Why MO right to work law defeated by huge bargin by ballot measure?

[David Hume]

All neighboring R state of MO have RTW law. Yet in 2018, the MO RTW law as defeated by 67-33.
https://ballotpedia.org/Missouri_Proposition_A,_Right_to_Work_Referendum_(August_2018)

Why was MO that overwhelmingly pro union? I don't know much about MO, but my impression is the deep red area are mainly rural, and it's not like OH and MI where there are a lot of unionized WWC.

[pikachu]

All neighboring state of MO have RTW law. Yet in 2018, the MO RTW law as defeated by 67-33.
https://ballotpedia.org/Missouri_Proposition_A,_Right_to_Work_Referendum_(August_2018)

Why was MO that overwhelmingly pro union? I don't know much about MO, but my impression is the deep red area are mainly rural, and it's not like OH and MI where there are a lot of unionized WWC.

Illinois doesn't!

I also don't know much about Missouri, but I'd assume that it has something to do with St. Louis and Kansas City historically being big industrial centers which don't have parallels in the non-Illinois states around it*. Though according to your link, and I'm guessing more importantly, the anti-RTW side outspent the pro-RTW side by an almost 4-to-1 margin.

*Going way back, obv, but in 1950 St. Louis and KC were the 9th and 17th biggest metros in the country respectively. For comparison, Omaha was 45th, Des Moines was 84th, and Little Rock was 95th, so these are places with very different histories.

[100% pro-life no matter what]

It's especially weird in light of the fact that Tennessee got 70% support for adding right to work to the state constitution, even having Davidson and Shelby Counties vote for it.  The fact that there is a 74 point gap between right to work referendums in neighboring red states is almost shocking.  Yes, there's definitely more union tradition in Missouri, but that alone can't explain how extreme that divergence was.

[David Hume]

All neighboring state of MO have RTW law. Yet in 2018, the MO RTW law as defeated by 67-33.
https://ballotpedia.org/Missouri_Proposition_A,_Right_to_Work_Referendum_(August_2018)

Why was MO that overwhelmingly pro union? I don't know much about MO, but my impression is the deep red area are mainly rural, and it's not like OH and MI where there are a lot of unionized WWC.

Illinois doesn't!

I also don't know much about Missouri, but I'd assume that it has something to do with St. Louis and Kansas City historically being big industrial centers which don't have parallels in the non-Illinois states around it*. Though according to your link, and I'm guessing more importantly, the anti-RTW side outspent the pro-RTW side by an almost 4-to-1 margin.

*Going way back, obv, but in 1950 St. Louis and KC were the 9th and 17th biggest metros in the country respectively. For comparison, Omaha was 45th, Des Moines was 84th, and Little Rock was 95th, so these are places with very different histories.

Sorry I mean R states.

The St. Louis and KC cannot explain the huge gap, since these two metros compose way smaller portion of the state.

[pikachu]

All neighboring state of MO have RTW law. Yet in 2018, the MO RTW law as defeated by 67-33.
https://ballotpedia.org/Missouri_Proposition_A,_Right_to_Work_Referendum_(August_2018)

Why was MO that overwhelmingly pro union? I don't know much about MO, but my impression is the deep red area are mainly rural, and it's not like OH and MI where there are a lot of unionized WWC.

Illinois doesn't!

I also don't know much about Missouri, but I'd assume that it has something to do with St. Louis and Kansas City historically being big industrial centers which don't have parallels in the non-Illinois states around it*. Though according to your link, and I'm guessing more importantly, the anti-RTW side outspent the pro-RTW side by an almost 4-to-1 margin.

*Going way back, obv, but in 1950 St. Louis and KC were the 9th and 17th biggest metros in the country respectively. For comparison, Omaha was 45th, Des Moines was 84th, and Little Rock was 95th, so these are places with very different histories.

Sorry I mean R states.

The St. Louis and KC cannot explain the huge gap, since these two metros compose way smaller portion of the state.

