Vice, Virtue, and Independence (A Different Path, Chapter 2)

[MillennialModerate]

Whoah! Dems sweep congress but all eyes on a recount in NY :0

Every update is interesting, especially the election races

[Cold War Liberal]

Whoah! Dems sweep congress but all eyes on a recount in NY :0

Every update is interesting, especially the election races

Thanks!

November 4, 1970 - January 3, 1971
The End of a Congress

The 1970 midterms were, to put it lightly, a disaster for Republicans. Just how bad wasn’t quite determined until the shockingly high number of recounts were resolved. In Texas, the recount took four days, and on November 7, George Bush was determined to have won. Outgoing Senator Ralph Yarborough seemed to not be in much distress over this loss for his party, as the man who had primaried him, Lloyd Bentsen, was not to be the next Senator from Texas. In Nebraska, conservative hardliner Roman Hruska was shockingly beaten out by former Governor Frank Morrison by a margin of 72 votes. In the New Hampshire Governor’s race, incumbent Walter Peterson, Jr. narrowly eked out a win. And, finally, in the New York Governor’s race, former Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy unseated incumbent Governor Nelson Rockefeller, likely ending Rockefeller’s political career.

Governor-elect Kennedy announcing the results to his supporters, November 12, 1970

With the incoming Congress more progressive than perhaps any other Congress before it, with approval ratings in the dump, and with the 1972 Presidential election looming on the horizon, President Goldwater was not optimistic about the second half of his first term. Much of what he’d hoped to accomplish had not come to fruition, and his nominee to the Supreme Court, Phyllis Schlafly, had not been voted on come Christmas recess. So, on January 1, 1971, a day before Congress returned from recess, Goldwater gave a televised speech urging the confirmation of Schlafly by the new Congress.

At the end of the speech, the President signed Phyllis Schlafly’s recess appointment, shocking and outraging many. This was just the start of a very, very bad year for President Goldwater.

Marshall Court (1971)
Chief Justice
Thurgood Marshall (b. 1908, liberal, appointed by Kennedy in 1965)

Associate Justices
Phyllis Schlafly (b. 1924, conservative, recess appointment by Goldwater in 1971)
Byron White (b. 1917, moderate, appointed by Kennedy in 1962)
Arthur Goldberg (b. 1908, liberal, appointed by Kennedy in 1962)
Robert Bork (b. 1927, conservative, appointed by Goldwater in 1970)
G. Harrold Carswell (b. 1919, conservative, appointed by Goldwater in 1969)
Potter Stewart (b. 1915, moderate, appointed by Eisenhower in 1958)
Tom C. Clark (b. 1899, moderate, appointed by Truman in 1949)
William J. Brennan, Jr. (b. 1906, liberal, appointed by Eisenhower in 1956)

Senate
After Recounts

Democrats: 56 ( 4)
Republicans: 44 ( 4)
November 4, 1970 - January 3, 1971
Other Headlines
Soviets Launch Luna 17
Plane Crash Kills College Football Team
Cigarette Advertising Ban Goes Into Effect
Sen. Agnew: “Not Even Sure I’d Vote to Confirm” Schlafly
Gallup Poll
January 3, 1971
President Goldwater Approval Rating
Disapprove: 56%
Approve: 40%
Not sure: 4%
Didn’t answer: 0%
Do you support American involvement in the Vietnam War?
No: 50%
Yes: 46%
Not sure: 4%
Didn’t answer: 0%
Who do you support for the Democratic nomination in 1972?
(Democrats only, italics = unannounced)
Edmund Muskie: 16%
Ted Kennedy: 16%
Hubert Humphrey: 9%
George McGovern: 8%
Jimmy Carter: 7%
Henry Jackson: 5%
John McKeithen: 4%
John Connally: 4%
Vance Hartke: 2%
Roland Renne: 1%
William Proxmire: 1%
Someone else: 3%
Not sure: 23%
Didn’t answer: 1%
Who do you support for the Republican nomination in 1972?
(Republicans only, italics = unannounced)
Barry Goldwater: 63%
Someone else: 21%
Not sure: 14%
Didn’t answer: 2%
Who would you support if the 1972 Presidential election was held today?
Democrats: 38%
President Barry Goldwater/Vice President Ronald Reagan: 28%
Other: 4%
Not sure: 25%
Didn’t answer: 5%
Who would you support if the 1972 congressional elections were held today?
Democrats: 42%
Republicans: 33%
Other: 2%
Not sure: 22%
Didn’t answer: 1%

[MillennialModerate]

I have a feeling I know what comes next!

BTW, interesting Teddy and Muskie atop Dems choice, not RFK & Muskie.

