President McClellan and Beyond

[Brother Jonathan]

The Election of 1864

General George B. McClellan/Representative George H. Pendleton: 52.9%, 122 EV

President Abraham Lincoln/Vice President Hannibal Hamlin: 46.5%, 111 EV

"Though by 1864 the tide of the Civil War had markedly turned in favor the Union, President Lincoln never the less faced a difficult bid for reelection. Dogged by the nickname "Abraham the butcher", an image reinforced by letters home from beleaguered soldiers, the President sought to run a campaign of national unity and to portray himself as a friend of soldiers. The effectiveness of this message was undercut by his Democratic opponent, George McClellan, whose military background and popularity with soldiers weary for the quieter days of his command created a sharp contrast with civilian "armchair general" Lincoln. Further, support for the abolitionist aims of the war were waning in the face of mounting deaths, and many workers in the north feared their jobs could be lost to freed slaves/ Democratic Party posters played on these themes, and the name of Lincoln's Vice President, and showed the two men riding "Republican War Elephants" over the Appalachian mountains, crushing Union ranks in their way, charging towards a far off city labeled "Abolition". A letter from Andrew Johnson to a newspaper publisher in Columbus summed up the nations mood; "I do so admire Lincoln the man, whose commitment to the Union is beyond reproach. But one cannot help but worry that when the time comes for us to be whole again, Lincoln the President will have left us in no state to rebuild that great Union. He may have been the man to win the war, but he cannot win us the peace". This sentiment was widespread enough to provide McClellan the votes to win the election"

- From Hard Times Come Again No More, by James M. McPherson

The Senate

Republicans: 31 Seats (-2)
Democrats: 11 Seats (+2)

Unconditional Unionist: 4 Seats

Unionist: 2 Seats

The House of Representatives

Democrats: 102 Seats
Republicans: 77 Seats
Unionist: 14 Seats

I decided I would try my hand at writing my first timeline. I have no idea where this will go, but I think it will be interesting. I hope you all enjoy it.

This was inspired by a question in the History section, which I've linked below.
https://talkelections.org/FORUM/index.php?topic=370491.msg7340098#msg7340098

[インターネット掲示板ユーザー Punxsutawney Phil]

Nice start!

[The '90s' Last Champion]

Will be interested to see how much influence the Copperheads and Vallandigham will have on McClellan, as McClellan himself was sort of a war Democrat running on a Peace Democrat platform. Also it's been a while since there's been a 19th Century timeline, will definitely be checking in on this to see how it progresses.

[Orwell]

Based copperhead

[Brother Jonathan]

Eve of Inauguration, November 1864 to March 1865

George B McClellan - c1880
William S. Warren / Public domain

Resigning the Commission and Electing the Speaker

"McClellan began his Presidency, symbolically anyway, on December 1st, 1864. Having defeated President Lincoln, he rode to Washington to surrender in person his commission as a General, making sure that the press knew of his journey. His supporters cast him as a modern Washington, with one editor in Aurora opining that "McClellan will be our modern Washington, first in the heats of his countryman, a man skilled in conflict who desires now only to bring unity, and who shall lead by his own example". Such hagiography was not widespread, and the general reaction to the gesture was muted...

Even before he had taken office, the tenuous political environment that faced the new President was laid bare for all to see in the election for the Speakership of the House. The House Voted in late 1864 to swear in new members at the then remarkably early date of February 6th, so that the new Democratic Majority would be able to organize itself quickly and carry on the business of the war with as little interruption as possible. The move also was designed to help the Republicans, who rightly perceived that the new Democratic Caucus was far from united...

McClellan and his allies backed New York Congressman James Brooks, a former Whig who had been returned to Congress in 1862 after a decade out of office. Brooks did not have wide support within the Democratic Party in Congress, however. McClellan's soon to be Vice President, George Pendleton, made matters worse, using his connections in the House to quietly advocate for Daniel W. Voorhees, a fellow anti-war Democrat.

McClellan, fearing a split in the Caucus, appealed to New York Governor Horatio Seymour to unite the New York delegation behind James Brooks, but Seymour expressed his unwillingness to "meddle in the affairs of Congress". As a last resort, McClellan sought to offer the Speakership to Seymour, noting that the Speaker did not, by the Constitution, have to be a member of the House. Seymour balked at the suggestion...

