? Certainly we would have heard more praise heaved at Thurmond if Jackson is truly the trough and trough segregationist that you claim he is. Most of your argument falls apart if that core assumption falls away. As you say yourselves, Jackson has never been a radical, and this is no different.

Here is where Douglas will keep his main focus in terms of campaigning.


In the Upper South, as well Texas and Oklahoma most of the remaining spending would be used on similar campaign infrastructures used to facilitate the same strategies as in the Midwest and Northeast. Outreach, turnout and volunteers was the name of the game. And in conjunction with Jackson's campaigning in the South, it would once again be the same strategies. Emphasize the Family Farm Act, Medicare, the Democratic pro-labor platform and conversely that anti-labor views of Lodge.


Whatever few resources would remain would be spent mostly in the West, with this also being an experiment ground for trying to make the most of low resources. The grassroots aspect would key here, as the low amount of funding meant low amounts of campaign infrastructure, and reliance on their creativity and hard work. It was simple, there was to focused  on the Family Farm Act across the farming communities in the west, with the only goal in the end being cutting into the Republican margins no matter how little it was.


Well Jepsen had narrowed it down to two cabinet positions that he wanted filled. Attorney General and Secretary of the Interior. He figured that's where the most change could be affected, although definitely more so trough the Attorney General, than the Secretary of the Interior.

As for the choices for each respective position he had narrowed that down to one as well, after many days of deliberation. He had narrowed it down to Governor Herschel C. Loveless of Iowa for Interior. While for Attorney General he had narrowed it down to Governor Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin.

There had been quite a few potential options for either, like Frank Church for Interior, and Franklin Roosevelt Jr. for Attorney General, among others. Although these were ruled out for various reasons.

But this is what Jepsen had settled on.

He sent a letter to Douglas informing him of these recommendations for the cabinet, as he was out campaigning at the moment. Hopefully it would come to something if they won.


Being a campaign manager certainly didn't give many opportunities for personally campaigning. Sure Jepsen had come out to rebuke certain remarks from Lodge, but that was about the most he had done so far. And the little spare time he did get, he decided to spend with his family.

Although he would personally campaign for a bit in Minnesota and the nearby states of Iowa and Wisconsin towards the last week of the campaign, emphasizing the Family Farm Act and the contrasting labor positions of Douglas and Lodge.

As for Douglas, Jepsen recommended that he barnstorm every state from Iowa to Massachusetts in the last week of the campaign. In which Jepsen would obviously join for part of the way, as he had developed a decent rapport with Douglas, and would be campaigning in Iowa and Wisconsin anyway.

Naturally on Election Day, Jepsen would vote straight Democratic up and down the ticket. He was cautiously optimistic about their chances.

1 point for 4 years in the House of Representatives for Anton Jepsen (MN-5) 1960-1964

Just posting this here just in case.

[Orwell]

The Race for the White House: 1960

  The Lodge camp felt quite confident going into the dog days of the 1960 election a strong convention and a good look for the campaign. The race between Lodge and Douglas was marked by two vastly different world views, though a common agreement on many issues. Douglas who had been appointed by President Roosevelt in 1940 has served for 2 decades on the Court, and before that was brought into head the Securities and Exchange Commission by Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., a close relationship developed between the two men. The Sr. Kennedy was a key figure in the nomination of Justice Douglas following the fizzling out of the bid for the nomination by his own son John F. Kennedy. The campaign of Justice Douglas is made of many New Dealers and is a call back to the earlier progressivism from the campaign of Roosevelt. He had nearly came upon the Vice Presidency in 1944, but Missourian Harry S. Truman was able to secure the nomination instead.
   Recently, Justice Douglas has been critical of the foreign policy of the United States even going as far to say that the United States should be less involved in the foreign affairs of the world. Douglas has also spent a significant amount of time in the third world, and during this campaign he has pledged to increase funding for aid for these third world nations. His campaign has been a spirited effort with the Justice making nearly a dozen campaign stops a day throughout the nation with a small plane ferrying the Justice and prominent surrogates with him.
   As the campaign continued the candidates sparred on multiple fronts with a debate being held in New York City that would be the first televised debate in the history of the United States. The debate was considered a significant victory for Douglas and it helped bring the polls in this election to even closer heights and it seemed that it would be the closest election in well over a generation. For all the fan fair it did seem to be quite a lax election season with only one major gaffe on the side of Henry Cabot Lodge who promised a “Negro in the cabinet”, it is said that Vermont Governor Will Angler could be heard cringing from the campaigns office in Boston.

