A Different America: 1956, The Eisenhower Administration

[Cabbage]

Well, there it was. Medicare was as good as passed, so long as the Democrats won this election. Gerry didn't have many worries about that, given Ike was on the top of the ticket, and he'd breezed to the White House in '52. With the advantage of incumbency, it would take an act of the God Gerry remained convinced was a Democrat Himself to put him out in '56. Anton was right; Foss was a product of the Gilded Age (or maybe the Gothic). Hell, even the Republican nominee for Governor of Vermont (read: future Governor-elect of Vermont), a Republican himself, didn't seem too keen on his party's nominee, pretending most of the time that the GOP had nominated literally anyone else. Dan was a lock for House now that his illustrious predecessor was retiring, adding to Gerry's growing group of allies in the lower chamber, too, a cheering thought for his former boss.

"Daddy, what are you thinking about?"

Gerry smiled even wider than he had been, knocked from his reverie by his nine-year-old daughter, Bridget. She was the oldest of his four children, the others being six-year-old Joseph, three-year-old Anna, and one-year-old Daniel. After Daniel, his wife Elaine had sat him down and explained to him that she had no intention of having more kids, which he'd agree to; truth be told, he'd never dreamed he'd have this many.

"Daddy?"

Woolgathering at my age. Gerry snorted back laughter. "Oh, just some things my friends and I have been working on in Washington."

"You mean like Medicare?" Bridget looked up at him with eyes that looked almost alarmingly like his own.

"Yes, sweetheart, like Medicare. Where'd you learn about that?"

"Oh, Mrs. O'Doull was going on about how wonderful it would be for her father, and how her only regret was that it wouldn't get passed until next year."

"In the classroom?" Even in Bridget's heavily Democratic school district, teachers caught spewing their politics at their students could get in a nasty heap of trouble.

"No, Daddy. She was saying it to the other teachers." Gerry's daughter gave him a look that suggested she knew exactly what that knowledge suggested. Now her eyes looked exactly like her father's.

Gerry ruffled her curly auburn hair. "And you, young lady, are a born secret agent."

Bridget laughed. "Oh, Daddy. When I grow up, I want to work in Washington like you."

Gerry grinned backed at her. "Maybe you will, sweetheart." And then, thinking back on her recent display, "Maybe you will."


Gerry campaigned in several close House districts, particularly those of his friends in Congress. He'd never done a whole lot of campaigning outside the Midwest, but his allies in the South, New York, and California helped him to quickly adjust to different regions of the country. Dan, of course, got several joint events with Gerry, as did Anton Jepsen. Both men happily accepted the help, even if the prognosticators generally agreed such avid assistance shouldn't be required. He also campaigned for Ike both in Chicago and downstate, sometimes only having to stoke the crowds into a pre-existing pro-Ike fervor. Medicare was also a universal mention at his campaign stops; the more of the public he could convince it was the way to go (not that a whole heap of them needed a whole heap of convincing), the harder it would be for Republicans to vote against it. With Anton working the recalcitrant Congressmen into supporting the bill, it seemed that Medicare would be a reality. And so Gerry tuned into the results on his new television set, Dan Rostenkowski in the same room as he'd been in '54, and waited to see if the voters across America were as keen on Ike and Medicare as they'd seemed.

[Huey Long is a Republican]

With any potential primary challenge knocked away thanks to his earlier movements and his growing support amongst the farmers and veterans of the nations with his recent congressional acts as well as his push for a Department of Veterans' Affairs, he decided to push more prominently for his second act, the Drought and Flood Victims Relief Act, in the hopes it can get passed through congress and help those suffering through a drought or a flood and need temporary relief. While doing this, he also makes a speech to the members of Congress with a belief that America must reach Space first, before the Soviet Union, stating "Today, America is the greatest power known to mankind! While the Soviets believe to be our equals, we are stronger than them thanks to the fact that in this country, our citizens are free to choose for themselves on what they'll do in their life while in their country, the citizens are forced to work on what the government chooses for them. We do the hard things because we choose to do them, not because we are forced to! However, recent reports have indicated that the Soviet Union is working on sending the first man into Space and onto the Moon within the next decade. While these could be simply rumors, imagine if the Soviets do succeed in this endeavor and beat us as the first nation in space and the first one to land people on the moon? That will truly be something they'll forever hold over our heads as a way of saying their better than us and to that, I say No! Together, as a nation, we must work together to make the impossible and possible and break the bonds of man from this planet and finally reach the stars that our forefathers long ago looked up at and wondered 'what if?'" With this done, he mainly focused on campaigning for the Democratic Nominees in the Kentucky Special Senate Election, West Virginia Special Senate Election, California Senate Election, Colorado Senate Election, Connecticut Senate Election, Illinois Senate Election, Kentucky's other Senate Election, and South Dakota's Senate Election while also moving to protect the New York Senate Seat in the hopes of building a small alliance of freshman senators that can thank him for some part in their victory as he hits the stump for them all over their states while he also he the stump massively for the Eisenhower/Kefauver ticket in Ohio, Virginia, Kentucky, and Wisconsin, giving rallying speeches for the both of them on working class, veterans' and farmer's issues and while he does praise both Lodge and Foss for their service in the War, Eisenhower has proved himself the most capable of all leaders for this nation.

While this happens, Jackson gets questions and requests from moderates in the upper south, member of the deep south in Congress, and several liberals rather reluctantly whether or not he plans to run for President or Vice President in 1960, though he dismisses both ideas, stating that he was happy in the Senate but he wouldn't reject the nomination if he was successfully drafted onto the ticket, though that was his only statement on the matter. What concerned him more, however, was when he looked in the paper and read that his nephews, Korean War Veterans Alexander Jackson and Antonio Jackson, were running for Political Office as Republicans in New York and California respectfully. While he moved to distance himself from his nephews, the sons of his second eldest brother and candidate for State Senate in 1950 Benjamin Jackson, politically, stating that he does not particularly agree with their beliefs, though he does enjoy their company as family and left it at that.

