Peter's Parliamentary America Timeline: 1960-1964

[Peter the Lefty]

April 14, 1964

More Civil Rights Legislation on the Way

      The civil rights bill passed in 1961 had focused primarily on integration of public facilities, parks, buses, trains, schools, and other such places.  And while it had also addressed voting rights, Southern provinces were still managing to use poll taxes, literacy tests, and other such measures to prevent the black population from voting by twisting the wording of the law.  Therefore, the Prime Minister's next focus would be legislation that would explicitly prohibit any such measures.

[Peter the Lefty]

July 5, 1964

Voting Rights Act Passes

      The Voting Rights Act of 1964 passed the House by a vote of 860-142.  The Liberals, the Torries, and Labor all voted for it, while the ANM and the Libertarians both voted against it.  Even though it had lost ground to the Falas in the North, Labor could now be certain of massive seat gains in the South due to the party's intense popularity among African-Americans.

[Sec. of State Superique]

OMG 1002 MPs?!

[Peter the Lefty]

OMG 1002 MPs?!

Yup.  Hey, it's actually a low figure for America's population compared to the numbers in other Westminister systems.

[MyRescueKittehRocks]

January 8, 1964

Single-Taxpayer Health Care Passes

      By the skin of its teeth, the bill that would create a single-taxpayer Health Care System in the United States passed.  The vote count was 513-488.  The National American Health Service would now go into effect in March.  After the speaker declared that the bill had passed, the entire Labor front bench sprung up, followed by the Liberals.  Labor had fought for this for an incredibly long time.  The struggle for it went all the way back to Eugene V. Debs.  And now, this dream was finally realized.

Booo!!!!!!!!!!

Still a good timeline but the right is going to be up in arms over this and I know not every Liberal or Labor MP would support this. Plus Jack and Bobby (Kennedy)  would not be Labor or support "socialized medicine" Expect a non racist Tea Party rise up because of this.

[Peter the Lefty]

January 8, 1964

Single-Taxpayer Health Care Passes

     By the skin of its teeth, the bill that would create a single-taxpayer Health Care System in the United States passed.  The vote count was 513-488.  The National American Health Service would now go into effect in March.  After the speaker declared that the bill had passed, the entire Labor front bench sprung up, followed by the Liberals.  Labor had fought for this for an incredibly long time.  The struggle for it went all the way back to Eugene V. Debs.  And now, this dream was finally realized.

Booo!!!!!!!!!!

Still a good timeline but the right is going to be up in arms over this and I know not every Liberal or Labor MP would support this. Plus Jack and Bobby (Kennedy)  would not be Labor or support "socialized medicine" Expect a non racist Tea Party rise up because of this.

Certainly every Labor MP would, and the idea certainly isn't alien to the Liberals.  Truman supported it both in this timeline and in rl.  And I explained why JFK is Labor earlier (I'll quote the post after this.).  And Bobby was clearly to his left, as demonstrated by the rl '68 campaign.  And Jack did actually openly support universal health care in real life.  With Bobby, there aren't any statements on the record, but it's certainly implied.  And why would a non-racist tea party rise up?  The Conservatives, the ANM, and the Libertarians all voted against the bill.

[Peter the Lefty]

      I suppose I should give you some background on JFK.  He was first elected to the House as a Liberal in 1948 (despite his father's best efforts to convince him to join the Torries).  He was quickly touted as a talented MP with great potential and a future leader of the party.  Four years later, the Liberals, still under Truman's leadership, suffered a humiliating defeat, wherein they came only 40 seats ahead of Labor (in a 1002 seat parliament).  Two years earlier, Labor had surpassed the Liberals in the latter's traditional stronghold of New York in a provincial election, becoming the official opposition there.  This was leading many political experts to believe that America on the whole was heading towards a UK-style Conservative vs. Labor alignment.  So JFK decided to cross the floor to Labor, saying he was opposed to the "influence that Wall Street and the military still hold over the Liberal Party."  He said he wanted to join a party of "genuine progressive ideology."  So he switched to Labor.  He had calculated that even after Labor became the Official Opposition, the Torries would stay in power for a while, and that eventually, Labor would realize that it had to aggressively court Liberal voters to win power, and therefore he'd be in a good position to win a leadership election.  Some Laborites, like Ribicoff, welcomed him with open arms, while Morse always thought of him as a political opportunist.  But his party switching was apparently to no avail.  Under the fresh-faced Stevenson, the Liberals made a partial comeback in 1956, and while Bobby was elected as a Labor MP himself that year, Jack was frustrated that it appeared he may never become Prime Minister.  Yet after Humphrey gave both Kennedy brothers front-bench promotions after becoming leader in 1958, it was becoming clear that the party was warming to the Kennedy family, which would give the party two future leaders

[Peter the Lefty]

