You Can't Shoot An Idea

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Governor Benjamin T. Laney of Arkansas

  At last, on the cold and rainy morning of January 3rd, the 81st Congress convened to begin the validation of the Electoral College. After months of uncertainty and an increasingly impatient electorate, the time had come for the House to vote for president. As denoted in the Constitution, each individual state would receive a single vote in this tally. Completely inverted to how votes were normally cast, each state delegation would vote as a bloc to decide the president.

  Governor Dewey remained in New York at this time, preferring to allow his campaign coordinators to deal with any inquiries from the press regarding the governor’s thoughts on the Congressional event. Herbert Brownell himself stated to a collection of reporters that, “The governor expects this new Congress to make their solemn conclusion swiftly and honorably: keeping well in mind the will of the voters.”

  Harry Truman conducted a short presidential address on January 3rd where he promised to, “abide by the decision reached by this Congress,” even if such meant defeat. Although the bulk of Truman’s team were hoping the president would present a more confrontational tone, they abided by the president’s message and relayed it to any press.

  Governor Benjamin Laney of Arkansas, the Democratic vice presidential nominee, spoke in a different tone. Laney himself had always been more of a wildcard than the president preferred, but he had been instrumental in preventing any sort of uprising in the Democratic Party from the Southern delegations. On more than one occasion Laney contradicted Truman’s message: unable to withhold what he called, “earnestness.” The governor arrived, unpredictably, to the Capitol Building in D.C. and took it upon himself to speak on behalf of the president to a growing crowd which had taken form on the foggy Capitol lawn.

  “Regardless of any verdict reached by our legislature, I would encourage Congress appoint a validation committee to ensure that, in Ohio and California, any districts whence irregularities allegedly occurred had had their votes counted fairly and without prejudice.” This note had not been approved by anyone in the Truman Administration and certainly not the president himself. However, at the exact moment those words left the Arkansan’s mouth, voting began in the House of Representatives.

"Democracy will win. We'll force it if we must." - Benjamin Laney, 1949

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81st Congress Swearing-In Just Prior to First Vote

  The roll-call and subsequent voting took less time than initially expected. Much like the actual election results, the Solid South stuck with Truman and the traditionally Republican Northeast went Dewey. As the voting moved forward, the efforts of the Dewey Campaign began to show. California, in a 14-9 vote chose Dewey. The same occurred in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wyoming. With over half of the states finished in their voting, Dewey and Truman were tied at 19.

  With his advantage in the South and West, Truman looked strong. If the states voted firmly by party alignment, Truman would win with 28 states. As the final ten states cast their votes, Truman Democrats began to panic. Washington voted Dewey after two Democrats sided with Wallace and a third flipped to the Republican candidate. Minutes later, New York, another state with a clear-cut Democratic majority, narrowly chose Dewey.

  The Ohio delegation, in a 12-9-2 decision votes Dewey. Rep. Robert T. Secrest (D-OH) flipped to Dewey, thus guaranteeing another win for the governor of New York. Then came Idaho which voted for Governor Dewey. Following this were three Truman states: West Virginia, New Mexico and Rhode Island. Truman was at 22 and Dewey 23 with three states outstanding.

  Utah’s delegation, made up of two freshmen Democrats, decides to go for Wallace, 2-0. This moment created enough commotion from the Democratic-run Congress to stall voting for roughly ten minutes. The Democratic meltdown had begun. Representatives from the next state, Indiana, basically had to shout over the disorder to move along proceedings. Indiana voted 5-4-2 for Truman. None but Massachusetts remained.

  With the major candidates tied at 23, a call for Wallace would send the body into a re-ballot. Speaking on behalf of the Massachusetts bloc, newly inducted Representative John F. Kennedy (D-MA) announced the results. He declared that all six Democrats in the delegation, including himself, placed their votes for Wallace, while the eight Republicans voted Dewey. Thereby, Dewey was the recipient of the Massachusetts vote, putting his total at 24 to Truman's 23.

  Thomas E. Dewey was it. In a narrow vote conducted after a narrow vote, Dewey would be inaugurated the 34th President of the United States on January 20th, 1949.

1949 Contingent Election: Final Results

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That was riveting! It'll be interesting to see the Dewey administration take place. 1948 isn't a very common POD around here.

Thank you! Yes I agree. On the precibus of the turbulent 1950s, let's just say Dewey will not have much downtime.

