Any Democratic rural white Southern counties left? (user search)
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  Any Democratic rural white Southern counties left? (search mode)
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Author Topic: Any Democratic rural white Southern counties left?  (Read 5480 times)
Adam Griffin
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Posts: 20,090
Greece


Political Matrix
E: -7.35, S: -6.26

« on: July 25, 2017, 03:28:59 PM »

Here are some maps that outline the share of whites who voted for Obama and for Clinton in 2012/2016. Note: different methodologies for the two; in my opinion, 2012 (created by me) may be a bit more optimistic than actuality and 2016 (created by reagente) may be a bit more pessimistic than actuality:

Obama's 2012 Share of White Vote by County
Clinton's 2016 Share of White Vote by County

Obviously a lot of ground was lost in 2016. Even if reagente's calculations were a bit more pessimistic than reality for Clinton, there are still no remaining rural Southern counties where a majority (or even a plurality) of whites voted Democratic.

Even in 2012 there were none, but there were a couple of dozen where more than 40% of whites voted for Obama; these were counties in western North Carolina, Central TN and Northern KY for the most part. When talking about "Southern" in a meaningful sense, it is very difficult to consider the last of those three groupings in the category (and if you really want to get technical, the other two groups are iffy as well - Appalachia's its own region in many respects when it comes to discussions like these).

Even if you do consider them Southern and even in the case of Elliot in 2012, it was an instance of Obama winning a plurality rather than a majority. If you do exclude the Southern Periphery, adhere to a fairly strict definition of "rural" on top of that and allow for plurality wins rather than outright majorities, you'd still probably have to go back to 2004 to find one or more concrete instances of this.
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Adam Griffin
Atlas Star
*****
Posts: 20,090
Greece


Political Matrix
E: -7.35, S: -6.26

« Reply #1 on: July 27, 2017, 10:23:19 AM »

I think there's some chance I overstated Clinton's White support in a few places. Having spent a lot more time looking at precinct level results, I think the Latino Decisions / AALDEF estimates of Trump's share of the non-White vote are closer to reality than the exit polls (It's probably also the case that past Republicans saw their non-White share of the vote inflated by exit polls).

Accordingly, if I probably over-estimated Trump's non-White support, I by definition, probably under-estimated his White support (and thus overstated Clinton's).

Granted, I don't think this will move the needle too much in the South, since I don't think my African-American support numbers need any revising based on what I've seen. Using the more accurate turnout numbers recently provided by the Census could impact things somewhat, but the direction likely varies by state.

In any case, I'm working on a version 2.0 of the model, and I hope to have it finished before I head back to university at the end of August.

I'd be very interested in seeing what you would generate for 2012 at the county level with your model.

Another interesting thing I just noticed from the discussion above: I had Oktibbeha whites as 23% Obama in 2012; your 2016 model shows 27% Clinton - a deviation from the general rule of thumb of difference between our two models. I remember that when I attempted to generate a "swing" map between our two models, there were a lot of counties in MS that swung to Clinton compared to my Obama 2012 model, which I thought was interesting. I remember having some questions about my initial model in MS when I was working on the project and believe I posted about it somewhere, but I honestly can't recall what exactly.



As far as population standards used for my model: since it's been two years and fifty projects ago, I don't exactly recall all of the parameters of my model. It was heavily adjusted as I progressed and also adjusted for individual states/areas, to the point that it was anything but one-size-fits-all.

My model initially began with VAP as the baseline but I made a series of custom alterations for many states. Especially in the SW, VAP is useless. In states and counties where non-black, non-white populations were non-negligible, I know that I switched to CVAP for the baseline and worked from there. As far as general demographic composition of the electorates, I'm quite confident in my model in the vast majority of counties in the nation - the only areas where I feel results outside the margin of error may exist in any sizable number of circumstances are places such as the Rio Grande Valley/TX and CA.
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Adam Griffin
Atlas Star
*****
Posts: 20,090
Greece


Political Matrix
E: -7.35, S: -6.26

« Reply #2 on: March 10, 2019, 09:26:40 PM »

If we want to expand the definition of what constitutes "Democratic" to merely partisan registration and/or primary participation, then you can probably find a few remaining examples via the 2018 primaries.

Again and at least in 2018, not too different from some of the areas discussed last year: western NC, random auxiliary Old Black Belt counties, a few Dixiecratic relics in Southwest AR & the FL Panhandle, and questionably Southern areas in KY & MO.

(MAP) 2016 Presidential Primary Electorate by County

(MAP) 2018 Primary Electorate by County




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