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CrabCake
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« Reply #875 on: June 19, 2016, 07:38:24 PM »

Have any trade unions defected from PSOE to podemos?
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Velasco
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« Reply #876 on: June 20, 2016, 10:55:25 AM »

Have any trade unions defected from PSOE to podemos?

No. There was an attempt to create a trade union close to Podemos (Somos), but apparently it has been unsuccessful. The two main trade unions in Spain are Comisiones Obreras (CCOO, Workers' Commissions) and the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT, General Union of Workers). CCOO was founded in 1962 under the Franco regime and was initially associated with the PCE, but among its founding groups there were progressive catholic associations known generically as "Grassroots Christians". It was always organically independent from the Communist Party, which lost influence in the trade union during the 80s in parallel with its electoral decadence. Currently there is a left wing in CCOO linked to the PCE, which is the main opposition to the trade union leadership. The UGT was founded in 1888 by Pablo Iglesias Posse (not to be confused with the Podemos leader), nine years after the foundation of PSOE. During the first years Iglesias Posse was the leader of both organisations; being an UGT member implied an affiliation to the PSOE and vice versa. However, from my understanding PSOE and UGT never had an organic relationship similar to that between Labour and the British trade unions. Such relationship was rather built under the principles of autonomy and cooperation. During the 80s an increasing confrontation between UGT historical leader Nicolás Redondo and former PM Felipe González reached a climax in the 1988 general strike. Later Cándido Méndez, who replaced Nicolás Redondo, had a much friendlier relationship with Zapatero. In that period it was discussed the possibility of reestablishing certain organic ties.

Anyway the Spanish trade unions have lost much influence, partly due to their own faults (excessive bureaucratization) and partly because of economic processes, the increasing duality of the Spanish labour market and legislation that limits collective bargaining. Trade unions mainly represent workers with permanent contracts and they have failed to address unemployed workers or people with precarious contracts. Keep in mind that much of the Podemos voter base is under 35 and that age group is particularly affected by unemployment and precarious labour conditions.
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Velasco
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« Reply #877 on: June 21, 2016, 04:22:04 AM »
« Edited: June 21, 2016, 06:24:10 AM by Velasco »

Mariano Rajoy is campaigning in Andalusia, where PP aspires to first place and according to polls is contesting a handful of seats with UP by narrow margins. The conservative leader called again to concentrate the "moderate" vote that wants "certainty" and "safety" in order to follow "the path of recovery and job creation" and counter "the coalition of communists and extremists" that this time are running together. Rajoy went as far as to suggest that UP could win the elections in a rally held in Málaga. "I ask C's voters to not waste their ballots", said Mr Rajoy. PP estimates that Ciudadanos has nothing to do in 25 provinces and argues that voting orange in them could help Pablo Iglesias. C's leader Albert Rivera replies from Vigo saying that voting for the old parties is useless. "Don't waste our votes with parties that put high offices first". Rivera proposed a consensus PM that is not one of the four candidates contesting this election. One could say that oranges are proposing a Monti. C's leaders indicate that if they get an additional 2% of the vote they could win 10 or 15 seats at the expense of UP.

Pablo Iglesias asks the left to vote for UP.  Íñigo Errejón considers a success that the strategy of the rest of parties orbits around Podemos. The goal is offering a hand to PSOE and demonstrate that every seat UP gains at the expense of PP in the smaller constituencies is a guarantee for a progressive government. The overwhelmed PSOE tries to prevent being passed by UP. Pedro Sánchez affirms that he won't support Rajoy or Iglesias. Rejecting Rajoy leaves other possibilities open. By rejecting Iglesias he's saying that voting UP is not an incentive for a leftwing agreement. In short: in case the PSOE is passed Iglesias won't be PM; in case PSOE holds the second place Sánchez will demand the UP support.  
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Velasco
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« Reply #878 on: June 21, 2016, 07:35:21 AM »
« Edited: June 21, 2016, 01:26:39 PM by Velasco »

The Andorra Fruit Market has reopened. First data say that the price of Water would be 29 EUR per litre, with a purchase forecast estimated between 116 and 120 units. Grapes are sold for 23.7 EUR per kilo and the purchase forecast oscillates between 83 and 87 units. Strawberries are slightly cheaper (21.5 EUR) and between 82 and 86 units are expected to be purchased. Finally, the price of Oranges is 14.9 EUR per kilo and the purchase forecast is between 38 and 42 units.