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President-Elect Dewey Conducting His Acceptance Speech

  Nearing sunset on January 3rd, the news began to pour out that the House had chosen Thomas Dewey to be the next U.S. president. Republicans were ecstatic that they had finally won back the White House while Democrats paced nervously at the thought of a GOP president plausibly tearing up the New Deal. President Truman conceded the race minutes after the House made its decision, and his campaign agreed that its goose was cooked.

  That is, except for one Benjamin Laney, who continued his ranting just outside of the Capitol Building. The crowd, mostly made up of Democrats, began to disperse as the realization of Truman's loss finally sunk in. A Mid-Atlantic rain shower dripped its way into D.C., overpowering Governor Laney's words with each passing minute. "This race is not yet concluded!" abrasively shouted the now-former candidate. "Dewey's desperate reliance on Negro Fraud in Ohio cannot be understated!" Completely drenched, the governor was forced to relinquish his soap box and begin his trek back to Arkansas.

  A Washington Post reporter on the scene had heard the final line uttered by Governor Laney and relayed his words to the Associated Press. Truman's vice presidential choice had blamed not only voting irregularities for the ticket's loss in Ohio, but frankly insinuated that black voters were the problem. Accompanying the complete House voting results in the following morning's news would be Laney's infamous phrase. As the Washington Post itself printed, "Sopping Wet Democrat VP Blames 'Negro Fraud'"

  Utterly embarrassed and sickened by the turn of events which had taken place, President Truman opted to insert an unrehearsed line into his concession speech. Following a series of paragraphs demonstrating gratitude toward his supporters and volunteers, Truman remarked, "[...] and I encourage the president-elect to follow the road not taken. Together, Democrats and Republicans must, at long last, pass substantial civil rights legislation this year." Though this line was surely meant to imply amends, few listeners cared one way or another the opinions of the outgoing president.

  Therefore we arrive at Dewey's acceptance speech. Once the Senate, in a 44-41-11 vote confirmed Earl Warren as vice president, the president-elect began speaking in New York: broadcasting to the entire nation over radio. He thanked his supporters and the patience of the electorate before moving on to a brief policy summation. He promised to "expand, not reduce" benefits granted by New Deal legislation and ensured the nation that he would pursue a "fierce and expedient rooting out of corruption" on the federal level. The bulk of his speech, however, focused on more general platitudes on how he envisioned the world could be as a child, and how he would work to make it so as president. Finishing on a line he utilized back in his '44 run, Dewey received momentous applause as the governor began the transition into president.

"I believe our children, our whole country, can again live in a world where peace, friendship and mutual respect abide."
President-Elect Thomas Dewey, January 3rd, 1949

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One minor nitpick: the Senate only considers the top two electoral vote getters, not the top three as in the House.

Yup, 11 abstentions at first. Truman had broad appeal but Governor Laney, not so much.
For good measure I'll say that five Wallace-Dems voted Dewey in a second ballot.

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Thomas E. Dewey, 34th President of the United States

Chapter One: Liberalism By Any Other Name: Dewey Comes to Washington

  Following a drawn-out and often personal election season, the time had finally arrived for the nation to transition towards a new administration. Thomas Dewey, famed Governor of New York, had won both the Electoral and Popular Votes in addition to finding success in the tense House Contingent Election just two short weeks ago. As exiting President Harry Truman noted in his personal memoirs, "[Dewey] won thrice. To this day I commend his campaign."

 Upon his official swearing-in on January 20th, now-President Dewey confidently delivered a speech that would come to frame his entire time in office. "We recommended three venues," Brownell explained. "One: Show strength in unifying the divisive electorate. Two: Concentrate very briefly on policy, then transition to the bigger-picture. Three: Allow ample time for applause. Dewey only kept on with two of these three. He was none too keen on timing."

  Tom Dewey, the first Republican elected to the White House since Herbert Hoover, made it a point to act as harmoniously as possible in relation to the policies of FDR. Dewey launched his speech with a tender reminder of what America had accomplished in the past decade: remarking that democracy had been rescued, "from the brink of collapse, only with a beacon delivered by the proud servicemen of these United States. In the end, light vanquished the darkness."