[Orwell]

Eisenhower Campaign (+15) : 55 + 15 = 70
Kefauver Campaign: 29
Foss Campaign: 40
Lodge Campaign: 2
Democratic Turnout: 58
Republican Turnout: 20
House Turnout (D) (+30): 68 + 30 = 98
House Turnout (GOP): 60
Senate Turnout (D)(+30): 61 + 30 = 91
Senate Turnout (GOP): 63
Gubernatorial Turnout (D) (+30): 92 + 30 = 122
Gubernatorial Turnout (GOP): 12
Eisenhower/Kefauver X factor: 64
Foss/Lodge X factor: 32
October Suprise (1-20 Foss/Lodge 80-100 Eisenhower/Kefauver 21-79 None): 10

Party Mandate: After the midterm elections, the incumbent party holds more seats in the U.S. House of Representatives than after the previous midterm elections.
Contest: There is no serious contest for the incumbent party nomination.
Incumbency: The incumbent party candidate is the sitting president.
Third-party: There is no significant third party or independent campaign.
Short-term economy: The economy is not in recession during the election campaign.
Long-term economy: Real per capita economic growth during the term equals or exceeds mean growth during the previous two terms.
Policy change: The incumbent administration effects major changes in national policy.
Social unrest: There is no sustained social unrest during the term.
Scandal: The incumbent administration is untainted by major scandal.
Foreign/military failure: The incumbent administration suffers no major failure in foreign or military affairs.
Foreign/military success: The incumbent administration achieves a major success in foreign or military affairs.
Incumbent charisma: The incumbent party candidate is charismatic or a national hero.
Challenger charisma: The challenging party candidate is not charismatic or a national hero.

The final days of the campaign were spent of damage control by the GOP candidate Foss, stories of impropriety arose from South Dakota, with there being allegations of fraud, but when election day came, The polls following the convention had actually been better than the final tally for Governor Foss, 4 years after President Warren was beaten in a landslide by Ike, Foss fared even worse. Foss only secured the vote of 11 states, 51 Electoral Votes, and 39% of the Popular Vote. Ike carried Indiana for the first time since the Democratic landslide of 1936 20 years earlier. In both houses of Congress, the Democratic majorities were replenished in both houses of Congress, in the Senate, the Democratic majority was 57 seats, 35 Republicans, and 2 Independents. In the House 24, more Democrats were elected to the House bringing the total to 264.

Freshman Senators

Adlai Stevenson II (D-IL)
Richard Richards (D-CA)
John A. Carroll (D-CO)
Frank Church(D-ID)
George P. Mahoney (D-MD)
Jacob Javits (R-NY)
Joseph S. Clark (D-PA)
George McGovern (D-SD)
Wallace Bennett (R-UT)
William C. Marland (D-WV)
R.M. Evans (D-IA)

(Flips are bold)

s

Senator Marcus Jackson II (+15): 3 + 15 = 18
Congressman Gerald O’Connor (+10): 66 + 10 = 76
Congressman Anton Jepson (+10): 90 + 10 = 100
Senator Thomas Kenway (+5): 37 + 5 = 42

In Florida, Senator Jackson secured renomination and reelection with ease as his Republican opponent garnered only 22% of the vote to his 75%. Of the other freshman Senators in seats won from the seats, the Democrats gained from the GOP in the fall, all of them were Pro-Civil Rights and closer to the left in the party, so Jackson was unsuccessful in building his standing among the Freshmen, he was also approached to become a member of the Senate Farming Caucus.

For Senator Thomas Kenway, the election cycle was a victory of the new Democratic Senators 6 were Midwestern or Western, these included  Kenway allies in George McGovern of South Dakota, Frank Church of Idaho, and R.M. Evans of Iowa. With the beginning of the new Congress many Plains, and Mountain West, and Midwestern Democratic Senators, including the aforementioned trio, along with Senators Mansfield, Humphrey, Maier, Mahoney, and Stevenson II, came to Kenway to request that he be the Chairman of the newly formed Senate Senate Farming Caucus. He was also going to be appointed to the Senate Committee on Foreign relations,  with another committee he would sit on being the Committee on Agriculture. while he would have preferred the Armed Services committee it appeared this would be better than nothing.

Gerald O’Connor, Speaker Rayburn wasn’t getting any younger. While it would be impossible for Gerry to challenge Rayburn, the same wouldn’t be true for John McCormack, in private Rayburn had told Congressman O’Connor that he was thinking about retiring following the 1958 midterms, more younger Democrats trickled into alliances with O’Connor, one of these another Texan Olin Teague joined the likes of Congressmen Jack Brooks, Thornberry, and Bolling in O’Connor’s posse, soon to be bolstered again with Rostenkowski’s inauguration in January. Could O’Connor make a challenge for the Speakership or will he shoot for the position of Majority Leader following the retirement of Speaker Rayburn a much more realistic position, but the Speakership still in view.

Anton had done it! Reelection was secured in 1956 by not the measly 500 votes as it had been 2 years before but by 15% of the vote he had gotten 57% of the vote to his Republican opponents 42%, this appeased much of the worries Congressional leaders had and with the beginning of the next Congress he would be a member of the  Education and Labour Committee in the United States House of Representatives

[Huey Long is a Republican]

Following Ike's Presidential Landslide victory, Senator Jackson would continue his work in Congress as a supporter of his administration for many of his ideas while adding some of his own. While he decided to abandon the Drought and Flood Victims' Relief Act for the time being, having a feeling that it won't pass Congress until a new crop replenishes the old one, he announces an idea for a XXIII Amendment to the Constitution, titled "The Popular Nomination Amendment". In the Amendment, instead of having the convention and its delegates decide the Presidential Nominee for a Party, it should be up to the people, stating "My fellow Senators and Representatives, we have changed a lot in this country. We've made sure the popular vote in a state matters for the presidential elections following 1824, we've given women and other minority groups the right to vote, but there still remains one undemocratic system in our government with how we choose our Presidential Candidates. While our introduction of Presidential Primaries since the 1910s was a good idea, we have yet to expand upon it. Despite states having already voted for a candidate in a primary, those delegates usually goes for a different candidate entirely. We can not let the few choose for the many any longer, hence the introduction of this amendment, which will introduce a Primary for every state and each primary will bind delegates to a candidate based on how well they preform. Let the states choose to be winner-take-all, winner-take-most, based on percentage, or proportional themselves however, should this amendment pass, America will enter a new era, one where the citizens choose their Presidential Ticket, not the few in convention halls!" In order to rally support for this amendment, the Senator meets with several moderates and works with them to gain popular support for said idea in both chambers of congress and the Senator even meets with the Vice President to rally support behind the idea due to Kefauver being a populist in theory.