Other market analyses estimate that a "realistic" purchase forecast for purple grapes would be around 85 units, but demand would eventually increase to approx 93 units. It would depend on the oscillations in other local markets like Tarragona, Murcia, Castellón, Barcelona, Teruel, Vizcaya, Asturias or Cáceres. Brexit would eventually has some effect in the demand, although others think it will have little impact.

http://www.elmundo.es/blogs/elmundo/moncloa-confidencial/2016/06/21/una-vision-analitica-de-unidos-podemos.html
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Nanwe
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« Reply #879 on: June 22, 2016, 02:43:24 AM »
« Edited: June 22, 2016, 05:20:37 AM by Nanwe »

Barely a week before the election:

Fernández Díaz appears in tape recordings conspiring against independentist politicians

  • The Minister of the Interior, Jorge Fernández Díaz, plotted with the directors of the Anti-Fraud Office of Catalonia, Daniel de Alfonso, to find corruption cases that could be used against the entourage of Oriol Junqueras, leader of ERC.
  • According to tape recordging revealed by the newspaper Público, De Alfonso assured the minister that he was lookin for scandals to be used against ERC and to be published by Planeta group's media.
  • They also considered releasing scandals against the consellers of the Govern, such as Felip Puig and Francesc Homs, due to an alleged promotion of two sisters-in-law of the Puig.
  • REACTIONS: | The director of Anti-Fraud: "We did not conspire, at leas not me. I meet with whomever requests it"

The Minister of the Interior, Jorge Fernández Díaz and the Director of the Anti-Fraud Office of Catalonia, Daniel de Alfonso, tried to create scandals affecting independentist parties and officials in the wake of the 9-N participative process. According to tape recordings revealed by the Público journal on Tuesday, the two men plotted looking for corruption cases, real or otherwise, that could involve independentists, like Oriol Junqueras', ERC's leader, father or brother, or the two consellers of Convergència, Felip Puig and Francesc Homs.

In the recordings one can hear the long conservation between Fernández Díaz and De Alfonso, in which the latter explains that he's investigating the family circle of Junqueras, searching for scandals to be published through the group Planeta's media. "We are investigating Esquerra's stuff, but it's very weak. That's the truth, Minister", states the director of Antifrau. According to the conservation, the scheming was centred on the allotments of the tripartite [Catalan] government, alleged land deals by Junqueras' father, or the work promotions of family members of the then-Business conseller, Felip Puig.

The published conversations are explicit and full of details and reveal that the minister's focus was on the pro-independence leaders, leaving aside the potential irregular activities of the PSC-controlled municipal administrations. "Because after all, if we also uncover where the PSC governs with a majority and they have received an allotment, they'll say 'Well, of course, but whom are you accusing, the PSC or Esquerra?' We would lose the focus" De Alfonso explains with regards to the various allotments and concessions charged by the company in which Orial Junqueras' brother worked, for several Catalan municipalities.

De Alfonso even argued that it should be him to leak the scandal, to prevent that the UDEF [White Collar Crime Division of the Police] would "lose face". "When I finish talking to you Minister, I'll tell José Ángel [Fuentes Gago], that you know he trusts me. , if you have something, either you two give it to me, or you give it to me. Don't 'burn' yourselves leaking this to the press, because if the UDEF's name keep appearing, it will be tainted because it seems like an attack ... hell, give it to me and I'll leak, I'll research it myself and we'll give it [to the press]" De Alfonso pointed out.

The chief-inspector José Ángel Fuentes Gago has been Eugenio Pino's right-hand man. Pino's Adjoint Operative Division has hosted a secret group of policemen dedicated to search for political corruption cases of the opposition, both amongst Catalan independentism as well as in Podemos. This secret groups's existence was revealed by eldiario.es last November, when the conversations were taped.