[Orwell]

Victory for Lodge!

He had done it! It had not been the margin he had hoped for, or even a fifth of it, but Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. was the President-Elect of the United States. What were the issues in his upcoming term, they were numerous. He had the selection of a Chief of Staff to think about foremost though, it would need to be someone he could trust fully, and someone who would be competent at dealing with situations on their own if need be. Of course there are the normal options of the experience Washington insiders, many considered Lodge himself to be an insider though, so he would think of someone outside of Washington. He had put this man in charge of his campaign from the onset of his nomination, and he had delivered him victory, the best performance for a GOP candidate since President Warren won in 1948. His choice for Chief of Staff was Will Angler the young gun from Vermont, had he not been Governor he would have been without a question the choice, but would the Vermonter sacrifice the Governorship for a tenous role in Washington, a foreign place he had very little experience with, or would he choose to stay home in the Green Mountain state and wait for the retirement of one of the states Senators, before making his jump to Washington. There were questions abound for the incoming Lodge administration, but a major one could be solved right now if Governor Angler were to accept the Presidents request.

    On the other side of the aisle there was Marcus Jackson, he had kept the solid south solid, for Justice Douglas, but it had not been enough. He had even by many's standards out-dueled Senator Nixon in the Vice Presidential debate that reached the radioes of millions of Americans. Still, he had lost, but it truly could not feel like a defeat for the Senator, he had become a known commodity and outside of the difficult to explain Thurmond incident, he was better off for it. His old friend, Thomas Kenway was not pleased with him, but many of Democrats saw the dashing World War 2 hero as the next man up in the Democratic Party, and come 1964 if he could distance himself well enough from the affairs of his Southern view on the racial question he may well see himself as President. The question that truly matters is what will Jackson do if anything to distance himself from the arch segregationists, and will he seek the Presidential nomination in 1964, or will he wait until 1968 where there would be no incumbent President Lodge to challenge.

    Representative Anton Jepson was defeated in spirit, though he had won his race in the House by a convincing margin. The Liberal Lion that was William O. Douglas was defeated, and his close friend and confidant Gerry O'Connor was stepping down as Speaker and from the House as a whole to spend more time with his young family. There was slated to be a new Speaker of the House, and the O'Connor coalition of New Southerners and those from the Industrial Midwest were left leaderless, could he become that leader or would he instead focus on his committee work and allow for John McCormack to take the reins of the chamber as yet another Democrat to lead the party in their large majority, even if it was shrunk for before. He always could find an ally in President Lodge on the issue of Civil Rights, and with his friend Thomas Kenway leaving the Senate in 1962, perhaps this would be his best chance at creating true change on this crucial issue of Civil Rights.

   State Representative Sophie Sharpe had become a true leader among the Oregon Democrats with her help of Maurine Neuberiger in the Senate and her own election by a whopping margin for reelection. She was slated to become the Minority Leader if she wished, but she could always focus on committee work, as it was unlikely any time soon the Democrats would regain control of the Oregon House of Representatives and Sophie would gain the chance to be Speaker, though it could not be denied that the role of Minority Leader did come with it some fascinating possibilities for advancements to others offices within the state.


   Thomas Kenway was done with elected office it seemed, he had his energy and passion sapped from him under the yoke of the 1960 Democratic Convention, it had been a monumentous occasion and it had been for naught, the memory of Ike was soured, and the man who had once parachuted into Normandy under Eisenhower had decided to parachute into political life under Ike once again, but now with Eisenhower gone, he would leave the political arena and return home to raise his family in Iowa, but it could not be without saying he would miss some parts of it. It was one of the great moments of his life when he eulogized General Eisenhower, but he needed to raise his family he told himself, and so he did decide to retire. He was not alone in this disdain for Washington, but he was one of the few men who were able to step away from the siren song of power. What would the future entail for Thomas Kenway?