[Cold War Liberal]

I'm going away again, this time until the 29th. I'll have my phone but not any computers, so I won't be able to update this until then, except for one more update, which I'll have out in a few minutes.

BTW, interesting Teddy and Muskie atop Dems choice, not RFK & Muskie.

RFK promised not to run in 1972 if elected Governor in 1970

[Cold War Liberal]

January 15, 1971
Jack

The ballroom was full of press. Of course it was. The (former) President of the United States wanted to give a speech. Typically, when Jack wants publicity, the press is more than happy to give it to him.

“Hello. I scheduled this press conference because I wanted to let the American people, and the whole of the Democratic party know what I and a number of others, including Senator McGovern here, have been up to for the past two years or so…”

And so the 35th President read an overview of the report from the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, or the “Kennedy-McGovern” committee, as it was colloquially known. The report outlined the way in which the Democrat’s primaries would work in 1972. All states would be encouraged (but not required) to hold primaries. The new delegate selection guidelines mostly took the power away from party bosses and gave it directly to the people. And the party would be representative of all the people in America, not just white people, men, or the wealthy. That was all well and good, but it was also McGovern’s, not Jack’s.

What Jack had been working on was promoting a bold ideological shift in the Democratic party. That shift wouldn’t be accomplished with changed rules, necessarily, but changed minds.

“...hope these new rules will produce a nominee all Democrats can vote for in good conscience come November of 1972. For we witnessed two years ago what happens when Democrats look to the past for inspiration rather than looking to the future. On the other hand, two months ago we saw what happens when Democrats embrace the future: we win. So we as Democrats must go forth into the light of the future - or else we will be relegated to the ash heap of history. We, as a party, must let Goldwater have his conservatism, and we must forge our own path forward and build this new America we can see on the horizon.”

Some of the journalists applauded. He’d struck a chord. He knew people longed for the days of his Presidency, but Jack also knew a large portion of the Democratic party was uneasy about social change.

Nevertheless, Jack was hopeful about the future.

January 18, 1971
George

Today was the day. It was early - unconventionally so - for such an announcement, but George felt good about his decision anyway.

“...our campaign is about the average Americans who are hurting right now because their sons are dying in someone else’s war. Our campaign is about giving all Americans the right to vote, get an education, and buy housing without fear of violence or discrimination. Our campaign is about protecting and enhancing our social safety net, about finding new energy sources, and about protecting the independence and apolitical nature of our federal judiciary. Broadly, our campaign is about looking ahead to what America can be, not behind to some notion of what it may have been. And today, we’re launching this campaign, together, to take back the Presidency next year!”

McGovern wasn’t a nobody, but he also wasn’t Ted Kennedy or Ed Muskie. He hoped that by announcing so early, he’d get a head start and start to build momentum. He was anti-war, pro-civil rights and pro-federal spending on social programs, all popular stances in the face of a President who held almost none of them. He knew the system because he’d built the system. But he was likely to go up against multiple popular Senators and a few Governors too - possibly even one Senator with the name, charisma, and money that came with being a Kennedy. George was sure he had a shot, but it wouldn’t be a cakewalk by any means.

March 18, 1971
John

John Lindsay, the young, handsome, rising-star mayor of New York City, had an announcement to make.

“Over the past two years, I, like most Americans, have watched as a number of events unfolded across our country and across our planet. What I have also paid close attention to is how our leaders in Washington have dealt with these rapidly changing times. What I have seen is a government that wants to fix the problems of the 1970’s with the solutions of the 1950’s. All it has gotten us is a stagnant economy, a more tenuous relationship with the USSR, and thousands dead in a war on the other side of the planet. There is a crisis of leadership in this country, plain and simple.”

John paused for a moment as he prepared to say the words which rocked the political world.

“So I am today announcing that I will be a candidate for the Republican nomination for President of the United States in 1972.”

[America Needs R'hllor]

March 18, 1971
John

“So I am today announcing that I will be a candidate for the Republican nomination for President of the United States in 1972.”

Endorsed!

[MillennialModerate]

Two things:

1. Another great update

2. Oh come on. Another break?!

[Joe Biden 2024]

I'd be happy with either Teddy or Muskie being the Democratic nominee.

[Mr. Smith]

So how's that Hubert doin' again?

[Cold War Liberal]

January 4 - May 31, 1971
Before The Storm

Phyllis Schlafly, the first woman to serve on the Supreme Court

The first order of business for the 92nd Congress was what to do about the Schlafly nomination. Two more confirmation hearings were held, wherein Senators from both sides of the aisle (namely Kennedy, Humphrey, McGovern, Agnew, Peden, Muskie, and Margaret Chase Smith) grilled the woman who was technically the first female Supreme Court Justice, but whose job security was looking less and less likely by the day. The new Congress was markedly more progressive than the 91st, even the Senate; the passing of conservative Democratic Senator Richard Russell Jr. on January 21, and Gov. Allen’s appointment of former Governor Jimmy Carter (a progressive) to his seat did not make matters any better for Goldwater’s nominee.