  Dewey argued that the events which led to the war, including the deliberate exclusion of America from the League of Nations, should never be repeated. He called for unfaltering support to the United Nations, continuing Truman's policies regarding international economic recovery, and a "forever unwavering arrangement that we stand for freedom, justice, and democratic security above all else." Standing at odds with much of the more-isolationist GOP, Dewey promising continued internationalism was quite a tenacious move.

  From this he shifted to domestic policies where he urged continued cooperation between employer and worker, proclaimed to seek greater material production and swore to work towards encouraging, "small business: our great economic juggernaut" via anti-monopoly legislation and an end to corporate tax abuse. The final major note had been Dewey's quoting from Abraham Lincoln's famous debate with Stephen Douglas. "[...] a nation hence thereby men of all colors and creeds are entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."

  The speech went over spectacularly, and pundits reported shortly thereafter that Dewey's hinted steps towards mediation between both parties posed a welcome bandage on the wounded and split electorate. The new president selected his proposed cabinet members, and each were confirmed with bipartisan support.

The Dewey Cabinet

Office		Name
President		Thomas E. Dewey
Vice President		Earl Warren
Sec. of State		John F. Dulles
Sec. of Treasury		Channing H. Cox
Sec. of Defense		Dwight D. Eisenhower
Postmaster General		Arthur Summerfield
Sec. of Interior		Frank C. Moore
Sec. of Agriculture		Ezra T. Benson
Sec. of Commerce		Sinclair Weeks
Sec. of Labor		Martin P. Durkin

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Did the Department of Justice get abolished?

Left out AG deliberately, keep watching :>

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President Dewey Meets with Herbert Brownell

  It was not long before President Dewey encountered his first major hurdle. Although Republican voters had chosen Dewey above the other options many months ago, it was a completely different story with GOP lawmakers. Moderate to liberal Republicans in Congress immensely approved of Dewey’s progressive agenda and, as stated personally by Senate Minority Leader Kenneth S. Wherry (R-NE), “The state of the party depends on our willingness to compromise.” Others disagreed.

  Though he had been soundly defeated in the ’48 primaries, Senator Robert Taft had no intentions of allowing Dewey off easy. Alongside the House Minority Leader Joseph William Martin Jr. (R-MA), Taft hoped to rebuild the mostly dormant Conservative Coalition in the legislative body to thwart any progressive legislation pushed by the president. For Taft, more-so than any other member of the coalition, the matter did not end at legislation. The Ohioan senator voted against every single one of Dewey’s cabinet appointees, and found success with one in particular.

  The role of Attorney General had never been too controversial. Typically, a president chose a competent lawyer or former government official to fill the role, and not since Harlan Fiske Stone controlled the office did it have any real significance. Tom Dewey proposed that his campaign manager, Herbert Brownell, be granted the role of Attorney General. On paper this seemed business as usual considering Brownell’s background in law, but Taft vehemently fought against this appointment.

  “Political patronage at its finest,” spat Taft. According to the senator, Dewey awarding the cabinet position to Brownell meant a return to the slippery slope of political spoils a la President Grant. Members of the Conservative Coalition stood behind Taft and readied a filibuster of the confirmation. The new president did not hesitate to back his cabinet choice, and even had pamphlets listing Brownell’s credentials distributed to the Senate.

  On the whole, Dewey was not prepared for a long-hauled fight so early in his presidency, and found himself unable to do much when the (mostly Democratic) Judiciary Committee reported Herbert Brownell unfavorable and an inevitable filibuster started up halfway through Senate hearings. Through the grapevines it was suggested that the Democrats would only vote in the affirmation for Truman’s AG, Tom C. Clark, and it had been made crystal clear that the conservatives were frankly unwilling to vote for anyone submitted by President Dewey. After a 33-to-63 vote, the president required a new plan.

  “Of course I wanted it,” said Brownell in his autobiography. “Dewey sat me down and spoke at length regarding a new tactic. Neither of us were willing to wager such political capital in that initial month in office. I explained that I would rather retire than waste this precious time. He told me, ‘Listen here, you jackass. You won me this office, I need you by my side one way or another.’ When that man got onto something, there was no use reasoning with him.”

  Dewey accepted the Senate’s decision, but opted to throw in a curve-ball. Shocking Senator Taft and much of the partisan Congress, the president agreed to appoint the liberal Congressman Hugh Scott (R-PA) to the role. Realizing this was their best bet, Democrats resoundingly confirmed Scott to Dewey's cabinet with the final results being 77-to-19. Though the president certainly took on some flak from conservative Republicans, the process was complete within the week.