A desperate McClellan, determined to avoid a fracturing of the Democratic Party, wrote an open letter to the all elected Democratic Congressmen, and urged them not to nominate a sole candidate from the Caucus. "Does not our Party's heritage," wrote McClellan "direct us to offer the greatest choice, the most liberty of the ballot possible? Why should we now allow for the Caucus to restrict the rights of the duly elected members of Congress? You are vested with the trust of the people, and so you shall exercise it as you see fit. Let you then all have your free ballot in the Speakership election, and let us do our Democratic forbearers proud". If the Democrats in Congress saw through McClellan's rhetoric is unclear, but in any event they agreed by unanimous vote of the caucus to allow "Any man, duly elected by his constituents and at present serving a term in the House of Representatives, to place his name forward for the Speakership and stand thusly, on his merits". A party split had been avoided, but the costs would soon become apparent.

Unlike the Democrats, the Republicans in Congress remained united. Though the Radicals rightly surmised that they could soon use the electoral defeat to their advantage, in the early days of the new Congress they remained quiet. The Republican Caucus easily agreed to the nomination of outgoing Speaker Schuyler Colfax for another term. Colfax, speaking in jest to his Caucus, noted to roaring laughter "I would have scarcely believed but one of you a year ago that the Democratic Faction in this country was so committed to disunion that would not suffice with splitting inconsequential land alone, but would go so far as to split their most scared institution; their party machine!"

McClellan and his allies continued to back Brooks, and hoped that by placing party pressure on new members and by getting the votes of the Unionist members, they could win over the votes of the Peace Democrats who were uniting behind Voorhees. Neither of these aspirations came to pass. The party machine that McClellan had just hamstrung was mocked by new members who took the President's commitment to democratic elections to heart, and resolved to vote as they saw fit. The Unionists on the other hand nominated their own candidate, Congressman Chester Hubbard of West Virginia...

The first ballot was held on February 6th, 1865 and yielded the following results,

Speakership Election, 1st Ballot, February 6th 1865
Schuyler Colfax (Republican-IN 9th)- 76 Votes (39.38%)
Daniel W. Voorhees (Peace Democrat-IN 7th)- 56 Votes (29.02%)
James Brooks (War Democrat-NY 8th)- 46 Votes (23.83%)
Chester Hubbard (Unionist-WV 1st)- 14 Votes (7.3%)
Abraham Lincoln (Republican)- 1 Vote (.05%)

A concerted effort on the part of both war and peace Democrats began, trying to sway the needed votes to propell their candidate to office. McClellan personally appealed to Chester Hubbard and the Unionists for support, but they instead voted as a Caucus to back Colfax on the second ballot, in what is generally understood as an act of defiance. McClellan made a final desperate appeal to close Republican friend, who he asked to approach Colfax about the possibility of Republican support for Brooks without mentioning. The Republicans roundly rejected the overture, and the friend informed McClellan of the defeat.

McClellan considered his options, and decided that he would be better off with a Republican speaker without a majority than a peace Democrat with one, obstructing needed war measures. Though Brooks would remain on the second ballot, what was left of the Caucus machine began to pressure a few carefully selected Brooks voters to either abstain or to back Colfax. "These are truly odd times" wrote Representative Samuel Marshall, a Democrat from Illinois "and we are asked to do odd things in the service of our country and our party. I suppose that my vote in the speakership election shall be one of those things."

The second ballot was eagerly awaited across the country...

Speakership Election, 2nd Ballot, February 15th 1865
Schuyler Colfax (Republican-IN 9th)- 98 Votes (50.78%)
Daniel W. Voorhees (Peace Democrat-IN 7th)- 62 Votes (38.34%)
James Brooks (War Democrat-NY 8th)- 33 Votes (10.9%)

In the end, 8 carefully chosen Democratic members were silently instructed and then dutifully cast their ballots for Colfax. With the votes of the 14 Unionists and the 1 wayward Republican from the first ballot (the self styled "Missouri Mad-Congressman" John Kelso) were enough to elect Colfax on the second ballot..."