Schlafly was seen as inexperienced and too conservative, and while personable in the hearings at times, she was also prone to exaggeration and hyperbole when asked about topics such as civil rights. She talked about her fears of Communist subversion in the civil rights movement, and, perhaps ironically, decried women in the workplace. The NAACP and women’s advocacy groups lobbied heavily against her. Schlafly also did not demonstrate a robust knowledge of the law’s more obscure facets; Senator Ted Kennedy famously remarked that one “should not be learning on the job when that job is on the highest court in the land.” Ultimately, a vote was held in early February, and when the totals came in, all but 3 Democrats (Stennis, Eastland, and Ellender) voted against her, joined by Republican Senators Stevens, Allott, May, Percy, Smith, Agnew, Brooke, Javits, Hatfield, Packwood, Schweiker, Baker, Bush, Prouty, and Aiken. It wasn’t even close: 67 nays, 33 yeas. Schlafly’s days on the Court were numbered.

Schlafly’s rejection was a massive blow to the Goldwater Administration. The President’s team scrambled to find a replacement. Among names considered were Deputy Attorney General William Rehnquist, D.C. Appeals Judge Warren Burger, and Fourth Circuit Chief Judge Clement Haynsworth. Finally, however, President Goldwater settled on a compromise nominee: Eighth Circuit Judge Harry Blackmun.

Harry Blackmun, Goldwater’s next choice for the Supreme Court

Harry Blackmun was much better received by the Senate than Schlafly. He had experience. He was a moderate. He was measured. His hearings were smoother, and in late February, he was confirmed 91-0. The Democratic Senate had won; Goldwater had capitulated.

Marshall Court (1971)

Chief Justice
Thurgood Marshall (b. 1908, liberal, appointed by Kennedy in 1965)

Associate Justices
Harry Blackmun (b. 1908, moderate, appointed by Goldwater in 1971)
Byron White (b. 1917, moderate, appointed by Kennedy in 1962)
Arthur Goldberg (b. 1908, liberal, appointed by Kennedy in 1962)
Robert Bork (b. 1927, conservative, appointed by Goldwater in 1970)
G. Harrold Carswell (b. 1919, conservative, appointed by Goldwater in 1969)
Potter Stewart (b. 1915, moderate, appointed by Eisenhower in 1958)
Tom C. Clark (b. 1899, moderate, appointed by Truman in 1949)
William J. Brennan, Jr. (b. 1906, liberal, appointed by Eisenhower in 1956)

The new progressive Congress had a few other items on their agenda that they hoped to ram past the Goldwater Administration. The first didn’t need the President’s consideration at all: a Constitutional Amendment to lower the voting age from 21 to 18, using the reasoning that men old enough to fight and die for their country in foreign wars should have a say in choosing the people with the power to start (and end) such wars. It passed with huge bipartisan majorities in both houses of Congress, and the President even expressed milquetoast support for the Amendment. The 25th Amendment was ratified by 38 states on May 18, 1971, three months after it was passed in Congress; it was the shortest time between passage and ratification of an Amendment in US history.

Senator (and Presidential candidate) George McGovern wanted to take what he called a doctrine of “war fairness” even farther. In February, Senator McGovern introduced another Constitutional Amendment in the Senate, inspired by the Ludlow Amendment, which would make all declarations of war subject to a national referendum (unless the US was invaded or attacked first). This Amendment was much more controversial, with some Democrats, primarily Senator Henry M. Jackson from Washington, speaking out about the national security drawbacks of the proposed “McGovern Amendment,” as it was nicknamed. The Amendment was, however, fairly popular with the public (support was at 45% in late May), and while a vote on the Amendment was not held in the first half of the year, McGovern made it part of his Presidential campaign, and support in Congress began to pick up steam as the war dragged on.

The war, now entering its second year (long past the six month target set by the Goldwater Administration at the onset of the war), was only getting less popular as time went on. America was slowly losing ground in the war, being pushed back towards Saigon, and there were an estimated 12,000 prisoners of war at any given time. Many POWs died in custody, while others were murdered by the Vietcong when a message needed to be send to the US government. High profile POWs such as John McCain and, to a much lesser extent, Donald Trump were treated somewhat better (but still brutalized and tortured) due to their value as bargaining chips or propaganda props. President Goldwater and Defense Secretary LeMay greenlit a US military mission to rescue some of those more high-profile detainees from the Hanoi Hilton, scheduled to take place on June 1.