As this happens, the Senator also continues to work on his hope to get an American mission into Space and on the Moon and/or Mars in the near future, consistently stating that while the challenge may be great, the rewards will be plenty. His main goal is to get popular support for the building of the launch site in his home state of Florida so they could have the honor of sending the first human to go beyond the limits of the planet. He also works on an immigration bill titled the "The American Citizens' Act" in which immigration from Latin American, Hispanic, and second/third world countries would be capped at 10-15,000 each every year while immigration from France, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Germany, the Benelux, and Scandanavia would remain uncapped and unrestricted. The law would also enforce the English language in schools for the education of kids while also offering adults well paying jobs they can support their families on. His reason for this bill is stated as : "America is primarily an English culture. We based our constitution off of England's Magna Carta, our Bill of Rights off of theirs, our judicial system after theirs. We take influence from the English and have made it into our own subculture, one that is distinctly American yet still has traces of English identity in it thanks to our government! These immigrants must learn about that identity first in order to fully appreciate what it is like being an American!" With the bill, he hopes to see it passed and watch his support among unions rise due to the well known fact that immigrants depress worker's wages but if they're properly educated and skilled in some capacity, then they'll be saved some stressful work. Knowing getting support for it could be difficult, the Senator met with Gerald O'Connor and offered to try and raise support for Medicaid in the Senate as well as try and help his ascendancy to the Speakership or position of House Majority Leader in return for additional support of either his proposed Amendment or The American Citizens Act'

Finally, his two nephews did succeed on winning their election to the State Senate in New York and California and while he did congratulate them via phone call, he did make them understand that from here onward, they were political enemies due to Party Affiliation, though thankfully both men understood. Knowing full well that the 1960s was on the horizon, Senator Jackson pre-emptively endorsed his brother, the current State Senate Majority Leader Louis Jackson, for Governor in 1960 and pledged to campaign for him as much as possible, being thankful that he didn't have to handle an election year in the Senate while campaigning for his brother. He also pre-emptively endorsed Governor LeRoy Collins for Vice President, citing that he is the best man to bring both wings of the Democratic Party together as its Vice President should the Nominee be a northerner like Kennedy. As for the 1957-1959 and 1959-1960 sessions of Congress, besides working for his proposed XXIII Amendment and his planned bills to be passed, he decided to work for the position of Senate Majority Whip, knowing the influence that position that could give him while he also works to be seated on a Foreign Relations and Veterans Affairs Committee. However, his most shocking move was when he endorsed and actively campaigned against his fellow Senator Spessard Holland in favor of former Governor Fuller Warner who hinted at a Senate Bid in 1954 against Holland but not against Jackson. Collins, the Jackson brothers, and Warren all worked in unison to bring down Holland in the Democratic Primary and Jackson sought some assistance from Moderates in the South as well to get Holland out of the Senate for the time being. While he held his breath and prayed for a Warren victory, he knew to not expect everything to go his way. At the same time, he also campaigned for the Democratic Candidates in California, Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Utah, and Wyoming as well as several Democratic Gubernatorial and House Candidates across the country, mainly targeting New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and California for his campaigning with his goal being to soften the blow to the party in the incoming six year itch and possibly grant a few seats. Once the 1958 midterms was over, all he could was wait for the 1960 Presidential Election.
2 points for Former Florida Governor Fuller Warren to run for Senate against Senator Spessard Holland in the Democratic Primary

[Cabbage]

So here's '56

[Cabbage]

(image is from Wikimedia Commons)

Gerry sat in his office with several of his allies, discussing what Sam had told him.

"We're behind you no matter what, boss." Dan Rostenkowski, despite now being a Congressman in his own right, still kept his old habit from the days when he'd been nothing more than one of Gerry's staffers. The other men in the room nodded their agreement.

Gerry sighed. "If we're going to do this, it'll be nonstop pushing from the day Sam announces his retirement to the Speaker election. And we'll have to keep it careful until November; I have no intention of letting the Republicans climb Ike's six-year itch to the majority." Unlikely though that was (they'd need 46 pickups), Gerry had no intention of giving them even an inkling of a chance at it. The other men nodded; they'd expected no less.

"All right, then. Olin, Jack, Homer, Dick, I want you four to bring as many Southerners as you can into the fold. Remind them how much good Medicare will do for their constituents, and that I have every intention of letting the South's voice be heard as Speaker." All four men grinned at that. While McCormack would most likely have to remain Majority Leader to keep the party together, that statement meant one of them was liable to become Majority Whip.

"Dan and I will handle the Midwest; I've got enough credit behind me downstate to enlist a few of our friends down there, as well. And if Anton comes aboard, that'll take care of Minnesota and Wisconsin." Gerry looked at the map which showed the breakdown of House seats following the latest elections; he'd kept one on his wall since becoming a Deputy Whip. "That leaves...New York and California to make us a lock. New York City won't be hard, especially with how our papers there gushed over Medicare during the election. Now, California..."

"I'll handle that." Jack McFall had been one of the Congressmen Gerry helped elect in '56, and had made clear his parliamentary skills early on; to see him here now was a relief beyond comprehension.

That said, Gerry looked around at each of the men in the room.

"All right, then. Let's do this."


"Mr. Speaker, I would like to propose that, having been passed through committee without amendment, the Affordable Senior Healthcare Act, known also as Medicare, be brought to a vote before the entirety of the chamber."

Speaker Rayburn smiled down at Gerry from his position in the House chamber. He'd heard about Gerry's efforts to go for the Speakership, and seemed to silently approve of them. "Do I hear a second?"

Half a hundred hands leapt into the air. Anton Jepsen was granted the right of official second.

"Very well. We shall now proceed to a floor vote."

Gerry proudly handed his "Aye" vote to the clerk, nodding to Anton as they passed each other. Both men were all smiles, and why not? Victory was effectively assured. And millions of seniors across the nation would wake up tomorrow with their health expenses covered because of it.

Upon returning to his seat, Gerry awaited the final totals to come through. He didn't expect every Democrat to vote for it, but he expected a healthy majority. And, to his delight, he got one.

"By the official count, there are 258 votes in favor, and 172 opposed." (feel free to retcon the margin/change the result to account for rolls)

A great whoop and cheer went up from the more liberal Democrats. After years of drafting the fine details, pushing for its inclusion in the party platform, and now voting, Medicare was now on its way to the Senate, where it would likely face insufficient opposition to bring it down, and then to the President's desk, making it the law of the land.