The tape recordings published by Público would expand the degree of the actions of the Minister against pro-independence politicians beyond the National Police and would involve the director o the Anti-Fraud Office. According to the aforementioned journal, the conversations were recorded shorty after the 9-N consulta, around the same time that Jordi Pujol confessed to having had a secret bank account abroad.

Reactions have not made themselves wait.

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jaichind
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« Reply #880 on: June 22, 2016, 05:21:55 AM »

Podemos willing to not include Catalonia referendum in potential negotiations with PSOE on forming a govt., El Pais reports citing sources from the party it doesn’t identify.
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Nanwe
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« Reply #881 on: June 22, 2016, 05:27:07 AM »

Podemos willing to not include Catalonia referendum in potential negotiations with PSOE on forming a govt., El Pais reports citing sources from the party it doesn’t identify.

If they did, it'd be the political demise of that person. For the time being, the referendum is non-negotiable. Everything will be different on Monday though.
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Velasco
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« Reply #882 on: June 22, 2016, 07:00:39 AM »

Podemos willing to not include Catalonia referendum in potential negotiations with PSOE on forming a govt., El Pais reports citing sources from the party it doesn’t identify.

If they did, it'd be the political demise of that person. For the time being, the referendum is non-negotiable. Everything will be different on Monday though.

Pablo Iglesias says the priority is the formation of a progressive government and proposes a parallel negotiation on Catalonia and the referendum. Podemos leader maintains that the best solution is the referendum but states he's open to alternative proposals, although he also says the one of Pedro Sánchez is "anachronistic" and his is very similar to that supported by PSC years ago.

Enric Juliana collects some rumours circulating in Madrid on potential negotiations. The priority of Mariano Rajoy would be to attract the faction of PSOE closest to Felipe González before emerges the "Negrín temptation". Zapatero, PSC in Catalonia and other regional branches (Valencia and Balearic Islands, among others) could be the main champions of a negotiation with the Left. It's not a secret that Zapatero has a fluent communication path with Iglesias apart from Pedro Sánchez, says Juliana. That is perhaps surprising, because Zapatero was said to be a Susana Díaz supporter. In order to save his head, Rajoy would be ready to pick up the telephone in order to start a quick negotiation before the summer heat reaches Madrid. Before the risk of deadlock, the Monti hypothesis takes shape. Timid conjectures emerge on a consensus figure that facilitates an agreement between PP and PSOE, well connected with the European Commission and able to lead a reformist government for a period of two years.
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Velasco
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« Reply #883 on: June 22, 2016, 10:35:14 AM »

Reactions have not made themselves wait.

Iñaki Gabilondo sums it up pretty well. Besides a corrupt, Fernández Díaz is worthless Grin

http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/06/22/videos/1466578074_939423.html
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Velasco
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« Reply #884 on: June 22, 2016, 08:39:07 PM »
« Edited: June 23, 2016, 04:40:41 AM by Velasco »

In the December 2015 election Podemos emerged strongly in the Basque Country, at the expense of the socialists (PSE-EE / PSOE) and the leftwing nationalist EH Bildu. Two interactive maps in El País show the results of Podemos and the drop of the EH Bildu support at municipal level.

http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/06/15/media/1466005099_919735.html

Podemos got over 30% of the vote in the municipalities located on the left side of the Bilbao Estuary (Barakaldo, Sestao, Santurtzi and others) and in some industrial towns of the Gipuzkoa province (Irún, Errentería, Pasaia, Lezo).

In contrast, there is a municipality where Podemos didn't cast a single vote. It's a tiny and relatively isolated village called Orexa, located in the Gipuzkoa province close to the border with Navarra. Everybody living there speaks Euskera (Basque). The village is organised by an old type of communal work called auzolan. 30 out of 126 inhabitants is under 18 and young people has the intent to stay. EH Bildu got 72 votes (96%), PNV 1 (1.33%) and 2 ballots were blank (2.67%). Fun fact: in the nearby Gaztelu Podemos got 27% of the vote.

http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2016/06/21/actualidad/1466532311_450417.html?rel=mas
 
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DL
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« Reply #885 on: June 24, 2016, 12:57:24 PM »