Young men burn draft cards on the steps of the Pentagon, May 14, 1971

In the states, protests against the war happened on a weekly basis. For the first time, disapproval in the US’s involvement in the war came close to 60%. College students burned draft cards and, in some radical cases, fled the country to avoid the bloody war. Many veterans came out against the war as well, including, notably, men like John Kerry, who was a vocal opponent of the Goldwater Administration’s war plan. There once was a time when being against the war was seen as unpatriotic, but that time had certainly passed long ago.

An issue the government had neglected to tackle in the preceding years, but which had gotten progressively worse over time, was the issue of the environment. As industry expanded in the good economy of the Kennedy years, pollution became more and more of an issue. So, the new Congress passed, with bipartisan majorities, the Clean Air Act of 1971. The bill established a framework to regulate emissions and pollutants. President Goldwater vetoed the bill, but the veto was overridden and the bill went into effect on May 1, 1971. Congress then passed the National Environmental Policy Act, which was more controversial but still widely supported by the public. Goldwater vetoed this bill too, and support in Congress for an override was not at two-thirds. Anticipating this, before the bill even passed, congressional progressives launched a concerted effort to engage the public and encouraged the people of America to call their Senators and congresspeople to vote in favor of overriding the veto. The effort turned out to be successful, as the veto was overridden by a narrow margin and the NEPA went into effect on June 1, 1971.

The civil rights movement may have been ignored by the White House, but it was still a force to be reckoned with. The right to vote was not secure for African-Americans in southern states, integration was still a struggle, migrant workers in the West were still mistreated, and housing discrimination was illegal but not widely prosecuted. The rioting of the late sixties had died down, but mass protests hadn’t. While somewhat overshadowed by the war protests, civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr., John Lewis, Cesar Chavez, C. T. Vivian, and Jesse Jackson held rallies and protests all across the country, and found themselves with a sympathetic Congress after the 1970 midterms. However, Goldwater vetoed all the bills on the issue that Congress sent him, and there was not the consensus to override them. However, on April 20, 1971, the Supreme Court gave the movement a win: in a 7-2 decision, the Court upheld busing as a legitimate way to integrate schools in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education. Only Bork and Carswell dissented; Justice Blackmun sided with Chief Justice Marshall’s majority. Activists rejoiced while Southern conservatives bemoaned the decision.

The entrance of liberal New York City mayor John Lindsay into the Republican primary was a surprise to many, but perhaps should not have been; while Republicans still generally approved of Goldwater, a large minority of them would rather someone else take up the mantle of party standard bearer. These Republicans, mostly Rockefeller liberals, disaffected moderates, and Republicans of all stripes negatively affected by Goldwater’s farm subsidy sunset or sale of the TVA, flocked to Lindsay in a way they wouldn't to, say, Nelson Rockefeller. Lindsay was a fresh face, and a young, energetic one at that, one with very little (if any) past baggage and a charismatic speaking style. Contrasted with the President, a bespectacled sexagenarian quasi-frontiersman with a knack for saying whatever came to his mind, the handsome, refined, not-yet-fifty urbanite Mayor immediately evoked comparisons to a Republican version of John F. Kennedy. The nascent, unofficial Goldwater ‘72 campaign, assembled much earlier than previously anticipated, was scared that the Mayor would make what was already an uphill battle for reelection even harder. And it didn't help that big party figures like Nelson Rockefeller and Jacob Javits endorsed Lindsay right out of the gate, or that the mayor's fundraising campaign was raising a not-insignificant amount of cash.

On the Democratic side, McGovern's early entrance spurred a few more candidates, mostly minor, to jump into the race, and for a few prospective candidates to give Shermanesque statements. In February, Montana Governor Roland Renne announced his longshot campaign for the nomination on a moderate platform, while March brought the announcement that McGovern and Renne would be joined by former North Carolina Governor Terry Sanford, a progressive southern Democrat who promised to make education a major party of his campaign. And, late in May, a more major candidate jumped into the race: hawkish Washington Senator Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson, campaigning on progressive domestic policy and a foreign policy of tough-on-communism rhetoric and a plan to win in Vietnam. Meanwhile, former Governor Connally of Texas stated a desire to remain retired, Wisconsin Senator William Proxmire said he was “happy in the Senate,” and Indiana Senator Vance Hartke stated that he was going to finish the term he had been elected to in 1970. The two frontrunners, Senators Edmund Muskie and Edward Kennedy, gave milquetoast statements neither confirming nor denying whether either of them planned to run.

The first half of 1971 was bad for President Goldwater. June would be even worse.