When he returned to his office, Gerry was surprised to find a letter for him, postmarked from Saskatchewan, of all places. He hurriedly took it back behind his desk and opened it:

Dear Congressman O'Connor,

By the time this reaches you, I hope it shall be the case that Medicare will have made some progress in becoming a part of the American legal code. I, personally, have fought very hard for a similar program in my own homeland, and am delighted to see its expansion to other nations, particularly the foremost in the free world. It is, after all, up to us to ensure that the people are not left with a choice between Bolshevism and Bourbonism.

As such, I happily endorse your plan, and invite you to, should you ever find the time, come up north to visit Regina or Saskatoon some time. I shall be happy to host you should you decide to accept.

Sincerely yours,


(Anton Jepsen received a similar letter)


With his own ambitions and legislative pushes now fully in motion, Gerry was constantly surrounded by reporters. While, mercifully, his plans to claim the Speaker's gavel had not been leaked, they all wanted to know what he would do, now that Medicare was through the House. "Currently, gentlemen, I am endeavoring to ensure that Medicare has a similarly smooth ride through the Senate to the President's desk. Once that is done, we shall see what we shall see," was the best they could get out of him.

As a result, campaigning across the nation for his endangered colleagues came as something of a relief to the Congressman, who was himself running for his fifth term in 1958. He campaigned from California to Massachusetts, while still making sure to hold plenty of events in his home district. He also campaigned for some Senate races, particularly Vance Hartke's bid to hold Indiana, as well as Stephen Young's bid to unseat John Bricker in Ohio.

And so Gerry found himself seated before his television in 1958, hoping his campaigning had helped at least staunch the likely bleeding a midterm election was liable to bring.

[KaiserDave]

Will Angler 1956-58

Governor Angler took his hand off of the Bible and waved to the crowd. There he was, Governor of the Green Mountain state. A state he dearly loved, and only just 11 years ago had returned to from the horrors and trials of world war.  He saw a bright future ahead, for himself but also for the state he loved, prosperity and progress on the horizon. He had bold reforms ready, to make Vermont the greatest state in the nation for the working man and the American family. As he greeted the crowd for his speech, he knew a great era could begin now.

Will spent the first few months of his Governorship pushing in the legislature for a civil-rights law banning discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or national origin in employment, schools, public places, business, or housing. It was a big demand, but was a massive step towards justice. Angler was entirely committed to Civil Rights, and making Vermont a land of equal opportunity. Given Vermont's quite small minority population most white people were not angered in the same way as in the South, so long as new populations weren't introduced to the state. Governor Angler invited Medgar Evers to meet and discuss the fight for civil rights, and gave a speech at the University of Vermont denouncing the Ku Klux Klan.

Governor Angler also held capital-for-a-day event across the state, Bennington, Cambridge, Brattleboro, Warren, Barre, Grand Isle, and Essex all got to be the center of his affairs for a day. Governor Angler also toured the state to provide on the spot guidance to factories, farms, dams, and other developments, and listened to the concerns of constituents. He regularly meet with the congressional delegation when they were in Vermont, and pushed for innovative, progressive policy. One such policy was his proposal for the 1958 budget. The Governor's proposal abolished the state sales tax and replaced it with a state Land Tax. Will had spent some time reading Sun Yat Sen and Henry George, and agreed that a tax on the unimproved value of land was the perfect tax. It was progressive, it didn't cause economic inefficiency, and it made life better for working farmers as opposed to speculators, not to mention how it would slow urbanization. The abolition of the sales tax would increase savings and make purchasing farm equipment cheaper. It was a win win for everyone involved. The Governor would spend the 1956 and 57 legislative session pushing these dramatic changes, and with the Medicare legislation looking likely to pass, he could put it to good use.

In Will's personal life, Josephine became pregnant and gave birth to a healthy daughter whom they named Sophia.

[KaiserDave]

Will Angler 1958

In Vermont the gubernatorial campaign was every two years. Will filed to run for reelection on his platform of tax reform, civil rights, with the slogan of Prosperity and Progress. Will had already been touring the state as Governor, and kept control of the narrative by taking advantage of media. He constantly made pronouncements, spoke to the press, and made sure the public knew every aspect of day to day governance. He gave fireside chats on the benefits of his tax reform agenda, and eschewed mass rallies in favor of just getting his green banners across the Green Mountain state. Re-elect Will Angler: Prosperity and Progress. With a Democratic administration and Vermont being a safe Republican state, a massive victory was assured.

[GoTfan]

Thomas Kenway, 1956-58

He'd done it! A slate of Democratic Senators elected and his appointment as Chairman of the Senate Darming Caucus. Thomas was thriving; he was at the forefront of liberal politics in such a short time. Bearing in mind that he'd seen many stars rise fast only to fall faster, he worked his allies in the Senate, particularly McGovern, Church, Henry Jackson, and his fellow Iowan, F. M. Evans. Of course, he also took the time to cultivate his friendship with John F. Kennedy. Aware that a Republican victory was likely in 1958 and 1960, he queitly urged the Massachusetts Senator to keep his powder dry for 1964. "We're facing the six-year itch in '58 Jack, and a likely shift of power in '60. Wait for '64 and I'll deliver the farmers, the liberals-whoever you need."

Another highlight of the end of 1956 was his chosen successor, Rhode Island Republican John Chaffee, being elected President of Veterans for a Better America in a landslide.

While he developed a good friendship with John, he and Robert Kennedy developed something of a mutual enmity. It was apparent that Kenway bore the younger Kennedy resentment over his time working for McCarthy, and RFK's disdain for liberals was apparent with Kenway as well.

Not that this bothered Tom much. He continued quietly working on his Civil Rights bill, developing areas that he predicted would be argued against by southerners. A bumper two years was capped off with his appointment to the Foreign Relations and Argriculture Committees. He would have preferred Armed Services, but getting Foreign Relations was nothing to scoff at.

Finally, at the start of 1958, he began working on writing the Family Farm Act, designed to protect small farmers from the rise of industrial-scale corporate farms. Working in concert with the rising Congressman Gerry O'Connor, he led the charge for Medicare in the Senate, declaring it past time healthcare coverage was provided to those who needed it.

As the campaign season began, he made stops in Minnesota for Hubert Humphrey, Mike Mansfield in Montana and of course, Kennedy in Massachussetts. Finally, in between his Senate duties, he also raised his son Archie, 6 years old by the time of the midterms.