  In a subsequent address to the public, reporters rolled their eyes as they prepared editorials on Dewey’s drawn-out speech regarding bipartisanship and how fantastic a law interpreter Rep. Scott has been. Instead, they were greeted with an unscheduled announcement. Dewey walked to his podium with a sly smile on his face as he revealed his ace. “Behind each Executive administrator there has stood a chief assistant: One allocated with internally significant responsibilities and privileges. […] In this role, White House Staff Paramount, I can imagine no greater fill than Mr. Herbert Brownell.”


 

"Dewey 2, Taft 0."
Washington Post Headline, 1949

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Senator Sheridan Downey Fiercely Opposed Dewey's Policies

  Gallup approval polls in mid-March of 1949 placed President Dewey at roughly 53%, a slight dip from the initial polling which had the president at 55%. In order to preserve the approval of the electorate, show-off the ability of the Republicans in Congress to act on their promises, and because he knew it would benefit the economy as a whole, Dewey announced that he would have a new set of legislation introduced to the House: The National Severance Package.

  Designed explicitly to appeal to portions of both political parties, President Dewey declared in January that these new laws would generate a significant boost to the economy through reducing federal intervention in small business and creating stricter guidelines for trusts and monopolies. In utilizing this deal, Dewey proclaimed, Social Security benefits would see an expansion within five years. Portions of the “NSP” would apply directly to poorer workers: slightly raising the minimum wage while reducing federal taxes.

  Within Dewey’s first year, the majority of this compromise legislation found its way through Congress. However, being described by the press as “too progressive for Republicans and too conservative for Democrats,” much of this legislation ended up trapped. Eventually, some of the more moderate Democratic members of Congress voted affirmatively for measures reducing regulations on small business, but that itself took several months to pass.

  The measure which President Dewey most virulently fought for was the low-cost housing plan. Explaining that, even in a wealthier state like New York, public housing was necessary to reduce the extremities of poverty, the president hoped to secure enough votes to retain this bill in its original form. However, calling into question the power of the federal government, conservatives in both parties refused to even allow the bill to come to a vote. It became locked into committee until September of 1949 when a lengthy Senate debate on the bill resulted in an increased likelihood that an amendment would be added prior to voting: one that would completely eliminate any practical use for the project.

  Senator Pat McCarran (D-NV) deeply criticized the housing plan, referring to it as a “blasted thorn” for the growing housing industry. McCarran was not alone, as many Democrats within Dewey’s first year in office began blasting the president’s legislation as too severe a jolt in an already-growing economy. Senator Sheridan Downey (D-CA) famously remarked that the president was looking to, “implement the most expensive, foolhardy policy I have witnessed thus far." Frustrated from the lack of support in Congress, Dewey took the case to the American people.

  On September 22nd, President Dewey conducted a presidential address explaining exactly what his housing plan constituted and what it could accomplish should it be enacted in its original form. Printed afterwards on newspapers across the county had been the president's electric concluding line. “If you, like me, are deeply disturbed by the effects of homelessness and poverty, then I implore you. Write your Congressman and demand action. [...] Should we fail to secure the betterment of our worst-off citizens, we have no right to declare America Democracy's Beacon." It took some time, but Dewey would sign into law his version of the subsidized housing bill before 1950.

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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization

  Heading through the latter portion of 1949 and early 1950, President Dewey began to, at last, corral behind him the whole of the national Republican Party. Though hardliners like Taft remained forever at ends with Dewey and the Eastern Establishment, the conservative anti-Dewey faction steadily dwindled from a respectable bloc to a handful of purists. Press Secretary Harold Ostertag, when asked by a reporter what the president thought of Taft and the Conservative Coalition, answered, “In total honesty, I have yet to hear the president speak on the matter.” 

  Dewey won a great deal of respect from conservatives when he declared that, especially following the Alger Hiss ordeal (a suspected Soviet spy working in the State Department), the White House would conduct in-depth background inquiries for any and all employed by the administration. “Under my watch,” Dewey sternly remarked, “there will be no question of loyalty to the United States.” This was, no doubt, a bone thrown to the adamant anti-Communist contingent. Dewey’s signing of the Central Intelligence Agency Act in June of 1949, a measure which expanded the powers of the CIA, also proved to boost his approval among conservatives.