- From When Johnny Comes Marching Home: War and Peace Democrats in the McClellan Presidency by Kenneth M. Stamp


The next update will be briefer, sorry this one seems so long, but I thought the speakership election deserved some elaboration as it would illustrate the part divides and dynamics as we move forward.

[Brother Jonathan]

Nice start!

Thanks! I am quite enjoying this.

Will be interested to see how much influence the Copperheads and Vallandigham will have on McClellan, as McClellan himself was sort of a war Democrat running on a Peace Democrat platform. Also it's been a while since there's been a 19th Century timeline, will definitely be checking in on this to see how it progresses.

I felt like there was a lack of 19th Century timelines. They aren't as exciting, maybe, but I think they let you explore a lot more than other time lines.

[Elcaspar]

Looks good so far! Can't wait to see what's in store.

[Brother Jonathan]

Inauguration and First Steps

Alexander Gardner
 / Public domain

“President McClellan’s inauguration was a subdued affair, somber in tone and lacking in any real sense of celebration. Had the great red, white, and blue bunting been exchanged for a black funeral draping, the atmosphere would have been little changed...

The new President’s speech did not deviate from this theme. McClellan told of “the great horrors of war I have seen, and that our sons have been subject to…” and mourned “the loss of that great mass of men, who rival only our great founders in character and sacrifice for the cause of the Union”. It was not the tone that the nation wanted, and though the crowd was respectful, it went no farther than polite applause in greeting the words of the new President. Even his conclusion, designed to rouse the crowd and the nation with promises of “Union and prosperity in our future, in spite of all the trials that we shall face…” was met with little more than meek applause. “His speech sits as heavy on the country as Winflied Scott on a braying mare, and he strikes about as pleasant an image” noted a local editor.

The Democratic party, despite taking the Presidency and the House, had failed to consolidate these gains. Rather than being joyous and united in victory, the party was increasing divided. Republican Schuyler Colfax, with the support of just over half a dozen Democrats, had been re-elected as Speaker over a divided Democratic caucus. Despite the President’s hope that he would give war Democrats some important positions, Colfax acted in a partisan manner and sought to use his office to cement as much Republican power as possible, even if he did not have a majority in the House. Meanwhile, in the Senate, Republicans continued to enjoy large majorities. The general mood of the national party, then, was despondent even in victory.

President McClellan perceived the growing divide in his party was a major threat, to both the party and to his personal political career. Peace Democrats (also known as “Copperheads”) in Congress were outraged by the defection of a handful of their fellow Democrats to Colfax, and their most vocal leaders were calling for blood. “I will root out every last one of these turncoats” remarked Representative Daniel Voorhees of Indiana. Generally, however, among war Democrats and peace Democrats, the general inclination was toward reconciliation, even if the two factions had very divergent views of what a reconciliation would look like.

McClellan, for his part, acted swiftly to appease the war Democrats with his first act as President, repealing President Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. The repeal had been suggested to him by his Vice President and Copperhead George Pendleton, who noted that the decision would be seen by the Copperheads (if not by the South) as a gesture towards peace. It would also serve as a show of McClellan’s commitment to the Party’s opposition to abolition, and would hopefully show the Copperheads that he had taken their concerns about Lincoln’s use of executive power to heart.

Party unity was even further bolstered by tensions in the heavily Republican Senate over the confirmation of President McClellan’s cabinet. Though it was to be filled mostly with war Democrats, Senate Republicans sought to pressure McClellan into retaining Edwin Stanton (a former Democrat who has become sympathetic towards Republican, even radical, politics) as Secretary of War. Senate President pro tempore Daniel Clark opined that “If his zeal for the Union is as deep and true as pretended, let him [McClellan] reaffirm his confidence in the man who is winning the war for the Union”. An attempt to end the log jam, by having Vice President Pendleton presided directly over the Senate and try to force the votes, failed to resolve the matter, and served only to anger Clark.