August 2, 1964

American Ship ACS Maddox Fired Upon in Vietnam Naval Incident

An American destroyer, the ACS Maddox, was embroiled in a sea battle with three North Vietnamese torpedo boats while conducting signals intelligence patrol.  The ship was in North Vietnamese waters at the time of the incident.  The destroyer allegedly avoided torpedo attacks by the North Vietnamese boats.  Four ACN Crusader Jets then launched from a nearby aircraft carrier and attacked the P4 torpedo boats.  One was reported sunk; the other seriously damaged.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 4, 1964

Second Attack in North Vietnamese Waters Reported

      A second attack on American ships was reported, involving North Vietnamese P4 boats firing upon the American ships from as close as 2,000 yards.  Evidence was still being gathered when the Prime Minister's Office announced that Johnson would make a statement regarding the incident over the radio.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 4, 1964

PM Gives Televised Address on Gulf of Tonkin Incident

     "As your Prime Minister, it is my duty to the American people to report that renewed hostile actions against American ships on the high seas in the Gulf of Tonkin have today required me to order the military forces of the American Commonwealth to take action in reply.

      The initial attack on the destroyer Maddox, on August 2, was repeated today by a number of hostile vessels attacking two American destroyers with torpedoes. The destroyers and supporting aircraft acted at once on the orders I gave after the initial act of aggression. We believe at least two of the attacking boats were sunk. There were no American losses.

      The performance of commanders and crews in this engagement is in the highest tradition of the Navy of this great nation.  But repeated acts of violence against the American Armed Forces must be met not only with alert defense, but with positive reply. That reply is being given as I speak to you tonight. Air action is now in execution against gunboats and certain supporting facilities in North Viet-Nam which have been used in these hostile operations.

      In the larger sense this new act of aggression, aimed directly at our own forces, again brings home to all of us in America the importance of the struggle for peace and security in southeast Asia. Aggression by terror against the peaceful villagers of South Viet-Nam has now been joined by open aggression on the high seas against the American Commonwealth.

      The determination of all Americans to carry out our full commitment to the people and to the government of South Viet-Nam will be redoubled by this outrage. Yet our response, for the present, will be limited and fitting. We Americans know, although others appear to forget, the risks of spreading conflict. We still seek no wider war.

      I have instructed the Foreign Minister to make this position totally clear to friends and to adversaries and, indeed, to all. I have instructed Ambassador Thompson to raise this matter immediately and urgently before the Security Council of the United Nations. Finally, I have today met with the leaders of all parliamentary parties and I have informed them that I shall immediately request the House of Commons to pass a resolution making it clear that our Government is united in its determination to take all necessary measures in support of freedom and in defense of peace in southeast Asia.  The Deputy Prime Minister, as well as Mr. Nixon, Mr. Russell, and Mr. Goldwater have all made clear to me the support of both them and their parties in this noble pursuit.

      I have been given encouraging assurance by these leaders of all parties that such a resolution will be promptly introduced, freely and expeditiously debated, and passed with overwhelming support.

      It is a solemn responsibility to have to order even limited military action by forces whose overall strength is as vast and as awesome as those of the American Commonwealth, but it is my considered conviction, shared throughout your Government, that firmness in the right is indispensable today for peace; that firmness will always be measured. Its mission is peace."

[Peter the Lefty]

August 5, 1964

Parliamentary Resolution to Give "Full Support" to Government in Efforts to Combat North Vietnam

     The so-called "Gulf of Tonkin" Resolution was put before the House of Commons quickly.  It entailed "affirmation of full support" for the Prime Minister in his efforts to fight "communist aggression" in Southeast Asia.  This entailed support for sending ground troops should he elect to do so.  It was largely a formality, as the deployment of troops was officially a royal prerogative, and in practice, the Governor General took his cues from the Prime Minister on such matters.  Yet this was to be an official display of support for the deployment of ground troops into Vietnam.
      Johnson enjoyed universal Liberal support on this issue.  Similarly, the three Opposition Parties and many independent MP's saw this as in keeping with the effort to halt communist expansion.  Most Labor MP's, including many of the left, also shared this view.  Yet Wayne Morse appeared to be, as always, the most prominent dissenter, and a number of other MP's in the Labor caucus appeared to share this view.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 12, 1964

Gulf Resolution Passes 949-39

      Johnson's pro-escalation resolution passed the House with flying colors in spite of a rebellion by some members of the Labor left, which included the Deputy Minister of Justice, Wayne Morse.  39 MP's (all of them Labor) voted against the resolution, while 11 (9 Labor and 2 independents) abstained.  Johnson now had parliamentary approval for sending ground troops into Vietnam.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 12, 1964