  All in all, however, the one phenomenon Thomas Dewey wished to avoid under his presidency was a heightened sense of fear or growing suspicion of ‘suspected’ Communists. This fear was already alive and well by the time of the election, but had mainly been limited to concerns regarding the Soviet Union. On that front, Dewey, like Truman before him, was unwavering in the belief that those countries spouting and exemplifying “totalitarian human rights abuses” required attention.

  President Dewey applauded Congress’ ratification of the North Atlantic Treaty in April of 1949, believing that international cooperation was vital in procuring the end of Communism abroad. Secretary John Dulles became an ardent supporter of NATO, stating that securing an international pact against Soviet expansion was a step towards “liberation”.

    

The Chicago Daily News: National Survey 1950

     

Do You Approve of the House Un-American Activities Committee?

Strongly Approve		31%
Approve		43%
Neutral/No Opinion		03%
Disapprove		19%
Strongly Disapprove		04%

  When it came to domestic matters, Dewey insisted that, barring acts of malicious intent including espionage, the federal government should have no role in limiting or legislating thought. Just as he said in the Oregon debate, outlawing Communism would grant the ideology martyrdom. Instead, Dewey believed it was vital to reveal the true dangers of Communism out in the open to permanently de-legitimize the ideology. Therefore, President Dewey chose to highlight this argument as a centerpiece in his famed State of the Union address.

  On January 23rd, 1950, a mere two days following the conviction of Alger Hiss, Dewey began his plea to Congress. Dewey, without question, shone brightest when he stood by his convictions regardless of policymakers demanding he be neutral. Prior to running through the objectives of his administration (when he made clear the strengthening of the republic through providing reduced-cost housing), Dewey spoke to internal security.

  The president began with a reveal of the controversial Polecat Commission. This executive commission would study and report on “the effect of communist penetration on all segments of American life.” Utilizing reputable experts and studious preparation, the mission of this proposal would be the complete “unmasking” of Communism. Unlike HUAC which failed to act impartially and sought “scare-headlines and flashy witnesses”, the Polecat Commission would receive input from both liberals and conservatives and not be put on as a carnival show. Instead of accusing individuals of taking part in Communist conspiracies, the commission sought to plot the impact of Reds in a broader sense and “ensure we avoid” treating the issue as “Salem had the witch trials.”

  When the speech was over, the media and much of the public proved to be divided on how they felt. Moderates, New Deal Democrats, and Dewey-supporters were relieved that the president was finally cracking down on corruption and espionage in the federal government while conservatives lambasted the president for rebuking HUAC and insisting he could do the job better. Time would tell whether or not this strategy was effective at dealing with Communism as an internal threat, but, in the short-term, Dewey opened himself up to an entirely new avenue of criticism.

“Dewey Tells Congress: I Will Make Communism As Popular As A Polecat”
New York Times Headline, January 24th, 1950

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Speaker of the House Samuel T. Rayburn

 Throughout Dewey's first two years, the Democrats struggled deeply to retain strategic unity. Initially, the party remained steadfast in support of their once-president Harry Truman, with some holding firm to Governor Laney's call for a reevaluation of the Ohio vote. Once Truman offered his final concession and Dewey took office, the former president expressed his enthrallment in exiting the dirty realm of national politics. He was satisfied with the foreign policy direction of President Dewey and did not prove to be a common critic of the Republican leader. The divisiveness in the Democratic Party was left to fend for itself, meaning various leaders took up control of these sects.

  Democrats, for the most part, were more than willing to work with Dewey in accomplishing security measures and providing governmental assistance to those stuck in poverty. These centre-left "Truman Democrats" held dear the legacy of their past president and worked diligently to secure bipartisan agreements with Dewey having to do with foreign policy arrangements, tax alterations and otherwise. This briefly became the mainstream of the Democratic Party, and establishment Truman Democrats constituted roughly 3/5ths of the total party.

  "We were scrambling in the dirt by 1950," explained Matthew Connelly decades later. "The moderates held on in the immediate aftermath of the election and we thought it best to follow the insistence of President Truman to express willingness to compromise. [To Co-Host Roger Mudd] As you recall, the day following the midterm elections the Post printed something along the lines of 'So Goes the Captain, So Goes His Ship.'"