Demographically the don’t explain the margin, but looking at the economic history/culture, Missouri’s more similar to a lot of the states to its North than states to its South so it’s not that surprising that it’d cold than the rest of the South on a RTW referendum. I’d expect that it’s more likely that a GOP voter in MO is more likely to once have had a family member in a union than in the rest of the South. Like I’d expect a RTW proposal to do a lot worse in PA than GA because of the histories of those states even if they have similar partisanship now.

Obv that doesn’t explain the massive margin, but going by the spending numbers, it doesn’t seem like the pro-RTW side tried, which would be a big issue in an August election in an off year, especially one where there was a lot of Dem enthusiasm already. The Senate primary that year only had a 52-48 turnout split in favor of the GOP.

[TML]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

[ProgressiveModerate]

One question here is was the question phrased in a way that could've skewed the results? How an initiative is phrased can be hugely important.

[Progressive Pessimist]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

I always point this out: American voters typically have an easier time voting for Democratic policies directly than they do Democratic candidates, even in staunchly Republican states.

[RINO Tom]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

I always point this out: American voters typically have an easier time voting for Democratic policies directly than they do Democratic candidates, even in staunchly Republican states.

I think you would be wise to give the mental capacities of these voters FAR more credit and recognize this as a failure on the part of the Democratic Party, not chalk it up to confused voters.

[Libertas Vel Mors]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

Not on economic issues. Voters regularly vote against increased government spending and against higher taxes, even in blue states. Right to work also did very well in Tennessee, as ER mentioned.

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

I always point this out: American voters typically have an easier time voting for Democratic policies directly than they do Democratic candidates, even in staunchly Republican states.

For instance, this is not true unless you hone down on abortion and marijuana legalization as Democratic policies. Democrats have recently lost referendums on a carbon tax in Washington, a progressive income tax in Illinois, voter ID in North Carolina, and affirmative action and bonds for public schools (which should have passed in a landslide under most Democratic views of the electorate) in California. If anything, excluding at conception abortion bans and the war on drugs (with some mixed evidence for union policy), most evidence suggests that most GOP policies outrun the GOP at the ballot box.

[RINO Tom]

^ This is all a bunch of words to say the obvious ... people largely:

(1) Want an enhanced or at least protected welfare state in the areas where it positively benefits them.

(2) People mostly do not think their tax bracket is the one that should be paying more.

Whether it's supporting cutting services like welfare in order to make budgetary room to save Social Security or supporting tax increases on "the wealthy" to help pay for student loan forgiveness, people want other people to pay for their comfort.

[TDAS04]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

I always point this out: American voters typically have an easier time voting for Democratic policies directly than they do Democratic candidates, even in staunchly Republican states.

This is often true.  Even on abortion, the electorate is to the left of elected officials.

However, one interesting exception to this is the death penalty.  Nebraska legislature had two-thirds vote to override Governor’s opposition to repealing capital punishment (I’m aware of their legislature’s nonpartisan elections, but still), only to have voters uphold the death penalty solidly.  Even California voters have recently voted to keep death penalty, and I’m pretty sure Oregon and Washington voters would do the same.

[lfromnj]

On many individual hot-button issues, voters are generally more left-leaning than they may realize. In 2018, voters in MO approved ballot measures for medical marijuana legalization along with campaign finance reform on the same day they elected Josh Hawley over incumbent Claire McCaskill. Likewise, in 2022, voters in KY voted down an anti-abortion ballot measure on the same day they reelected Rand Paul.

I always point this out: American voters typically have an easier time voting for Democratic policies directly than they do Democratic candidates, even in staunchly Republican states.

This is often true.  Even on abortion, the electorate is to the left of elected officials.

However, one interesting exception to this is the death penalty.  Nebraska legislature had two-thirds vote to override Governor’s opposition to repealing capital punishment (I’m aware of their legislature’s nonpartisan elections, but still), only to have voters uphold the death penalty solidly.  Even California voters have recently voted to keep death penalty, and I’m pretty sure Oregon and Washington voters would do the same.

There are plenty more issues, guns are another example where the electorate can be to the right of the legislature, affirmative action or other racial issues are examples where the people are often even to the right of Republican legislatures. Going further a lot of tax increases such as the Illinois "Fair tax" failed to pass.