January 4 - May 31, 1971
Other headlines
U Thant Retiring from UN
Prometheus 12 Moon Landing a Success
7.2 Magnitude Earthquake Rocks LA; Kills 372, Injures 3700
“Earth Day” Established by UN
US Capitol Bathroom Bombed; WU Claims Responsibility
Ali Defeats Frazier in Stunning Upset!
Will the Vietnam Hostage Rescue Mission Succeed?
Gallup Poll
June 1, 1971
President Goldwater Approval Rating
Disapprove: 62%
Approve: 36%
Not sure: 2%
Didn’t answer: 0%
Do you support American involvement in the Vietnam War?
No: 55%
Yes: 43%
Not sure: 3%
Didn’t answer: 0%
Who do you support for the Democratic nomination in 1972?
(Democrats only, italics = unannounced)
Ted Kennedy: 17%
Edmund Muskie: 16%
Hubert Humphrey: 10%
George McGovern: 10%
Jimmy Carter: 8%
Henry Jackson: 6%
Terry Sanford: 5%
John McKeithen: 3%
Roland Renne: 2%
Someone else: 2%
Not sure: 20%
Didn’t answer: 1%
Who do you support for the Republican nomination in 1972?
(Republicans only, italics = unannounced)
Barry Goldwater: 57%
John Lindsay: 19%
Someone else: 5%
Not sure: 18%
Didn’t answer: 1%
Who would you support if the 1972 Presidential election was held today?
Democrats: 40%
President Barry Goldwater/Vice President Ronald Reagan: 29%
Other: 3%
Not sure: 23%
Didn’t answer: 5%
Who would you support if the 1972 congressional elections were held today?
Democrats: 44%
Republicans: 34%
Other: 1%
Not sure: 20%
Didn’t answer: 1%

[Cold War Liberal]

June 1, 1971
Donald

Donald Trump had been a prisoner of war in Hanoi for almost two years now. Luckily for him, he was considered “high-profile,” so he was not abused to the extent that some others had, but he and his cellmate, John S. McCain III, had still been through hell. And there was no end in sight, as far as either of them could tell.

Donald laid on his cot. He was no longer the whiny child of two years prior. The war - and the Hanoi Hilton - had shown him and subjected him to unspeakable horrors. That kind of s--- makes a person grow up real fast. He looked over across the cell at McCain, who was asleep; the two had become best friends over the course of their capture, when they weren’t in solitary confinement. After they got out of there, he hoped he’d be able to spend time with him under normal circumst-

Donald’s thoughts were interrupted by shouts in the corridor and a guard throwing open the door. In pretty decent, though not perfect English, the guard shouted at Trump and McCain to wake up. “We’re moving you. Up. Come one, quickly, we haven’t much time.”

Donald was confused and terrified. He knew that if he was taken to a secondary location, his odds of coming back alive were slim to none. He saw guards moving other prisoners of war too. It looked like all of them were being moved. Donald guessed that this was because the Viet Cong had detected an American rescue mission was inbound. Before, prisoners hadn’t just been moved, they’d been killed, so Donald wasn’t overly optimistic about his and McCain’s chances of being rescued - or surviving if they weren’t.

Donald and John were lead out to a back alley, where they were thrown into the back of a black, windowless van with 7 other high-profile American POWs. Air raid sirens howled as the doors slammed shut and the van raced away from the Hanoi Hilton.

[NewYorkExpress]

June 1, 1971
Donald

Donald Trump had been a prisoner of war in Hanoi for almost two years now. Luckily for him, he was considered “high-profile,” so he was not abused to the extent that some others had, but he and his cellmate, John S. McCain III, had still been through hell. And there was no end in sight, as far as either of them could tell.

Donald laid on his cot. He was no longer the whiny child of two years prior. The war - and the Hanoi Hilton - had shown him and subjected him to unspeakable horrors. That kind of s--- makes a person grow up real fast. He looked over across the cell at McCain, who was asleep; the two had become best friends over the course of their capture, when they weren’t in solitary confinement. After they got out of there, he hoped he’d be able to spend time with him under normal circumst-

Donald’s thoughts were interrupted by shouts in the corridor and a guard throwing open the door. In pretty decent, though not perfect English, the guard shouted at Trump and McCain to wake up. “We’re moving you. Up. Come one, quickly, we haven’t much time.”


Donald was confused and terrified. He knew that if he was taken to a secondary location, his odds of coming back alive were slim to none. He saw guards moving other prisoners of war too. It looked like all of them were being moved. Donald guessed that this was because the Viet Cong had detected an American rescue mission was inbound. Before, prisoners hadn’t just been moved, they’d been killed, so Donald wasn’t overly optimistic about his and McCain’s chances of being rescued - or surviving if they weren’t.