Does anyone think the British Brexit vote could have any impact on the outcome of the Spanish election on Sunday?
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Velasco
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« Reply #886 on: June 24, 2016, 12:59:59 PM »

"Spain’s parties use Brexit to advance their own agenda ahead of Sunday’s elections"

http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/06/24/inenglish/1466762780_229519.html

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Brexit has overshadowed the scandal involving Interior minister Jorge Fernández Díaz, who is unwilling to resign because he claims to be the victim of a conspiracy

http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/06/23/inenglish/1466680993_751288.html

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Here's an interview (Spanish) with sociologist Belén Barreiro, who is director and founder of MyWord and was at the head of the CIS (Center of Sociological Research). I think some socialists should take her words into account. I also think that socialists are too much self-absorbed and disconnected from reality, so...

Headlines:

 - IF PSOE and UP add enough seats, it will be very difficult to explain they don't reach an agreement

- Podemos generates a lot of enthusiasm in campaign and a great disappointment when elections pass

- The Podemos key flaw is when they make normal politics, they do it with this 'pornographic society' perspective: "let's strip ourselves". Politics needs some discretion.

- The argument of some socialists is that Podemos wants to destroy them. In any competitive market,  organizations compete for a bigger market share.

http://www.eldiario.es/politica/Podemos-enorme-campana-desilusion-elecciones_0_529497390.html
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Velasco
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« Reply #887 on: June 24, 2016, 01:02:25 PM »

Does anyone think the British Brexit vote could have any impact on the outcome of the Spanish election on Sunday?

Some analysts say that it would have an impact because some people would seek more stability. PP will try to take advantage. Others say it will have little impact. The scandal involving the minister of interior adds even more uncertainty.
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TheDeadFlagBlues
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« Reply #888 on: June 24, 2016, 03:54:42 PM »

Does anyone think the British Brexit vote could have any impact on the outcome of the Spanish election on Sunday?

Some analysts say that it would have an impact because some people would seek more stability. PP will try to take advantage. Others say it will have little impact. The scandal involving the minister of interior adds even more uncertainty.

If there's any lesson to be learned from the Brexit/Grexit referenda, it's that voters are not all that concerned about "stability" nor are they apt to listen to financial commentators or center-right politicians who preach doom in the face of political change. At least, that would be my take: there's little reason to believe that PP would benefit from this; maybe more naranjas will vote for PP but, outside of that, I don't see any benefits for Rajoy.
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DavidB.
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« Reply #889 on: June 24, 2016, 05:03:25 PM »

Would a potential left-wing coalition be more likely to accept an independent Scotland as EU member?
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« Reply #890 on: June 25, 2016, 12:51:42 AM »

Would not the relative strength of Podemos-IU provoke C -> PP tactical voting?

That's the aim of the PP campaign: appealing to moderate voters to counter the "populist menace". I guess it would depend on the level of polarization in the following two weeks of electoral campaign, which now is officially open. By the moment polls say that PP and C's retain their shares with little variation.

is it awkward at all for a "People's Party"  to be campaigning against "populism"?
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Nanwe
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« Reply #891 on: June 25, 2016, 02:45:19 AM »

Would not the relative strength of Podemos-IU provoke C -> PP tactical voting?

That's the aim of the PP campaign: appealing to moderate voters to counter the "populist menace". I guess it would depend on the level of polarization in the following two weeks of electoral campaign, which now is officially open. By the moment polls say that PP and C's retain their shares with little variation.

is it awkward at all for a "People's Party"  to be campaigning against "populism"?


No. Largely because by know popular is completely disassociated with people when you think of the PP. In any case, when parties have 'people's' in their name and aren't socialist, it's usually a reference to the 'good people', the families, the gente de bien, etc. It's a rather Christian democratic kind of name.
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Velasco
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« Reply #892 on: June 25, 2016, 06:22:17 AM »

Would not the relative strength of Podemos-IU provoke C -> PP tactical voting?

That's the aim of the PP campaign: appealing to moderate voters to counter the "populist menace". I guess it would depend on the level of polarization in the following two weeks of electoral campaign, which now is officially open. By the moment polls say that PP and C's retain their shares with little variation.

is it awkward at all for a "People's Party"  to be campaigning against "populism"?