As 1958 closed, he wasn't even able to stay awake for the results. Instead, he fell asleep soon after arriving home.

Points expediture:

2 for Hubert Humphrey's Senate campaign
2 for Mike Mansfield's Senate campaign
2 for John F. Kennedy's Senate campaign

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

It was no surprise to Jepsen when Eisenhower won in a landslide over Joe Foss, given his late scandal as well as his arch-conservative stances, not to mention to the strong incumbency of President Eisenhower.  Jepsen also had a complete turnaround compared to 1954, winning reelection by a solid 15% margin over his Republican challenger, partly of his own efforts, partly of that of others, and of course partly the landslide itself. It was certainly an election night to celebrate.

As the new Congress convened Jepsen found himself appointed to the Education and Labour Committee, as his large victory had convinced the leadership in Congress to finally appoint him to such a position. It wasn't his first choice, but it was something Jepsen would commit himself to nonetheless, as he could use his position to promote legislation that favored unions, workers and helped improve the education system. He would also work hard in his position to ensure that he might receive the Chairmanship down the line.

As Congressman O'Conor was motioning for vote on the Medicare bill, Jepsen was waiting in anticipation in his chair. Finally there was about to be a step forward in healthcare in this country even if it was just for elderly. As Speaker Rayburn asked for seconding of the bill, Jepsen was one of the first to raise his hands in support, and has he had already gotten the official right of seconding due to helping with the details, he cast the second vote in support of Medicare. It was a jubilant occasion indeed when it was passed and sent to the Senate. Now all there was to do was wait.

Jepsen responded positively to the letter sent by Saskatchewan Premier Tommy Douglas, happily accepting his invitation to come to Regina or Saskatoon when he was available, as well thanking him for his words in the letter. He noted down potential dates to visit in his notebook.


In the new session of Congress, Jepsen would introduce what he called the "Election Holiday Act" which would aim to make every election day a federal holiday. Jepsen stated that "By making every election day in this country a holiday, we make sure that more Americans are able to participate in our democratic process every year without the worry of other commitments in their lives."   Jepsen would also frequently reiterate these words to the House, and would work hard for it's passage.

Jepsen voiced similar support for an Amendment to the Constituion that would increase democratic participation, that being "The Popular Nomination Amendment" by Senator Jackson of Florida. He argued that it is only right that democratic participation should extend to all members of both the parties across the country, and that for too long have power-brokers in the smoke-filled backrooms been able to influence the nomination process in a thoroughly undemocratic way. He would support it in anyway he could in the House, despite his differences with the Senator Jackson.


Jepsen would work hard at reelection in 1958, hoping to avoid a close result like he had in 1954. He would emphasize his role in helping craft and passing the Medicare bill, as well as his position on the
Education and Labour Committee, where he supported legislation that would help the common worker, as well as unions. He hoped that this would be enough to prevent the result from being as close. He would also announce that he would run for re-election in 1960 as well if he won in 1958.

[Orwell]

Eisenhower health (1-5 death): 3
Kefauver health (1-10 death): 26
Corruption: 63
Civil Unrest: 96
Economy 1956-1958: 91
Midterm Republicans: 44
Midterm Democrats: 93
Eisenhower approval rating: 64
Kefauver approval rating: 68
Civil Rights movement: 13
Suez Crisis: 94
Medicare: 83
Veteran’s Affairs:  100
The Americans Citizens Act: 59
Election Holiday Act: 39
Does the US back Israel: 80
USSR Space Program: 83
US Space Program (+10): 67 + 10 = 77

Player Rolls
Governor Will Angler (KaiserDave) (+15): 92 + 15 = 107
Congressman Gerald O’Connor (Cabbage) (+10): 69 + 10 = 70
Congressman Anton Jepson (Elcapsar) (+20): 93 + 20 = 113
Senator Thomas Kenway (GoTFan) (+10): 52 + 10 = 62
Senator Marcus Jackson II (+15): 12 + 15 = 27

The beginning of President Eisenhower’s 2nd term in office was going well, with the passage of the Medicare, and the American Citizens Act without much trouble. The establishment of the Department of Veterans affairs was marked with the appointment of J. Allen Frear Jr. as the first Secretary of Veterans Affairs. There was, little movement on the front of civil rights, as white southerners violently fought back against the attempts African Americans made to seek enfranchisement and equal rights, a young activist named John Lewis was murdered while attempting to register fellow African Americans to vote. A flare of world tension when war erupted between Israel and Egypt over the Suez Cana as the United States backed Israel and Egypt was backed by the USSR, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon.

2nd Arab-Israeli War

Israel (Egyptian front) (+10): 77 + 10 = 87
Egypt(+5): 30 + 5 = 35
Israel (Syrian Front): 71
Syria(-5): 39 - 5 = 34
Israel (Jordanian Front): 50
Jordan: 61

The Israeli surprise attack left Egypt totally unprepared and soon the Israels had seized much of the Sinai peninsula, and by the end of 1967, Israel was fastly approaching the Suez canal. On the Syrian front, the Syrians attempted attack was easily repulsed and thousands were killed on the Syrian side, as Israel established air dominance they seized the Golan Heights. On the Jordanian front, Israel had limited success and was actually pushed back from the West Bank as heavy fighting continued in Jerusalem by the end of 1967.

The economy continued to boom as the campaign season of 1968 began, President Eisenhower hit the campaign trail with haste to protect Democrats across the nation who might be under threat. He began his tour in the upper south where the GOP had seen a resurgence with the Democrats turn towards civil rights, and then he headed north a campaigned in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin… and then everything went wrong… When President Eisenhower had just finished a rally for Representative Anton Jepson (D-MN-5) he returned quickly to his hotel room as he complained of being tired, he would never wake up. President Dwight D. Eisenhower died at 0100 hours approximately on March 7, 1958, he was 66 years old. Vice President Kefauver was in Washington D.C. when he was awoken by the Secret Service and told the President was dead.

With the death of President Eisenhower, the approval rating of the new President Estes Kefauver of Tennessee was soaring near 90%, Kefauver had decided to be more of a caretaker President as he too had poor health, following the death of President Eisenhower, Speaker of the House Sam Rayburn announced he would be retiring in 1958, meaning for the first time in nearly 2 decades the Democrats in the House of Representatives would be choosing a new leader. The two leading candidates were John McCormack of Massachusetts the favorite of many in the Old Guard, and Gerald O’Connor of Illinois the favorite of some in the new south, the midwest delegations, and some western congressmen. It would wait and see how the balloting would be in January.

