Southern Democrats ... I still don’t get it (user search)
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  Southern Democrats ... I still don’t get it (search mode)
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Author Topic: Southern Democrats ... I still don’t get it  (Read 4414 times)
Unconditional Surrender Truman
Harry S Truman
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« on: July 27, 2020, 10:58:48 PM »

From my vantage point everything about opposition to slavery and segregation is liberal in nature, from a belief in individual rights, to the equality of man, to opposition to unjustly enforced hierarchies. I just can't see any way in which opposition to these institutions is ideologically conservative, so please explain your position if you will. And no, just because many abolitionists made moral and religious arguments, that doesn't make them conservative. Not to sound too much like Pete Buttigieg, but religion and morality are not exclusive domains of the political right, contrary to what conservative evangelicals would have you think. This is a point I've made a lot with you, but I think it bears repeating. Liberalism as an ideology literally has its roots in radical Protestant theology, and the two often went hand-in-hand well into the 19th century. Finally, I'd like to note that while conservatives did sometimes support an end to segregation, that doesn't make the position itself a conservative one. Henry Cabot Lodge Sr. was a conservative who supported liberal racial policies, not for ideological reasons, but because he sought to enfranchise black Republican voters in the South.
I haven't played much of a role in this thread, but there's so much wrong with this that I couldn't pass it by. The first two sentences essentially state, it is impossible to be a conservative and anti-slavery/anti-racist, or at the very least, it is impossible to oppose slavery or racism for conservative reasons —but this is clearly false, and betrays a massive failure of imagination on your part. A Northern capitalist who opposed slavery for purely economic reasons (and there were many of them) and an anti-amalgamationist who opposed slavery because it forced whites to live in close proximity with blacks surely don't conform to any version of egalitarian liberalism —yet both were important constituencies in the Republican party of the 1850s. For every Frémont or Hamlin, there was a Preston Blair who didn't give a sh*t about black people but saw opposing slavery as in their economic self-interest. It really should not be terribly difficult to see how someone who supports free markets, corporate interests, and "traditional family values" would be anti-slavery.

Both Radicals and liberals flocked to the Republican party in the early years of its existence because it's foundational issue (limiting the spread of slavery) has obvious egalitarian connotations. These elements held a controlling share in the party during the 1856 campaign and remained a powerful contingent until 1876, surviving in some form until the 1960s. Meanwhile, those Republicans who were conservatives (a rapidly-growing majority after 1876) were Northern conservatives —and while certainly not "woke" by any modern standard, were at least friendlier to the idea of political equality for blacks than were Southern conservatives (who were, in fact, Democrats during this period). But this is a cultural distinction rather than an ideological one. As has already been noted, Phil Scott is obviously not conservative in the way Brian Kemp are Greg Abbot are conservatives; but that does not make him a liberal, except perhaps in a relative sense. The realignment of American politics along cultural lines has helped push these New England Yankees into the Democratic fold, but as we saw in Massachusetts this year, not every New England Democrat is on the left of the party.

There's a lot more that could be said (particularly with regard to equating Radicalism with Liberalism, the two being closely related but not identical movements), but it's late and this post is long enough already. Tongue
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Unconditional Surrender Truman
Harry S Truman
Atlas Icon
*****
Posts: 14,142


« Reply #1 on: July 29, 2020, 06:19:01 PM »

^ I don't think the assertion that the slave power in the South was fundamentally right wing in any way necessitates that the Republicans opposing them in the North, and therefore looking to curb slavery's expansion and existence, were therefore in any way left wing (or that the Democrats in the North that apologized for said Southerners weren't left-of-center, themselves).  Which is kind of the broader point.  I think there is plenty of historical evidence from primary sources that suggest the basic dynamic of the Nineteenth Century North was a pro-immigration, more-pro-separation-of-church-and-state and economically left-leaning Democratic Party and a rather xenophobic, moralist and pro-business Republican Party ... then you had the Southern planters, who happened to be in the same party as the Northern Democrats, effectively making division over slavery a "Democrats problem."

And I do appreciate that being "Puritanical" has a more complicated history than a direct line back from modern day Evangelicals screaming about the culture wars, but I think that from what I have read about this period, the Democrats did in fact see these moralist Republicans as fundamentally "right wing" in this sense (which I again maintain is more important than our analysis with modern lens).

A lot of times politics is defined by the opposition in one form or another. Perceptions therefore internally may well have been positive, but externally, there would be more criticism hence why the South would tend to view Puritanical New England in a certain lens. It is no accident that Jefferson, the champion of separation of Church and state is from he South and meanwhile Connecticut is one of the few people taxing people to support a state church. Likewise, the immigrants and thus challengers to this "established" puritan/calvinist political dynamic end up in a political alliance with the South. These same general patterns hold up for a good long while too.

That may have been true for Jefferson and his cohort, but Fitzhugh's criticism of the Puritans is very, very different, and I think is more indicative of the post-Jeffersonian South's view on New England. In this revealing chapter on the Reformation from his notorious book Cannibals All!, Fitzhugh savages the Puritans for believing in "Liberty of the press, liberty of speech, freedom of religion, or rather freedom from religion, and the unlimited right of private judgment." Ironically, Jefferson must have found these Puritan principles to be virtues rather than vices, and if alive would’ve rushed to their defense against Fitzhugh.
Fitzhugh is an interesting character. As you'll know if you've read Cannibals All!, he contends that 19/20 men are unfit to govern themselves and flirts with a race-blind version of slavery in which poor whites would also be enslaved. But to your point with regard to Jefferson: there was, in fact, a theme among some slavery appologists of denouncing Jefferson, or at least disavowing his ideas concerning the equality of all men. Alexander Stephens in his Cornerstone Speech portrays Jefferson as a sort of John the Baptist to John C. Calhoun's Christ, an enlightened teacher who fell short of realizing the "great truth" that slavery is a "positive good." Indiana's John Petit went still further, declaring the famous sentence from the Declaration of Independence to be a "self-evident lie." So there's certainly some merit to the contention that the most extreme defenders of slavery understood themselves to be at odds with the more radical parts of Jefferson's legacy.
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