No. Largely because by know popular is completely disassociated with people when you think of the PP. In any case, when parties have 'people's' in their name and aren't socialist, it's usually a reference to the 'good people', the families, the gente de bien, etc. It's a rather Christian democratic kind of name.

"Good and hardworking people", gente de orden. Regarding the PP I see certain perversions of the language, not only in the name. Rajoy and the other spokepersons market themselves as "moderate", "centrist" and  bearers of common sense. The reality is that PP voters perceive the party to the right of themselves and on average Spaniards think that it's very rightwing, even reactionary. As for the common sense, you have a good sample in the Fernández Díaz affair. Still, many people will vote for the PP. On the other hand someone said that all parties are "populist", especially when campaigning. The Podemos people argues that Arias Cañete driving a tractor in the EP 2014 campaign was a good example of populist campaigning.

Would a potential left-wing coalition be more likely to accept an independent Scotland as EU member?

I haven't an answer for that.

Does anyone think the British Brexit vote could have any impact on the outcome of the Spanish election on Sunday?

Some analysts say that it would have an impact because some people would seek more stability. PP will try to take advantage. Others say it will have little impact. The scandal involving the minister of interior adds even more uncertainty.

If there's any lesson to be learned from the Brexit/Grexit referenda, it's that voters are not all that concerned about "stability" nor are they apt to listen to financial commentators or center-right politicians who preach doom in the face of political change. At least, that would be my take: there's little reason to believe that PP would benefit from this; maybe more naranjas will vote for PP but, outside of that, I don't see any benefits for Rajoy.

Maybe the desire for "stability" will be reflected not in the election results, but in more acceptance by public opinion of the 'Monti' and 'Grand Coalition' kind of agreements. The Podemos adversaries hope that Brexit will be bad for them and try to take advantage of the conmotion. Mariano Rajoy strengthens his calls for "stability" and "order" hoping to mobilize the undecided in his favour, as well to attract orange voters. PSOE and C's bashed Cameron's "irresponsibility" for calling a referendum and claim for a 'third way' between populism and political immobilism. The Unidos Podemos campaign was quite successful in deactivating the language of fear, but now Brexit adds uncertainty and purples are concerned. In any case, tomorrow doubts will be solved. 
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« Reply #893 on: June 25, 2016, 10:09:06 AM »
« Edited: June 25, 2016, 10:10:38 AM by Beezer »

Having read a bit about Podemos now, it is interesting to see their approach to politics as a leftist party that eschews a traditional leftist worldview and appeals to the "working class" in favor of outright populism and the whole "people vs. elite/caste" narrative that comes with it in order to appeal to a broader segment of the electorare. Of course entering an electoral alliance with the IU and PCE totally goes against that - also in light of the criticism someone like Iglesias has voiced about the orthodox and rigidity of these parties. Were the critical voices within Podemos that objected to this strategy? Or am I just completely misinterpreting their ideological approach?
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jaichind
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« Reply #894 on: June 25, 2016, 11:58:37 AM »

(Bloomberg) -- (Corrects to move reference to final poll in headline) Caretaker Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s People’s Party on track for 116-120 seats in Sunday’s election, according to a Gesop survey published by El Periodic d’Andorra on its website.
PP rises from 114-118 seats in Friday’s poll, down from 123 seats in Dec. 20 election
Podemos set for 83-87 seats vs 71 in December
Socialists on 83-87 seats vs 90
Ciudadanos 38-42 seats vs 40
Poll based on 900 interviews conducted June 22-24
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ag
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« Reply #895 on: June 25, 2016, 12:03:07 PM »

(Bloomberg) -- (Corrects to move reference to final poll in headline) Caretaker Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy’s People’s Party on track for 116-120 seats in Sunday’s election, according to a Gesop survey published by El Periodic d’Andorra on its website.
PP rises from 114-118 seats in Friday’s poll, down from 123 seats in Dec. 20 election
Podemos set for 83-87 seats vs 71 in December
Socialists on 83-87 seats vs 90
Ciudadanos 38-42 seats vs 40
Poll based on 900 interviews conducted June 22-24

Why not post the link to the Andorreans Smiley?