Morse Resigns from Cabinet

      The Deputy Minister of Justice, and the only MP of the Labor Left in the cabinet, announced his resignation hours after the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was passed by the House of Commons.  Speaking to a scrum of reporters outside the House, he promised to "continue to support the government from the backbenches throughout the short remainder of its term," but criticized the House for giving near-full support to a resolution that would "strengthen the Prime Minister's case for a ground war," which he called "unfounded, unnecessary, and frankly, unbelievable." 
      He did not criticize the Deputy Prime Minister or the Labor Party itself for supporting the Resolution in his first remarks, but did do so when asked by a reporter.  "I do believe Hubert hasn't held the Prime Minister accountable as much as he should have on this issue, and I think we need to watch out for our identity as a party right now.  We can't let ourselves become the Liberal Party's left flank."  When asked if he believed that was happening, he replied, "Not yet.  But there is a danger of that happening, especially if we trust them so unquestionably on issues like this." 

[Peter the Lefty]

August 12, 1964

Johnson's Double Dilemma

#1: Call election now, or Stick it Out to the End?

     With a cabinet member having resigned over the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, the Prime Minister now had to decide between seeking a dissolution now or waiting until the latest date at which Parliament could be dissolved, which was September 11.  Predictably, Labor wasn't happy about the internal splits caused by the Resolution, but they were quite satisfied by the overall result of the last four years.  The Liberals, however, knew that their gigantic poll lead was slowly shrinking, and many wanted Johnson to call the election sooner rather than later so as to ensure a Liberal majority.
      On the other hand, having the election early because of a government split on a crucial vote would not be a good way to go into the election.  Johnson needed to come out swinging, since he had a feeling his poll lead would slowly shrink throughout the campaign, owing partially to his abysmal public speaking skills.  He was already almost sure to decline a 1960-style Leaders' debate due to fear of the other four leaders' skills.  Another thing that could hinder his campaign would be the lack of a Deputy Leader.

#2: Who to Name as Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party

     Johnson himself had been the Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party before being thrust into the Premiership.  Since then, the position of Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party had been vacant.  According to Liberal protocol, if the position became vacant, the Leader of the Party would nominate someone for the position.  If the man he chose agreed to it, he would then have to be confirmed by the caucus (and it was usually unanimous.)  If less than two-thirds of the caucus voted to confirm him as Deputy Leader, then there would have to be an internal caucus election for the Deputy Leadership of the Party.  Stevenson had chosen Johnson to be his Deputy Leader soon after coming to the leadership himself.  There existed a plethora of potential candidates to be considered.  
      Stewart Symington: The Foreign Minister, and the runaway front-runner.  He had served as Minister of Veterans' Affairs during the better part of Stevenson's Premiership, but had been promoted to the Foreign Ministry after Averell Harriman's retirement.  There, he had proved himself to be a strong and capable Foreign Minister.  Having been in the dovish camp throughout the Cuban Missile crisis, and having been a recognized left-liberal throughout his career, he was now firmly recognized as the clear leader of the left wing of the Liberal Party.  To make him both Foreign Minister and Deputy Leader of the Party would be to make him the undisputed "second man" of the Liberal Party, and making him a clear potential political rival should the Liberal left ever turn on Johnson, who was, after all, a man of the right.  If he could manage to keep Symington in line, however, it would fully neutralize the left, as their invincible leader would be in his column.  Still, it was a risk.  
      John W. McCormack: The Minister of Finance wasn't exactly the most famous member of the cabinet, but he had helped to shape many of the New America programs that had defined the government.  In addition, his Catholicism could be both a plus and a minus.  The steady flow of Catholic voters, who had once been a staunch Liberal constituency, to the Labor Party had hurt the Liberals in recent years.  Yet in Appalachia and the Upper South, much of it rather prejudiced, the Liberals could see a sharp decline in their fortunes.  Another advantage would be that he had never jostled for the Liberal leadership, and was still unambitious in that regard.
      Earl Warren: The left-leaning Californian had served as a Junior Minister in the last Liberal government, and had been an MP longer than Johnson had.  Yet he'd had a role, as Deputy Minister of the Interior, in Japanese internment, which was now much more controversial than it had been at the time.  In addition, he was heading up a report on Adlai Stevenson's assassination that could one day be quite controversial. 
      Jacob Javits: A Liberal at heart, but one whom many believed should have joined Labor when he entered politics.  A left-leaning Liberal if ever there was one, he liked to think of himself as an ideological heir to Teddy Roosevelt's Progressive Liberal Party of 1909.  He also had a particularly independent-minded outlook, which could be disadvantageous to Johnson.  But if Johnson were to name him, it could successfully ensure that there would be at least two main figures leading the Liberal left, making sure that Johnson himself remained more powerful.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 14, 1964

Javits Nominated for Deputy Liberal Leader; Cabinet Reshuffle on the Way

      Interior Minister Jacob Javits was named Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party in what many saw as an attempt to elevate him to a status of co-leadership of the left wing of the Liberal Party with Symington.  Johnson cited his "distinguished record, personal style, and consensus-building skills within the Cabinet." 