  Connelly found himself, in the early 1950s, working for various Democratic candidates for Congress. He brought to prominence a handful of "miracle" Democrats who managed to survive the thrashing of '52. Allied with Truman's former chief aid, Rep. John Lesinkski Jr. (D-MI) and James J. Murphy (D-NY) were able to withstand Republican favorites. Connelly, struggling to rebuild notoriety following Truman's failed bid for re-election, put himself out there as much as possible.

  "Sam Rayburn was our rock. He is why nobody heard the term "Dixiecrat" before the 50s." Connelly explained. "Sam called himself 'The Bridge', meaning he interlocked the wildly different Northern and Southern Democratic factions with ease. We who had been in the business since FDR knew and respected his ability to guide the House in the direction the president preferred. Imagine my elation when he requested I of all people work on his campaign."

  Speaker Sam Rayburn (D-TX), leader of the House since 1940 (with a brief reprieve in the 80th) effectively opened up initial compromises between Truman Democrats and President Dewey. Rayburn prided himself on his openness to bipartisanship. To him it was a virtue. To his constituents, it was a horror. Texas Attorney General Price Daniel (D-TX) announced in January of 1950 that he would be challenging Rayburn for his House seat. Speaking before an audience in Paris, Texas, Daniel stated, "Like many of you, I believed in Speaker Rayburn once, but his present direction is a disgrace. Our identity as a party shall whither away with Texan influence in Washington if we stay the course."

  Brushing off the Congressional challenger, neither Rayburn nor Connelly paid much attention to the race or the message espoused by the Texas AG. Distracted by broader goals to preserve the Democratic majorities, Rayburn failed to realize that his massive polling lead slipped within three weeks from +29% to +5%. Connelly and Rayburn scurried in a panic back to the latter's home district to campaign, and they did so rigorously. Though the team far outspent Daniel and drew larger crowds, Rayburn was defeated by 284 votes. As Connelly (and truly, the whole of the party) would discover, this race was emblematic of the entire country.

The Truman Curse: House Speaker Defeated By Smallest Margin in District History
The Texas Observer, March 1950

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Well, bye, bye, Mr. Sam; this will certainly have effects in Texas politics...

He will be missed. Sorta feel bad for the fate I made for him

This is fantastic. The world you're building (or re-writing) is concise and expansive all at once. The divergence is smart and believable; the Civil Rights plank of the 1948 Democratic platform definitely altered history with regards to whether Wallace or Thurmond became the strongest point of third-party opposition.

As a law nerd I'm most interested in history of the courts, and so far you haven't touched on President Dewey's relationship with the judicial branch. This term won't be terribly exciting, as his only appointment will come from Justice Frank Murphy's death, but it does pose some interesting possibilities for who Dewey can elevate to the bench. Like Tom Clark, Brownell seemed to be an easy choice as Attorney General (as three former AGs were on the bench at this time: Robert Jackson, Harlan Stone, and Murphy himself), but his candidacy appears to have been Borked. Hugh Scott would be a sure vote for Brown in the coming years, but Taft and Co. could put up a fight.

Excited to see where you go with this!

edit: I actually forgot about the (extremely forgettable) Sherman Minton. Dewey will get two appointments in 1949.

Thanks for your input, glad you're enjoying the timeline thus far. I definitely try to keep my althis tales out of the realm of "and so it turned out Dukakis was an alien all along!" territory. The historian in me doesn't approve of alternate history/elections in general, so I try to grapple with that by keeping things as realistic as possible (within context obviously).

Was actually doing some research this morning on the topic of judicial appointments. That will be addressed in an upcoming part, though giving away any more than that could unveil a spoiler :V

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Leaders of the Two Koreas: (Left to Right) Kim Il-Sung and Syngman Rhee

  "No longer can the truth of Communist aggression go unheeded. Diplomacy has failed us and it is past time we move on to more serious measures to curb this threat. The Soviet Union has spread its evil ideology across Asia, now securing a heinous ally in the Red Chinese. This combined force may prove to eliminate any buffer between Communism and the Eastern Hemisphere. Recent maneuvers in Korea indicate the time to act is now."

  This sentiment expressed by Deputy Defense Secretary Robert Lovett on June 25th, 1950 encapsulated the rising international tension in regards to Korea. Following a tense standoff, North Korean armed forces, led and directed by Kim Il-sung, effectively declared war upon the South on June 25th in their crossing of a mandated border into the South. Standing by his pledge to protect global democracy, President Dewey immediately allocated limited naval support to the region and urged the United Nations provide assistance.