When election day came only 3 seats were lost by the Democrats in the House while in the Senate the Democratic incumbents in Michigan, Nevada, Utah, and Maryland were defeated for reelection, but with Hawaii and Alaska gaining statehood the Democrats gained all 4 seats up for grabs. Resulting in the same amount of Democratic Senators returning to Washington, just with 4 more Republicans. 57-41-2, with Senator’s Eastland and Thurmond bringing the Democratic majority to 59-41 one short of a majority to invoke cloture.


For the funeral of President Eisenhower, two men were invited to eulogize the President with Senator's Kenway and Marcus Jackson being the men requested for the task by Mammie Eisenhower.

Gerald O'Connor is faced with the task of battling Representative McCormack for the position of Speaker in the new house.

Governor Will Angler was extremely successful in his first term as Governor, even with the pro-Democratic atmosphere of the 1958 midterms he was reelected with over 65% of the vote and much of his agenda was passed with little complaint even from the Democratic members of Congress.

Congressman Anton Jepson won reelection 58-39, his district seemed to be trending to become more and more Democratic and with the help of his friend Hubert Humphrey he was able to secure a position on the House Committee on Ways and Means with another Young Congressman named Daniel Rostenkowski.

[Continential]

Helen Tobin will run for Mayor of Boston in 1959

[Cabbage]

Gerry looked on with grim stoicism as he walked past the catafalque on which lay the 35th President of the United States. Ike had a been a man among men, a giant among them, even. And now he was gone. But, thanks to the Veterans' Act and Medicare, damn well not forgotten. Gerry still prided himself on that latter one, even if he didn't show it today. Today was about the man who'd given his best for his country, and his life for the Democratic Party. Ironic, given how he might have run as a Republican if things had been different.

As he walked out of the room in which the President's body lay in state, he joined a knot of men he knew well. Olin and Dan were there...and so was President Kefauver. He smiled as Gerry joined them; it was a solemn smile, for a solemn day. Gerry nodded back, returning the expression. "Be a lot more fun to call you 'Mr. President' if your first day had been in a couple of years and not last week."

Kefauver laughed. "I don't think I even want to run in '60, Gerry, to be honest. I'm not a young gun like you or Jack Kennedy, or any of the others." He gestured to the two men who would give eulogies for his late predecessor. "And Anton, wherever he is."

"You rang, Mr. President?" Jepsen cracked as he joined the sizable group around the President. Estes snorted back laughter in spite of the day's circumstances. "But, in any case, Gerry, I'd say '60 will be Kennedy or Johnson; that sound about right?"

"It does to me, Mr. President." After that, the conversation drifted to more mundane topics, then to pleasantries, and then the group broke up, Olin and Dan following Gerry into a corner of the room. He turned to Olin.

"How're we looking?"

"Eighty votes and counting, Mr. Speaker." Then, as no one could see his face from that angle, Gerry did grin.


Gerald O'Connor and John McCormack stared across the table at each other. Both men knew what they wanted, and how badly they wanted it. But both men also knew that, for the sake of their party and the sake of the memory of the President that had graced her with such massive majorities in the legislatures, they had to come to terms. Neither man wanted this spilling out onto the House floor, where the Republicans could see and mock it publicly.

"So that's...ninety-six for McCormack, ninety-one for O'Connor, and...seventy-four undecided." LBJ was a Senator, and so had no stake in who won this (even if, as a New South man, he quietly preferred Gerry). "All right, gentlemen, you've both agreed to the rules?" Both men nodded. "Those seventy-four have agreed to be marketed into one camp or the other by both of your posses, and that they'll express their respective decisions at a meeting of the party caucus, scheduled for December 30. Who a majority of the caucus decides, the entirety of the caucus backs. Loser get the Majority Leadership (Carl Albert grumbled about that; he was already openly in McCormack's camp, though, so Gerry didn't much care what he thought; from McCormack's look [which said "shut up" louder than a shout the Republicans could have heard], he didn't either). Are we agreed?" McCormack and O'Connor nodded, and shook hands.


And so the campaign after the campaign began. With a slight numeric disadvantage, Gerry pushed his staunchest allies to great lengths to get him elected Speaker; Albert was going to like him even less if he won, since one of those New Southerners would be his Majority Whip. Fortunately, Albert wouldn't need to know about that until after the caucus had decided who would lead it, and he could always be placated with a cushy committee chairmanship.

Gerry had already compiled a list of what the swing votes wanted (that wouldn't get him put away for corruption before he could claim the Speaker's gavel), and promised them all healthy portions of what they wanted. When they asked about the rest, Gerry explained that he was working within possibility, and that "if McCormack tells you he'll give you more, he's lying, and I can prove it." He had his men ready to explain their reasoning behind why certain things could go and others couldn't, and many of the men they talked to were surprised at how thorough Gerry had been. Some agreed to back him based on that alone.

Gerry himself, meanwhile, was pushing to ensure that Kenway's Family Farm Act, when it did come to a vote, would pass easily. If rural voters could be solidified, particularly north of the Mason-Dixon, the Democrats wouldn't lose their majorities until maybe the turn of the century (a line he used heavily when trying to influence swing district members). Hell, if it was done right, 300 seats could be in their future. They had a chance already with a good presidential nominee (only 39 pickups away heading into 1960), and that might put them over. Gerry cared for the farmers, too, of course, but, in a place as urban as Washington, sometimes people needed reminding what was in it for them.


"Congressman O'Connor!"

"Premier Douglas!"

Gerry smiled for the cameras and for the Premier as he disembarked from his plane with his family. Bridget was twelve now, and was acting like quite the young lady, as a result. Elaine had had trouble not chuckling to herself as her daughter made herself presentable several times in the mirror toward the rear of the plane on the way there. She'd remembered her own tweenage obsession with looking like a proper adult, and so gave her daughter some leeway. Some, but not necessarily a lot, especially in public.