The tensions in the Senate were finally diffused after several weeks when Senator Solomon Foot of Vermont spoke on the Senate floor in support of the confirmation of John Adams Dix as Secretary of State rather than to continue the Republican filibusterer. “He, like his President, is a man of honor, and I see no reason why I should not entrust to a firm Unionist the duties of the position for which he is nominated”. Foot’s defection was enough to break the deadlock, and the Republican Senate begrudgingly approved what the press called “The War Democrat’s Cabinet” over the objections of the Radical Republicans. “We’ll let him have his Cabinet” remarked a bitter Daniel Clark “but he’ll not have it long”. The only concession to the Copperheads in the Cabinet came with the inclusion of Jesse D. Bright, a former Illinois Senator and President pro tempore, as Postmaster General. Thre Copperheads came to accept this, however, after watching the great difficulty with which President McClellan had fought to have his Cabinet approved, even with its markedly pro-war bent..."

The McClellan Cabinet
President: George McClellan
Vice President: George Pendleton
Secretary of State: John Adams Dix
Secretary of Treasury: David Tod
Secretary of War: George Bancroft
Attorney General: Francis Kernan
Postmaster General: Jesse D. Bright
Secretary of the Navy: John Logan
Secretary of the Interior: Edwards Pierrepont

"Capping this campaign of reconciliation, and enjoying the new authority of a fully confirmed Cabinet, a newly confident President McClellan ordered freshly minted Secretary of War George Bancroft to dismiss Ulysses Grant as Commanding General of the United States Army. He sent for Major General Henry Halleck, who was reinstated as Commanding General. The announcement inflamed the Republicans and their allies, but was a source of jubilation in Democratic circles, especially among peace Democrats.

Democrats in the House soon took steps to enact legislation promised in the party platform, but were frustrated by the Republican control that McClellan had helped to engineer. Though he had hoped Colfax would allow for the Democrats to have greater than normal sway while in the Majority, McClellan soon realized that the Republican Speaker and the Republican Senate had no intention of yielding in their partisanship. Attempts to remove or reduce the presence of Union forces in border states were defeated, as were attempts to reduce tariffs or establish a "Peace Commission" to negotiate with the South. Still, the Democratic majority that existed at least on paper was able to block most Republican legislation, defeating proposed abolition amendments among other things.

This stalemate in Congress was reflected in the frontlines of the war in Virginia as well. The Union forces, arrayed against the Army of Northern Virginia at Petersburg, was continuing an unrelenting siege campaign. Halleck, however, scaled back Grant's most aggressive tactics, and focused instead on starving out the Confederated defenders. Farther to the South, however, General William Tecumseh Sherman was driving through Georgia on his now infamous "March to the Sea". Though Democrats in Congress clamored for the President to somehow restrict Sherman's more brutal tactics, McClellan did little more than implore his soldiers to use restrain. He had no interest in hamstringing what was by all accounts the most successful campaign then underway.

As the spring of 1865 turned to summer, Congress was mired in stalemate, and the war dragged on. The Peace Democrats were growing impatient, with their President and with their Republican Speaker. Though the war was progressing, its pace was maddeningly slow, and many feared for the fate of the Union in the hands of President McClellan and his seemingly irreparably divided Democratic party."

- From Hard Times Come Again No More, by James M. McPherson

[Orwell]

Great work, I wonder why the Democrats don't oust Colfax as Speaker, because of his tyranny I'd think McClellan wouldn't want it, but it is better then Voorhees.

[Brother Jonathan]

Progress of the War

Henry Halleck by Scholten, c1865
Library of Congress
 / Public domain

From the Diary of Brevet Brigadier General Henry D. Washburn, Nineteenth Corps
Savannah, Georgia

“June 2nd, 1865-
By all accounts, we have really whipped the Rebels here in Georgia. Since December we have fanned out over the whole of the state, and have so thoroughly rooted out the rebels that one wonders how the situation can be tenable for them much longer. Only the bitter hate they feel towards our Union seems to sustain them…”

From the Diary of Maj. John W. Fouts, 63rd Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Seventeenth Corps
Brevard County, Florida
June 19th, 1865

“We’ve landed in some sort of swamp, and have orders to march up to meet with General Newton in Leon county, many miles to the north and west. We’ve meet almost no resistance, thanks in part to the sparseness of the population, but even in those few towns or hamlets along the way the militias have readily surrendered. It seems that Governor Allison’s decision to surrender the state to Union forces has been taken by the populace to heart. He’s been left with little by ways of infantry or cavalierly, and artillery is scarcer yet. General Sam Jones remains elusive, and has pledged to fight on, but his ranks are thinning, from malaria and defections...General Jones and his division grow weaker by the hour…”