  The president, hoping to avoid a drawn-out conflict across the Pacific, stated that he would seek the protection of South Korea and end the conflict with "unilateral and total peace." Dewey succeeded in enlisting the assistance of George Marshall, Army Chief of Staff under FDR, and famed, retired tactician General Charles Summerall. These two well-seasoned men organized three divisions officially referred to as the "Korean Defense League."

  Although President Dewey recruited the nation's best military personnel to organize an intended swift war, anti-Communist hardliners were hardly appeased. Freshman Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) declared his sour temperament to reporters on a daily basis. McCarthy fumed, "It is vital Dewey name this an offensive war against the wicked forces of Communism instead of his, frankly unacceptable, present direction." Indeed, the president's move to call war in the name of defense of North Korea proved controversial within the party.

   Dewey was no fool, however. He understood from the advice of his military aids that seeking unconditional surrender could mean the entrance of China and the Soviet Union into the conflict. President Syngman Rhee of South Korea made it clear that he intended to overtake the North and unite the nations. This exact sentiment had been the one most desired by the U.S. military higher-ups. According to those present at Dewey's tense cabinet meetings, General Summerall, Brownell and the president himself were the three lone voices advocating a solution short of completely vanquishing North Korea from the map.

  Several weeks of bloodshed passed as the United States Army overtook the 38th Parallel and pushed the fledgling North Korean military beyond P'yongyang. The president ordered advances to halt prior to reaching the province of Kaechon while UN forces occupied outposts in Hungnam. Secretary Ostertag explained to a hostile press corp in early-October, "The president's end-goal is the ultimate abolition of international Communism. This is our destination following a carefully plotted journey. There shall be no involvement of Chinese Communists nor Russians into this conflict. There shall be no atomic exchange. There shall be no wasted blood."

  Although the American Right denounced this tactic, including General MacArthur who urged the president confront Red China directly at the Yalu River, Democratic moderates and most Republicans agreed that the United Nations' defense of South Korea had been a success and, subsequently, the Communist army was driven into submission. Immediately after Ostertag revealed the new, cautious foreign policy of the United States, events moved along quickly as global opinion towards the Korean conflict flipped in favor of peace. The UN thereby gathered to discuss how best to handle Korea, with 15-1 in favor of an immediate armistice. In a matter of days, the organization concluded that a swift armistice would be the proper short-term solution.

  Syngman Rhee, who forever adamant in the righteousness of his cause declared that he would reject any calls for peace by the United Nations, begrudgingly (and somewhat suspiciously) folded to demands set by the United States to seek an armistice. Negotiations would continue throughout the following year, but, at last, on November 12th, 1951 in the city of Kaesong, delegates from North and South Korea agreed to a total ceasefire. The terms were somewhat muddled and a treaty was never signed, but the war had reached a quiet end with each Korean government remaining in power.

"The Korean Armistice never managed to bring on that Jap Surrender euphoria."
Herbert Brownell, Jr.

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1950 Congressional Elections  

Senate
Republican: 51 (+7)
Democratic: 45 (-7)

House
Republican: 218 (+28)
Democratic: 214 (-30)
American Labor: 1 (0)
Progressive: 1 (+1)
Independent: 1 (+1)

 Senate Leadership

Majority Leader Ken Wherry (R-NE)
Sen. Minority Leader Ernest McFarland (D-AZ)

 House of Representatives Leadership

Speaker Joseph Martin (R-MA)
Minority Leader Albert Gore Sr. (D-TN)
Minority Leader Vito Marcantonio (AL-NY)

  Stating that President Dewey and the Republican leadership were worried about their standings in the midterm elections would be an understatement. Public reaction towards handling of the Korean War appeared highly divided. According to the Washington Post, the majority of Republicans in D.C. viewed the immediate direction of the war in a positive light whilst retaining doubts on long-term consequences in East Asia. CBS polling throughout October placed public approval regarding the war effort at a mere 43% and Dewey's at only 48%. Simultaneously, however, editorial after editorial in publications across the nation praised Dewey's tactics in Korea and applauded his reluctance to expand the conflict.