Tommy Douglas, for his part, recognized Bridget's behavior for what it was, no doubt on account of the fact he'd raised his own daughter. "And how old are you, miss? Sixteen, seventeen?" Bridget beamed as she explained she was twelve but "mature for her age." Elaine quietly gagged in Gerry's ear. "Ah, Gerry O'Connor, as I live and breathe! Good to see you!" He slapped Gerry on the back. Yes, there was no doubt the Canadian was as friendly as could be, particularly to those who were in his line of work. "Come along, then! We go back to my place, away from all these lovely people with their flashbulbs which make me delighted I don't have to drive myself anywhere after this!" He directed the last phrase toward the press, some of whom laughed along with him.

The trip to the Premier's mansion wasn't a long one (Regina wasn't a big place), and Gerry and Tommy talked politics for hours on end. For their part, Elaine and Irma Douglas talked shop on things  neither of their husbands would have wanted to talk about, either. The children, meanwhile, spent most of the time tearing through the house (not breaking anything; Gerry'd explained that he'd find a way to tan their little Irish hides if they damaged Mr. Douglas's property). Except for Bridget. One would think that, as a young woman, she'd want to spend time trying to intrude on her mother and Mrs. Douglas's conversation, but no, here she was, talking with Gerry and Tommy. The entirety of her "proper young lady" facade fell away as soon as she heard a single word on politics.

As Gerry and Elaine were packing up to leave, Tommy called him over for a bit. As they walked out into the hall, he smiled and said, "Well, I didn't expect the honor I'd received. Not only am I talking to the (Father of Medicare/Speaker of the House, depending on how that went), but I believe I've had the gift of speaking to someone else."

"And who is that, Tommy?"

"Not to count any women who could run now or in the near future out, but if I'm not mistaken, that young lady-" for here she came, smiling at her father and Tommy, "will be the first female President of the United States."

[GoTfan]

Thomas Kenway, 1958-1960

Tom's joy at the Democrats managing to stem the tide of the six-year itch turned to ashes when he learned of Eisenhower's death. He had come to take Ike for granted, much like he had done for FDR before him. He felt this one much closer to his heart, as he had become a close friend of the man after he had joined VBA.

He gratefully accepted the offer made by the (now former) First Lady Mamie Eisenhower to deliver a eulogy at the President's funeral, struggling to hold back tears as he read through his prepared speech.

"June 6, 1944 was the making of one of the greatest men the world has known. Ike led us from D-Day, through the Bulge and onto victory in Europe. Twice, this country elected him to the higest office in the land with a responsibility to defend democracy, fight communism, and expand the economy, and by God did he do all that and more.

Before our jump into Normandy, I remember he asked me what state I was from. 'Iowa' I replied. 'Good to find someone else from farm country.' He said. From that moment, I knew that this was a man who would make his mark on our history. In many ways, he was a father to all of us who fought in Europe, and he treated us like his sons. He always seemed to know exactly what to do, whether leading an army or leading the nation.

So rest in peace sir. You have our everlasting respect."

He concluded the eulogy with a salute.

The Kennedy homes in Hyannis Port were a far cry from his simple home in Iowa City. Still, Archie enjoyed it; he had made fast friends with Kathleen and Joseph Patrick II. It was ironic because though they were children of Bobby, Tom and Bobby couldn't stand each other.

"I want it to be 1960." Jack said. "I can't wait to '64. By then I'll be irrelevant."

"You won't be." Tom replied. "It lets you get four more years in the Senate for starters."

"And also means I'm up for re-election to the Senate." Jack countered.

"Have Ted run for the Senate that year. Bobby won't take any office unless he wins it on his own." Tom said. "Have him run for Governor in '62. You and I both know he's more suited to being an executive than a legislator."

"Bobby won't like that." Jack replied. Tom sighed; he knew that Bobby wouldn't take suggestions that well. Especially if they came from him.

"We'll work it out." Tom said, ending the conversation. He supposed the reason he couldn't get along with Bobby was because of the latter's prickliness, and his work for McCarthy, despite how unimportant his tirades had turned out to be."1960, 1964, it's your choice. I'd wait myself, but I'll behind you no matter what. Tell me what year and I'll give you the farmers, the liberals, VBA, you name it."

"I appreciate that Tommy."

In March 1959, Kenway proposed the Family Farm Act. The bill's primary function was provide protections for smaller farmers against acquisition by larger, industrial-scale corporate farms, but an equipment subsidy was attached as well, to make it easier for smaller farmers to purchase equipment.

In July, the re-election campaign kicked off with an announcement speech in Iowa City. He once again broke out the tools and began campaigning all over the state to win both the nomination and general. On the quiet, he continued to feel out whether Kennedy would run in 1960 or wait for 1964 and made ready to launch liberals and farmers into his corner.

All the while, he worked House Democrats from the farming states to support Gerry O'Connor's bid for Speaker. Having an ally as Speaker would be invaluable, particulary with his farm bill coming to a vote.

[KaiserDave]

Will Angler 1958-1960

Will Angler watched somberly as General Dwight David Eisenhower lay in state. When he had heard the news he had wept, he had wept for his commander, for a patriot, and for his President. He was a titan of the nation, the great crusader who had slew fascism. It was a great loss for the nation, and the President was indeed martyred in the struggle for a better society. President Kefauver now took the reins, but he too was ailing. Politically this could be seen as a boon for national Republicans but Angler didn't much care.

He was focused on Vermont. He had one an easy reelection, and his legislative agenda was a massive success. The Sales Tax was gone and the Land Value Tax was in, not to mention that Vermont had passed a landmark comprehensive civil rights act. Angler had made national news with his first in the national civil rights law. He appeared in TIME Magazine, in newspapers from New York to Los Angeles. In the south he was that Republican n***** lover, but among progressives he was emerging as a Republican they could trust.

In his second term he committed to accumulating political clout in the state and the entire of New England. He threw his weight behind liberal Republicans in the state to elect them to high party positions. He would be in a good position to direct Vermont's delegates, and perhaps New Hampshire's and Maine's at the coming Republican National Convention. With the passage of Medicare, Angler had another opportunity as well. He dedicated new budget expanding surpluses to the passage of a new healthcare scheme. "Green Mountain Care." The scheme would develop a statewide public insurance company that would offer far reduced premiums and costs compared to their competition. Will looked to revolutionize Vermont into the future.

As the 1960 RNC approached Will was underwhelmed by the field.  He would dedicate most of his time to winning reelection.

