Foreign policy differences among 2020 Dems
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  Foreign policy differences among 2020 Dems
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Author Topic: Foreign policy differences among 2020 Dems  (Read 12505 times)
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jfern
Atlas Institution
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Posts: 53,802


Political Matrix
E: -7.38, S: -8.36

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« Reply #150 on: May 06, 2019, 02:04:15 AM »

So basically late Biden is more dovish than Obama? At least, more of the opponent of military intervention. Interesting.


Opposed intervening in Libya. Like Trump.
Wanted to ship Ukraine “lethal defensive weapons”. Like Trump did.
Opposed digging into Afghanistan. Like Trump.
Wanted to bomb Assad. Like Trump did.


So like Trump, but with fetish about NATO. I start to really like Biden. Obama would be a descent president if he listened more to Biden and less to Hillary...


Top-5 doves >>>
Your favourite President Donald J Trump
Gabbard
Bernie
Biden
Warren Pacman

Top doves are
Gravel
Williamson
Bernie
Gabbard

And while Warren is more dovish than most, maybe Yang or some random minor candidate can beat her.
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Karpatsky
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Ukraine


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« Reply #151 on: May 06, 2019, 07:27:22 AM »

So basically late Biden is more dovish than Obama? At least, more of the opponent of military intervention. Interesting.


Opposed intervening in Libya. Like Trump.
Wanted to ship Ukraine “lethal defensive weapons”. Like Trump did.
Opposed digging into Afghanistan. Like Trump.
Wanted to bomb Assad. Like Trump did.


So like Trump, but with fetish about NATO. I start to really like Biden. Obama would be a descent president if he listened more to Biden and less to Hillary...


Top-5 doves >>>
Your favourite President Donald J Trump
Gabbard
Bernie
Biden
Warren Pacman

Top doves are
Gravel
Williamson
Bernie
Gabbard

And while Warren is more dovish than most, maybe Yang or some random minor candidate can beat her.

Warren is far too smart to make that kind of list. She supports upholding the liberal international order, so I suppose by your standards she is just another neolib warmonger.
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American2020
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Côte d'Ivoire


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« Reply #152 on: May 06, 2019, 09:55:00 AM »

Why the world is missing from the Democratic primary

https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/paloma/the-trailer/2019/05/05/the-trailer-why-the-world-is-missing-from-the-democratic-primary/5ccdedc5a7a0a46cfe152c39/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.dbf44027c00e

Biden calls for end to U.S. support for Saudi war in Yemen
Quote
Eventually, the Biden campaign will have to figure out how to navigate the thornier issues and the Democratic Party will have to decide whether to follow a more centrist, traditional foreign policy or a more progressive agenda. But Biden’s intervention ahead of Thursday’s Yemen vote shows he’s planning to run on his foreign policy credentials, not away from them.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/05/01/biden-calls-end-us-support-saudi-war-yemen/?utm_term=.0161765dc976
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Mr. Morden
Atlas Legend
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United States


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« Reply #153 on: June 23, 2019, 11:56:13 AM »

New Bill Scher column on Sanders's foreign policy record:

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2019/06/23/bernie-sanders-foreign-policy-doctrine-227193

Quote
Back in April 1999, then-Congressman Sanders was on the House floor giving a three-minute speech about the military intervention taking place in what was then known as Yugoslavia. In the first 90 seconds, Sanders gave the familiar argument that military operations—like that one—without congressional authorization are unconstitutional. But for the second half of his remarks, he shifted his focus. Without expending a word to satisfy his own constitutional concerns, Sanders defended the NATO bombing as necessary on moral grounds to stop “ethnic cleansing,” the war’s euphemism for atrocities targeting ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

The Kosovo operation is a 20-year old episode, but it’s a rare example of Sanders openly, if not quite transparently, grappling with his conflicting principles—and presidents often have to do that. Sanders voted for a resolution, preferred by the Clinton administration, which “authorized” the operation without codifying that the authorization was legally required under the War Powers Act. (Sanders, and nearly all of his colleagues, voted against a formal declaration of war.) And when even that resolution failed in the House on a tie vote, Sanders did not insist the operation end on the basis of its constitutional illegitimacy. Five days later at a Montpelier, Vermont, town hall, he passionately supported the bombing.

Twenty years later, when it comes to defending NATO allies if attacked, the Blob will be happy to know Duss was unequivocal that Sanders would respond militarily: “Shared security is something Senator Sanders strongly believes in, and the principle of collective defense is at the core of NATO's founding treaty. It's important for friends and foes alike to have no doubt that the United States will honor this commitment."

Beyond that, Duss told me that cases of “genocide or of mass atrocities” would “weigh heavily” on the mind of Sanders as president. And he laid out the questions Sanders would pose: “Does this meet the level of an emergency, an imminent atrocity? Does it immediately impact the security of the people of the United States? And if it doesn’t, does that imminent atrocity, rise to the level of a global norm which we have interest in enforcing and upholding? And finally, and very important, what are the chances for creating a better outcome having taken this step of introducing U.S. military forces into the situation?”
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