[Peter the Lefty]

August 16, 1964

Javits Confirmed by Caucus

      In spite of many within the caucus perceiving it as a snub of Symington, Javits was confirmed unanimously by the Liberal caucus as Deputy Leader of the Party.  Meanwhile, the Prime Minister wanted to reshuffle his cabinet during its last weeks in power.

[Peter the Lefty]

Cabinet of the America

Prime Minister–The Honorable Lyndon B. Johnson (Lib)
Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Education–Hon. Hubert Humphrey (Lab)
Minister of Defense–Hon. Frank Lausche (Lib)
Minister of Foreign Affairs–Hon. Stewart Symington (Lib)
Minister of Finance–Hon. John W. McCormack (Lib)
Minister of Health–Hon. Abraham Ribicoff (Lab)
Minister of Justice–Hon. Jacob Javits (Lib)
Minister of the Interior-Hon. Earl Warren (Lib)
Minister of the Economy and Business–Hon. John F. Kennedy (Lab)
Minister of Public Lands–Hon. Stewart Udall (Lib)
Minister of Transportation–Hon. A. S. Mike Monroney (Lib)
Minister of Labor–Hon. Joseph S. Clarke, Jr. (Lab)
Minister of Agriculture–Hon. George Aiken (Lib)
Minister of Energy and Fuel–Hon. Robert S. Kerr (Lib)
Minister of Veterans' Services–Hon. Michael Mansfield (Lib)
Minister of Social Welfare–Hon. Michael Harrington (Lab)
Minister of International Social Welfare–Hon. Sargent Shriver (Lab)
Minister of Communications–Hon. John O. Pastore (Lib)
Minister of Trade–Hon. J. Allen Frear (Lib)
Minister of Space Exploration–Hon. Clinton B. Anderson (Lib)
Minister of Aboriginal and Minority Affairs–Hon. A. Phillip Randolph (Lab)
Minister of Intergovernmental Relations–Hon. Edmund Muskie (Lib)
Minister of the Budget–Hon. Harold Stassen (Lib)
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs–Hon. Robert F. Kennedy (Lab)
Deputy Minister of Finance–Hon. Dennis Wyatt Chavez (Lib)
Deputy Minister of Defense–Hon. Howard Cannon (Lib)
Deputy Minister of Education–Hon. Samuel T. Rayburn (Lib)
Deputy Minister of Health–Hon. Clifford P. Chase (Lib)
Deputy Minister of Justice–Hon. Ralph Yarborough (Lab)
Deputy Minister of the Interior–Hon. Clair Engle (Lib)
Government Leader in the House of Commons–Hon. Lloyd Bentsen (Lib)
Government Chief Whip in the House of Commons–Hon. Paul Douglas (Lab)
Government Leader in the Senate–Hon. Carl Hayden (Lib)
Government Chief Whip in the Senate–Hon. Herbert Lehman (Lib)

[Peter the Lefty]

Trouble for Humphrey?  Left-Wing Firebrand Mayor Zeidler to Run for House

      Just after his party's support for the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution split his party's left-wing, Humphrey appeared likely to face a new leader of the Left in the form of former Milwaukee mayor Frank Zeidler, who, after four years out of politics, was about to return and run for the House of Commons in a newly-created riding which had resulted from redistricting.  He was likely to remind Humphrey why the latter should be grateful for people like Morse: they were mild compared to the left-wing that other Labor leaders, like Morris Hillquit, Robert La Follette Louis Waldman, and even Estes Kefauver had to deal with.  This left was still vehemently committed to public ownership of all industries, and would accept nothing less.  And they would now presumably have a new face in parliament which the leadership would scramble to deal with.

[Peter the Lefty]

August 16, 1964

Wallace to Join ANM Caucus as well

A number of provincial politicians were running for the House of Commons, and they promised to be very influential on their respective parties.  But by far the biggest name running was an Alabama's Justice Minister.

George Wallace, Alabama's firebrand Justice Minister and Deputy Premier was even better-known across the country than its Premier, John Malcolm Patterson, and was equally well-known as the Premier across the province.  Many suspected that he felt that he could make a much bigger mark on national politics than he could in Alabama, and for that reason, he was about to join the federal ANM caucus. 

[Peter the Lefty]

September 11, 1964

Governor General Dissolves Parliament, PM Announces

     "I've just advised the Governor General to dissolve Parliament, and he has agreed to it.  An election for a new Parliament shall be held on the second of October.  As usual, should our nation be struck with an emergency in the intervening time, parliament will be called back into an emergency session.
      I am confident of, and I will fight for, a Liberal majority government, which can continue to create a New America of opportunity and equality here at home, and promote justice and peace around the world.  Thank you."