Donald and John were lead out to a back alley, where they were thrown into the back of a black, windowless van with 7 other high-profile American POWs. Air raid sirens howled as the doors slammed shut and the van raced away from the Hanoi Hilton.

Holy cow, I think you just killed off Trump and McCain.

[Cold War Liberal]

June 1, 1971
Barry

Well, today’s the day, the President thought to himself.

Today was the day he kicked off his longshot bid for reelection. Barry wasn’t stupid; he saw the poll numbers. 36% of people approved of him; 29% of Americans said they’d vote for him; and not even 60% of Republicans wanted him to be renominated. 1972 would be a long, hard, painful slog for the President, and would most likely end in his defeat at the hands of Ed Muskie, Ted Kennedy, or worse, George McGovern.

Still, when he gave his announcement speech, he did it with as little enthusiasm as he would have if he had a 60% approval rating. His crowd, made up of a lot of his most loyal fans (and a few hecklers) cheered just as strongly as they had in 1968. It was still very early for a Presidential announcement, but Lindsay had forced him into a tight spot; either announce early and look vulnerable, or announce at a normal time and let the challenger build momentum in the meantime. Kitchel had recommended the in-between option: announce early, but still a few months after Lindsay, so as to not look desperate.

Goldwater finished up his speech, then walked off stage to a private area, where an adviser rushed up to him. “We got a message from Vietnam. They’re threatening to kill the hostages if we don’t call off the rescue mission. All the hostages.”

Jesus Christ, thought the President. After a few moments of thinking, President Goldwater gave his orders. “If we don’t rescue them, they’ll rot in the Hanoi Hilton for the rest of their lives. They’re bluffing; the POWs are too valuable to them. This is our best chance, and we’re not going to give it up over a communist bluff.”

Tasked with conveying the message to the Pentagon, the adviser scurried away, and Goldwater went out into the crowd of his adoring fans. After shaking about fifty hands, he came across a crowd of hecklers chanting “hey, ho, Barry Mo / Goldwater has got to go!” One of the hecklers, a young man of perhaps 20, shoved his way through the crowd and shook Goldwater’s hand. “My name is Arthur Bremer,” he shouted to Goldwater’s alarm, still grasping the President’s hand, “and you’re ruining our country.” Goldwater’s Secret Service detail had been separated from the President by the crowd (though they were only a few feet behind him), and they caught back up with Goldwater just as Bremer let go of his hand, reached into his pocket, and shouted something else:

“A penny for your thoughts?”

BANG.

[NewYorkExpress]

June 1, 1971
Barry

Well, today’s the day, the President thought to himself.

Today was the day he kicked off his longshot bid for reelection. Barry wasn’t stupid; he saw the poll numbers. 36% of people approved of him; 29% of Americans said they’d vote for him; and not even 60% of Republicans wanted him to be renominated. 1972 would be a long, hard, painful slog for the President, and would most likely end in his defeat at the hands of Ed Muskie, Ted Kennedy, or worse, George McGovern.

Still, when he gave his announcement speech, he did it with as little enthusiasm as he would have if he had a 60% approval rating. His crowd, made up of a lot of his most loyal fans (and a few hecklers) cheered just as strongly as they had in 1968. It was still very early for a Presidential announcement, but Lindsay had forced him into a tight spot; either announce early and look vulnerable, or announce at a normal time and let the challenger build momentum in the meantime. Kitchel had recommended the in-between option: announce early, but still a few months after Lindsay, so as to not look desperate.

Goldwater finished up his speech, then walked off stage to a private area, where an adviser rushed up to him. “We got a message from Vietnam. They’re threatening to kill the hostages if we don’t call off the rescue mission. All the hostages.”

Jesus Christ, thought the President. After a few moments of thinking, President Goldwater gave his orders. “If we don’t rescue them, they’ll rot in the Hanoi Hilton for the rest of their lives. They’re bluffing; the POWs are too valuable to them. This is our best chance, and we’re not going to give it up over a communist bluff.”

Tasked with conveying the message to the Pentagon, the adviser scurried away, and Goldwater went out into the crowd of his adoring fans. After shaking about fifty hands, he came across a crowd of hecklers chanting “hey, ho, Barry Mo / Goldwater has got to go!” One of the hecklers, a young man of perhaps 20, shoved his way through the crowd and shook Goldwater’s hand. “My name is Arthur Bremer,” he shouted to Goldwater’s alarm, still grasping the President’s hand, “and you’re ruining our country.” Goldwater’s Secret Service detail had been separated from the President by the crowd (though they were only a few feet behind him), and they caught back up with Goldwater just as Bremer let go of his hand, reached into his pocket, and shouted something else:

“A penny for your thoughts?”

BANG.

Wow, this is a surprise. Are we going to get President Reagan after all, and is he going to run for a full term?