From the Diary of Andrew Gordon Magrath, Confederate Governor of South Carolina
June 22nd, 1865

“… the despair is overwhelming. Word came today that General Sherman, that bloody man, has broken through the lines at Aiken, and Union forces have occupied the north west of the state without much of fight. Greenville surrendered without a shot, and the shelling of Charleston has intensified in recent days. A Union landing cannot be far off, and we have not shot enough to repulse it…”

Report of Major General Henry Halleck, Commanding General of the US Army, to President McClellan
July 2nd, 1865

“… I can report, sir, that the rebel forces here in northern Virginia are in a sorry state...their frightful yell no longer echoes in the Shenandoah, and we have cut off lines of supply into Petersburg… They have a garrison now in Richmond, where they are well dug in, but as with their forces in Petersburg they are now ill equipped and of poor spirits… As Sherman and [Maj. Gen. Francis Preston] Blair coming now quickly from Georgia, I should see no way for the rebel states to much longer endure…”
 

"Through the summer of 1865, despite continued political deadlock in Washington, the Union Army made major gains deep within Confederated territory. By August, Union forces had landed and taken control of  Charleston South Carolina with little incident. Several weeks later, General Lee Retreated from his positions in Petersburg overnight, and fled to Richmond, which he fortified over the next few weeks. Despite the urging of many in the public to exploit this retreat, Major General Halleck instead waited and reorganized his army at Petersburg. Finally, however, in late August Halleck marched on Richmond and began to set up siege positions around the beleaguered Confederate capital...

Beyond his natural cautiousness, Halleck was dissuaded from any inclination he had to press his advantage by President McClellan personally, who felt that a quite front would give him the most political leverage in upcoming debates on war appropriations. Working with Republicans, Unionists, and War Democrats in the House and Senate, President McClellan was able to secure another years worth of funding for the war effort over the objections of the peace Democrats and a small faction of Radical Republicans who demanded greater concessions. The vote, though a victory for McClellan, revealed persistent divisions within the Democratic party, as a narrow majority of the caucus opposed the measure..."

Vote on the Special Appropriations Measure, August 1865

House
Republicans
63 Yeas
11 Nays
3 Not Voting

Democrats
41 Yeas
59 Nays
2 Not Voting

Unionist
14 Yeas

Senate
Republicans
28 Yeas
3 Nays

Democrats
5 Yeas
5 Nays
1 Not Voting

Unionists
6 Yeas

"...Flush with new resources, Union forces landed at Hampton and Newport News on September 2nd, 1865. The Navy began to tighten its blockade of Virginia, and after a brief skirmish with an outlying force the Union Army completed its encirclement of Richmond. Union forces linked up at Roxbury, defeating a small Confederate force, on November 3rd...

Days later, on November 7th, Voorhees and his allies in Congress attempted to force Colfax from the Speakership, moving a motion to vacate the chair. The attempted coup came as a surprise, but war Democrats moved to block it, and the motion failed, 92 Yeas to 101 Nays. Colfax, with his weakness now more fully exposed, decided to court the support of the war Democrat, and moved their tariff reduction measures to the floor for a vote. They passed in the House, but as Colfax expected the measure was easily defeated by the Republican Senate.

As fall gave way to winter, the siege of Richmond was taking a grave toll on the beleaguered Richmond. Politically, President McClellan saw his power weakening rapidly. The euphoria of summer and fall victories was giving way to frustration with the stalemate at Richmond. The peace Democrats were frustrated by McClellan's refusal to peruse a negotiated peace with the south, and Republicans were frustrated by what they saw as the President's lackadaisical attitude toward the war. Peace Democrats met with the President in early December, and laid out there grave concerns. President McClellan did little to assuage them, and his commitment made later that month to arrest former Representative Clement Vallandingham should he attempt to return to the United States positively enraged the Copperheads. Though McClellan promised to ensure him a "just and civilian trial, before a jury of his peers" this did little to calm his party, and even those peace Democrats who had thus far supported him began to have serious doubts about the President..."

-From McClellan's War: Politics and Policy by David Herbert Donald