http://sondeos.elperiodic.ad/quinto-sondeo-elecciones-generales-26j.html
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Velasco
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« Reply #896 on: June 25, 2016, 12:22:34 PM »
« Edited: June 26, 2016, 01:25:10 AM by Velasco »

Having read a bit about Podemos now, it is interesting to see their approach to politics as a leftist party that eschews a traditional leftist worldview and appeals to the "working class" in favor of outright populism and the whole "people vs. elite/caste" narrative that comes with it in order to appeal to a broader segment of the electorare. Of course entering an electoral alliance with the IU and PCE totally goes against that - also in light of the criticism someone like Iglesias has voiced about the orthodox and rigidity of these parties. Were the critical voices within Podemos that objected to this strategy? Or am I just completely misinterpreting their ideological approach?

Yes, the alliance between Podemos and IU is a bit contradictory with the Podemos initial premise. It has changed the narrative of this election: December 2015 was a confrontation between "old politics" (PP and PSOE) and "new politics" (Podemos and C's), June 2016 is more similar to the classic confrontation between the Left and the Right. There were political differences between Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias and second in command Íñigo Errejón. Iglesias and others wanted the alliance, while Errejón was very reluctant. Errejón is totally engaged with the "populist hypothesis" and considers that "socialdemocrat" or "communist" are outdated labels. However, the new coalition Unidos Podemos introduced a factor of novelty in this campaign and they have made a good use of it. Podemos people is masterful in campaigning, especially Errejón.
 
The Podemos populism is not easy to explain. Firstly, in our postcapitalist society it's hard to talk about the "working class" as a homogeneous collective subject. Secondly, what do you mean exactly with "outright populism"? The Podemos leadership is clearly leftist (I should say post-Marxist); that's their background and ideology. They are very influenced by Gramsci and by an Argentinian political theorist called Ernesto Laclau, particularly by a book called On Populist Reason

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernesto_Laclau

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His widow Chantal Mouffe published recently an opinion article in El País called "The Populist Moment". I'll try to translate some excerpts.

http://elpais.com/elpais/2016/06/06/opinion/1465228236_594864.html

Today in Europe we are living a populist moment that means a turning point for our democracies, which future will depend on the response that is given to this challenge. To confront this situation is necessary to reject the media simplistic vision of populism as pure demagoguery and to adopt an analytical perspective. I propose to follow Ernesto Laclau, who defines the populism as a way of constructing the political, consisting in the establishment of a political border that divides society in two fields, appealing to the mobilization of "los de abajo" (those who are downwards, the people) opposite to "los de arriba" (those who are upwards, the elites). Populism is not an ideology and it's not possible to attribute it a programmatical specific content. Neither is a political regime and is compatible with a variety of state forms. It's a way of doing politics that can take different forms according to epochs and places. It arises when aims to construct a new subject of collective action -the people- able to reconfigure a social order lived as unjust

Examined from this optics, the recent surge of populist forms of politics in Europe appears as the expression of a crisis of liberal-democratic politics due to the convergence of several phenomena, which in the last years have affected the conditions of the exercise of democracy. The first one is what I have proposed to call 'post-politics' to refer to the blur of the political border between the Right and the Left. It was the result of the consensus established between the centre-right and centre-left parties on the idea of that there was no alternative to the neoliberal globalisation. (...) In this way it was challenged the very heart of the democratic idea: the power of the people (...)

(...)Far from being a progress towards a more mature society, as it is said sometimes, this evolution undermines the bases of our western model of democracy, habitually designated as republican. This model was the result of the articulation between two traditions: the liberal of the constitutional state, separation of powers and affirmation of individual freedom, and the democratic tradition of equality and popular sovereignty. These two political logics are ultimately irreconcilable, since always a tension will exist between the principles of freedom and equality. But this tension is constitutive of our republican model because it guarantees pluralism.

As the border between the Left and the Right became blurry by the reduction of democracy to its liberal dimension, it disappeared the space where that agonistic confrontation between adversaries could take place. And democratic aspirations no longer find channels of expression in the frame of traditional politics. The Demos, the sovereign people, has been declared a zombie category and now we are living in post-democratic societies.