[Huey Long is a Republican]

Senator Jackson's Eulogy for President Eisenhower

"Please...if all of you can be seated together...Thank you. I am glad to see each and everyone of you here to honor a great man and the legacy he leaves behind. First of all, I want to thank Mrs. Eisenhower for allowing me and Senator Kenway to give the eulogy for Dwight. She has done an amazing job as a First Lady and frankly, I am honored she offered me this. Second, I want to thank all of you for coming here today. I see some Republicans, Some Democrats, and some Independents in the audience here tonight. That is good.

Back in 1944, then General Eisenhower didn't care if you were black or white, republican or democrat, protestant or catholic. All he cared about about was that you worked together, watched one another's back, and got the job done. That is not to say he was a careless General, for he cared deeply for his men and I even met him one time during the liberation of France and march into Germany where he heard about my efforts and personally thanked me for trying to keep as many men as I could safe. I simply said to him 'I'm only following orders.' and he responded to me with something I'll never forget. He said 'Orders are one thing, yes, but working together and keeping your fellow man safe, that is what truly makes you incredible.' Me...incredible? No, I don't think that. I believe that Mr. Eisenhower was incredible, however. He sat there day in and day out listening and reading to casualty reports and sending home telegrams to those who'll never come home. He brought peace to Western Europe but never once placed himself above his fellow soldier. That is a man we can all strive to be.

I was glad to have served him in the war. I was glad to have served him on the campaign trail, and I was glad to have served him in Congress. May he rest forever now in heaven, for he truly deserves all the rest and relaxation in the world. In the meantime, we must continue to build upon the legacy of the President. He would not want us to be divided amongst ourselves over such stupid and trivial things like race or politics. He would want us to work together for the betterment of all men in this nation and abroad. So let's honor the memory of President Eisenhower and work together, for his sake."

In the years of 1958-1960, Senator Jackson mostly kept to himself, though he did continue to push for his proposed constitutional amendment and pushed for more US Military aid for democratic forces abroad, such as Israel in the Middle East. He'd also meet with President Kefauver and suggest that he do something that has never happened before : take a Vice President as a placeholder until 1961, stating that a vacancy in that position could lead to some inner turmoil in the Senate for various reasons. He suggested either Jack Kennedy of Massachusetts or Thomas Kenway of Iowa for the job. He remained silent on his Republican nephews in New York and California, who were in their respective state's senate, but did preemptively endorse his brother Louis Jackson for the nomination of Governor and LeRoy Collins for the Vice Presidential Nomination at the 1960 Convention, though the latter was only considering a bid and hadn't made any announcements while Louis had announced his intentions on January 25th, 1959. While supporting and co-sponsoring the Family Farm Act with Senator Kenway, he also remained vocal about his support of veterans and developed Vetcare, a system much like medicaid exclusively for Veterans, where each one would be given a permanent $500 to cover medical finances for any trauma that happened to them during their service, with an additional $500 to help pay for the costs of Therapy, with a continual flow of $100 a month, though it can be frozen at any time should the recipient request so. going into 1960, with the 1950s behind him, Senator Jackson looked at the Democratic field and hoped that they could win after some of the events that happened under the Eisenhower Presidency, none of which were his fault.

[Elcaspar]

Anton Jepsen

It was a weird feeling to Jepsen having been one of the last people to interact with President Eisenhower before his death in early hours of March 7th. He really couldn't put it any other way at all when he heard it all the morning after, as the news reached a shocked nation. Anton even shed some tears for the man who was his commander during the 2nd World War, and led the nation to a more stable and strong place than it was before. It was Kefauver that was to lead us now.

The funeral was a somber affair with everyone paying their respects to the now former President Eisenhower, and Jepsen was no different. He even shed a few more tears again when Senator Kenway delivered an eulogy on behalf of the Eisenhower family, and saluted just as Kenway did. Jepsen couldn't deny that Senator Jackson also delivered a good eulogy as well. And as he left the room where Eisenhower's body lay in state, he saw a group of people congregated around President Kefauver in the distance, and just as he approached closer he heard the President remark about where Anton was. Jepsen took the opportunity to lighten the mood with a joke, remarking " You rang, Mr. President?" which certainly got a laugh out of the President. And it was then the President confirmed that he wasn't running, leaving it up to people like Kennedy of Johnson to run. "A shame" Anton thought, he had supported Kefauver from the start but with his health ailing it was probably for the better.


As House Speaker Rayburn announced his retirement in 1958, there was about to be a battle for who to be his successor. It was a battle between Majority Whip O'Connor and and Majority Leader McCormack. Jepsen knew whose side he was on from the start despite having officially remained neutral up until this point, and that was his close political ally Gerald O'Connor. He would strongly support him, and would work to convince some of the undecided Representatives to do the same when it came to a vote. It was the Old Guard against the New, and Jepsen simply couldn't stand the Old Guard represented by McCormack.


Only 2 years of work on the Education and Labor Committee and Jepsen had already been advanced to a position in the powerful Ways and Means Committee, with some help from his friend Hubert Humphrey of course. Jepsen set to work immediately, hoping that his diligence might eventually lead to him becoming Chairman of the Committee down the line. He would also make attempt to make an ally in fellow committee member Dan Rostenowski, as they both already had close relations with Gerald O'Connor, not to mention to value of having more political allies.

Jepsen would also continue to push for his Election Holiday Act as well, working to try and ensure that it might be passed passed before the next Presidential Election in 1960.

Jepsen additionally voiced support for the "Family Farm Act" introduced by Senator Kenway, seeking to shore up support for the Act even before it has passed the Senate.


With President Kefauver being out of the running in 1960 the field has been left open on the Democratic Party's side, with names like Lyndon Johnson and John Kennedy being thrown around in some circles. But Jepsen did not have either of these as his first options, as he was set on his friend Senator Hubert Humphrey running for the nomination. Even if he might not win, at least he might have a shot at the Vice Presidency if he had a strong performance, and most importantly he was a strong fighter for the common man like Kefauver and Jepsen. That is more than can be said for the privileged Kennedy, and the damned Taft-Hartley supporter Johnson.

Jepsen would ask his friend to consider running for the nomination. The country needs a Happy Warrior, and a former Farmer-Laborite in the White House. He would do all he can to help if him if Humphrey decided to do so, as he had experience running an operation like that after all. All Jepsen could do now was to wait for his friends decision.

Point Expenditure:
1 point for 4 years in the House of Representatives for Anton Jepsen (MN-5) 1960-1964