[MillennialModerate]

So in this scenario we are trading Goldwater & LBJ for JFK, RFK & MLK?

Deal. Where do I sign up?

[NewYorkExpress]

So in this scenario we are trading Goldwater & LBJ for JFK, RFK & MLK?

Deal. Where do I sign up?

It sounds like we still get President Reagan for at least one term, though.

[Cold War Liberal]

June 1, 1971
Ronald

“...my meeting with Governor Unruh, we had a very productive discussion and we hope that we can work togeth-”

Secret Service abruptly whisked Vice President Ronald Reagan off the stage where he had been speaking to the press about the meeting he had just had at the California Governor’s mansion. The Vice President was in his home state today to discuss policy with Unruh; now, it seemed, he was needed back in Washington.

“What’s the matter?” he asked. “President Goldwater’s been shot. He’s alive, but unconscious. We need you back in Washington immediately.

“Does this mean I’m the Acting President?”

“The Constitution isn’t entirely clear on this, but I think most would say that you have the authority to act on Goldwater’s behalf. However, when you’re on the plane, you won’t have a secure line to Washington, so Speaker Albert would likely have that power for a few hours, though Secretary LeMay would have the nuclear football…”

Holy s---, Reagan thought, I need to get back to D.C. ASAP.

June 1, 1971
Curtis

Defense Secretary LeMay had just gotten the bad news. The President was unconscious. The Vice President was 3,000 miles away. The Speaker of the House was a pansy; the President pro temp was old and frail. LeMay didn’t trust Secretary Kissinger, and Treasury Secretary Galvin sold telephones before he got this job, making him hardly ready to lead the country. Besides, due to COOP, LeMay had the nuclear football. Obviously, he was in charge here.

Five minutes later, LeMay assembled the Cabinet. Carl Albert may have been sitting in the chair labeled “President of the United States,” but the Constitutionality of his being there was extremely questionable. LeMay took charge of the situation. “The Constitution is not clear on what happens in the event that the President is unconscious and the Vice President is not able to be reached. I think that until Vice President Reagan returns to the White House, Speaker Albert should exercise all Presidential duties, except for those related to defense and national security, which I should be in charge of.” Secretary Kissinger objected, but Speaker Albert agreed. “My area of expertise is the legislature, not the military,” the Speaker said, “and so I don’t see a problem with a joint government for the, what, four or five hours it’ll take the Vice President to get here.”

An hour later, Secretary LeMay was summoned to the JFK conference room. Speaker Albert and Secretary Kissinger were already there. “Secretary LeMay, there’s been a situation with the hostage rescue mission,” Kissinger informed him. “Before he was shot, President Goldwater greenlit the mission, even after a threat was received that said the hostages would all be killed unless the mission was called off. Goldwater thought it was a bluff. It turns out…”

“...it wasn’t a bluff, was it?” LeMay finished his sentence for him.

“No, Secretary, it wasn’t. All of the remaining POWs, over 700 by our estimation, have been publicly executed, except for eight ‘high profile’ prisoners, who left the Hanoi Hilton in a van. Our intelligence officers know where they are but they need your authorization to rescue them.”

LeMay was livid. He knew what he’d do: what he'd wanted to do all along, what Goldwater and Kissinger were too afraid to do.

He’d turn Hanoi into a radioactive dust cloud, to send a message.

He turned to the man who had been at his side since he got the news of the assassination attempt, the man with the football. “Let’s talk,” he said. The man put the football down on the table, and the two men started going over strike plans. Secretary Kissinger came out of his shock and lept out of his chair. “What are you doing!?” he shouted. “What you and others in the Administration don’t have the balls to do,” LeMay retorted. This provoked a shouting match, and Kissinger was removed from the Situation Room. After some planning, LeMay called off the rescue mission (the POWs had been killed while the team was still en route) except for one small helicopter to save the 8 high profile prisoners. Then the Defense Secretary ordered five 25 megaton B41 nuclear bombs be dropped on 5 targets in and around the city of Hanoi (one of which was the Hanoi Hilton itself). We're phasing the B41's out anyway, Curtis thought, so why not get rid of a few while also getting revenge for our murdered soldiers?

With a faint smile on his lips, LeMay gave the launch authorization and awaited the destruction of those commie bastards.

[Joe Biden 2024]

Considering the opposition to the war, I think LeMay is about to single-handedly end the Goldwater administration.

[Josecardoso17]

Considering the opposition to the war, I think LeMay is about to single-handedly end the Goldwater administration.

[Anti-Bothsidesism]

AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA

[NewYorkExpress]

Even if Goldwater dies, I don't know how Reagan gets elected to a full term. Hell, he might have to resign.