These changes at political level fall within the frame of a new hegemonic neoliberal formation, characterized by a form of regulation of capitalism in which financial capital has a central position. We have witnessed the exponential increase of inequality that not only concerns the lower class, but also to a large proportion of the middle class, which has entered in a process of impoverishment and precariousness. It is possible to speak about a real phenomenon of oligarquisation of our societies.

In this context of social and political crisis have arisen a variety of populist movements that reject the post-politics and the post-democracy. They proclaim that they are going to return to the people the voice that has been confiscated by the elites. Regardless of the problematic forms that can take some of these movements, it is important to admit that they rely on legitimate democratic aspirations. The people, nevertheless, can be constructed in very different ways and the problem is that not all of they go in a progressive direction. In several European countries this aspiration to recover sovereignty has been caught by rightwing populist parties that have managed to construct the people through a xenophobic speech that excludes immigrants, deemed as a threat for prosperity(...)

The only way to prevent the emergence of such parties and oppose those already existing is through the construction of another people, promoting a progressive populist movement receptive to those democratic aspirations and channels them towards the defence of equality and social justice

What is at stake is the constitution of a collective will that establishes a synergy between the multiplicity of social movements and political forces which aim is the deepening of democracy. In so far as wide social sectors are suffering the effects of financial capitalism, a potential exists in order that this collective will has a transverse character that exceeds the left/right cleavage as it's formed traditionally. To rise to the occasion of the challenge that represents the populist moment for the development of democracy, it's needed a form of politics that restores the tension between the liberal and the democratic logic and, despite some people claim, it's possible to do it without putting republican institutions at risk


I think that's enough to get the idea. I've put a sentence in bold letters because it's related with a claim or remark made by the spokepoersons of the Indignados movement back in May 2011, that is their protest was the best antidote against the spread of xenophobia and other hate speeches.
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Beezer
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« Reply #897 on: June 25, 2016, 12:30:24 PM »

With "outright populism" I mean the most basic definition out there, namely the bisection of society into the two groups of "the people" and "the elite" along with the valorization of the former and vilification of the latter.

Errejon is an interesting character because contrary to other leftists he, as you mentioned, wholly embraces the populist label. Of course that's in line with Mouffe and her view that populism can serve as a corrective. I suppose Iglesias is more of a traditional politician whose primary goal is to obtain political power. If that can be achieved by discarding old principles, why not?
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Velasco
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« Reply #898 on: June 25, 2016, 01:08:21 PM »
« Edited: June 25, 2016, 03:56:02 PM by Velasco »

I suppose Iglesias is more of a traditional politician whose primary goal is to obtain political power. If that can be achieved by discarding old principles, why not?

Not exactly. Iglesias is also influenced by Laclau, but he has more fondness for certain figures of IU (the traditional "alternative" or "post-communist" left). Discarding old principles can be interpreted in two ways: lack of consistency and scruples or flexibility to adapt to changing circumstances. Podemos stands for equality and social justice and both are the main principles of the Left. Among the best virtues of Podemos as electoral machine is that it's a very dynamic party in constant mutation. It has engaged in politics many young people, intellectuals, artists and other social collectives, taking them out from apathy in a context of a deep crisis with multiple faces. Even adversaries should acknowledge that. As for the flaws, critics say subordination of principles to strategy and excess of manoeuvering, also a couple of things pointed in a previous post. Iglesias has blind spots, of course. Personally, I don't like very much his occasional fits of arrogance nor I like the cult of personality that some of his supporters profess. Without a shadow of a doubt he is the most gifted politician of Spain right now, in the sense that he has a complete stage control and great communication skills. However, he has a polarising personality and that works against him (supporters revere him like a rock star, but he arouses animosity among other people). The good thing for Iglesias is that he's not alone; he has a team behind and UP has more reference persons. It'd be misleading to believe that Podemos is a party around a charismatic figure. Iglesias is ambitious and that's legitimate. As for certain old banners of the left, I think that most of the people don't care.
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Nanwe
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« Reply #899 on: June 26, 2016, 02:27:08 AM »

The day begins. Any guesses on what turnout will be? Polls said similar to December, but I remain sceptical.
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