[Independents for Nihilism]

With a faint smile on his lips, LeMay gave the launch authorization and awaited the destruction of those commie bastards.

Holy sh**t, man. Chillingly realistic stuff, I can't wait to see where you take it from here.

[Cold War Liberal]

June 1, 1971
Donald

The back of the van was cramped, smelly, and dark. Donald Trump tried to keep a mental log of how much time had passed since he’d been thrown into the van, but he’d lost track. It must’ve been an hour or more when, suddenly, the van stopped. Donald thought he heard the sound of gunfire, but he wasn’t sure.

Just then, the van doors flew open. It was the US rescue mission, there to save them. Donald had no idea how they’d found them (probably the CIA), but he heard the rotors of the escape helicopter in the background. “We’re here to take you back to America,” the lead soldier said. “We’ve gotta go quickly, though, ‘cause ol’ ‘Bomb’s Away LeMay’ lobbed a few in our direction.”

“We’re doing a bombing run over Hanoi?” Trump asked.

“Yep, Hanoi’s gonna be the next Hiroshima. The President’s-”

“LeMay is President?” Donald felt his heart sink

“No, but he’s got the codes. Goldwater’s mentally AWOL and Reagan’s in the air, which means LeMay’s in control of the nukes. The bombs drop in half an hour. Get the other seven onto this helicop-”

“Don’t you mean the other eight?” Donald asked.

“No… there were supposed to be eight of you, total.” The commander looked and saw that there were, in total, 9 POWs. “S---,” he said. “Our ‘copter’s only got room for 8 of ya.”

It was a sign of intense personal growth over the course of the last two years that Donald Trump immediately said “I’ll stay behind. Get everyone else out of here.”

The commander put up a fight, stating that no man should ever be left behind. After three minutes of arguing, the commander gave up and said he’d do everything in his power to come back for Trump.


“Everything in his power” wasn’t enough, however. An hour later, Donald had found himself a flat roof to sit on, awaiting either his rescue, or, more likely, his demise. He heard not the rotors of the helicopter of his salvation, but the engines of B-52s. Several miles away, he saw the first bomb drop. It exploded with a flash unlike anything Donald had ever seen. Or would ever see again; the light blinded him.

Well, at least McCain and the other POWs got out, Donald thought seconds later.

It was the last thing he would ever think.

Donald John Trump
June 14, 1946 - June 1, 1971
Son, Brother, War Hero

[Vespucci]

Can we switch this Trump with our Trump? Please?

[NewYorkExpress]

June 1, 1971
Donald

The back of the van was cramped, smelly, and dark. Donald Trump tried to keep a mental log of how much time had passed since he’d been thrown into the van, but he’d lost track. It must’ve been an hour or more when, suddenly, the van stopped. Donald thought he heard the sound of gunfire, but he wasn’t sure.

Just then, the van doors flew open. It was the US rescue mission, there to save them. Donald had no idea how they’d found them (probably the CIA), but he heard the rotors of the escape helicopter in the background. “We’re here to take you back to America,” the lead soldier said. “We’ve gotta go quickly, though, ‘cause ol’ ‘Bomb’s Away LeMay’ lobbed a few in our direction.”

“We’re doing a bombing run over Hanoi?” Trump asked.

“Yep, Hanoi’s gonna be the next Hiroshima. The President’s-”

“LeMay is President?” Donald felt his heart sink

“No, but he’s got the codes. Goldwater’s mentally AWOL and Reagan’s in the air, which means LeMay’s in control of the nukes. The bombs drop in half an hour. Get the other seven onto this helicop-”

“Don’t you mean the other eight?” Donald asked.

“No… there were supposed to be eight of you, total.” The commander looked and saw that there were, in total, 9 POWs. “S---,” he said. “Our ‘copter’s only got room for 8 of ya.”

It was a sign of intense personal growth over the course of the last two years that Donald Trump immediately said “I’ll stay behind. Get everyone else out of here.”

The commander put up a fight, stating that no man should ever be left behind. After three minutes of arguing, the commander gave up and said he’d do everything in his power to come back for Trump.


“Everything in his power” wasn’t enough, however. An hour later, Donald had found himself a flat roof to sit on, awaiting either his rescue, or, more likely, his demise. He heard not the rotors of the helicopter of his salvation, but the engines of B-52s. Several miles away, he saw the first bomb drop. It exploded with a flash unlike anything Donald had ever seen. Or would ever see again; the light blinded him.

Well, at least McCain and the other POWs got out, Donald thought seconds later.

It was the last thing he would ever think.

Donald John Trump
June 14, 1946 - June 1, 1971
Son, Brother, War Hero

Wow. I thought for a second you were going to kill McCain off too...