  The reality had been that most Americans, although shaken with the prospect of a global Sino-Soviet superpower expanding its influence into Korea and beyond, were far more were terrified at the prospect of a third World War. Detecting this in the final days of the House and Senate races, Republicans tightly latched onto Dewey. The president's brand of proto-liberal Republicanism was proving to be enormously popular. The idea of providing financially sound domestic reforms whilst maintaining a stern, "active-defensive" foreign policy sat well with the voters of the 50s.

  This formula resulted in the GOP winning back their majorities in both houses of Congress in November of 1950. Picking up seven additional seats in the upper house and twenty-eight in the lower, the Republicans managed to demolish their "do-nothing" reputation and make substantial gains. Most of these Republican additions were foreseen by the press, but the rather shocking loses of multiple "safely Democratic seats" (including in Missouri and Colorado) were what altered headlines from "Republicans Win Back Congress" to "GOP Storms Congress".

  As with the Sam Rayburn/Price Daniel contest, almost every incumbent Democrat running for re-election found himself in an intense primary bout with another of the same party. More often than not, these primaries were more brutal than the general election itself. Truman Democrats in the South were almost universally ousted in favor of conservative, 'States' Rights Democrats'. The moderates lost a hefty majority of these contests, but the sparse progressive-leaning incumbents managed to survive: evident in Florida Senator Claude Pepper's thrashing of challenger Rep. George Smathers, 52-46. The contemptuous divisiveness within the Democratic Party had finally begun to crumble the now-minority organization from the inside-out.

  

Senators Elected in 1950 (Class 3)
Lister Hill (D-AL): Democratic Hold w/ 75%
Carl Hayden (D-AZ): Democratic Hold w/ 62%
J. William Fulbright (D-AR): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Richard M. Nixon (R-CA): Republican Gain w/ 60%
Eugene D. Millikin (R-CO): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Joseph E. Talbot (R-CT): Republican Gain w/ 50%
Claude Pepper (D-FL): Democratic Hold w/ 78%
Walter F. George (D-GA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Herman Welker (R-ID): Republican Gain w/ 62%
Everett M. Dirksen (R-IL): Republican Gain w/ 54%
Homer E. Capehart (R-IN): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Bourke B. Hickenlooper (R-IA): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Frank Carlson (R-KS): Republican Hold w/ 54%
Earle C. Clements (D-KY): Democratic Hold w/ 54%
Russell B. Long (D-LA): Democratic Hold w/ 86%
John M. Butler (R-MD): Republican Gain w/ 54%
Forrest C. Donnell (R-MO): Republican Hold w/ 49%
Patrick A. McCarran (D-NV): Democratic Hold w/ 57%
Charles W. Tobey (R-NH): Republican Hold w/ 55%
Herbert H. Lehman (D-NY): Democratic Hold w/ 49%
Clyde R. Hoey (D-NC): Democratic Hold w/ 68%
Milton R. Young (R-ND): Republican Hold w/ 68%
Robert A. Taft (R-OH): Republican Hold w/ 53%
A.S. Mike Monroney (D-OK): Democratic Hold w/ 54%
Wayne Morse (R-OR): Republican Hold w/ 75%
Olin B. Johnston (D-SC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Francis Case (R-SD): Republican Hold w/ 63%
Wallace F. Bennett (R-UT): Republican Gain w/ 55%
George Aiken (R-VT): Republican Hold w/ 78%
Warren G. Magnuson (D-WA): Democratic Hold w/ 53%
Alexander G. Wiley (R-WI): Republican Hold w/ 54%

[Pyro]

Who is the one Progressive representative?

That'd be the pro-Wallace Paul S. Taylor who narrowly won a three-way race for California's 14th.

[Pyro]

Protest Sign from Farmville, Virginia, April 30th, 1951.

  Heading into the new Congressional term, Dewey finally had a Republican majority at his disposal. Should he retain party unity, the president would be able to move forward with his proposed legislative plans. Conservative columnists speculated that without the need to compromise with Democrats, Dewey would turn sharply towards the Right and begin seriously limiting the “overreach of government.” These relatively common editorials proved to ignore the reality of where Dewey stood and what his agenda had been.

  Back in the ’48 campaign, Dewey had made it clear that the New Deal would not be tampered with if he were to win. The president wrote in the late 1960s that, although there had been, “clear mismanagement in the WPA under the Roosevelt administration,” overall he witnessed a, “remarkable rise in confidence: both in the economic sense as well as personal.” President Dewey, if anything, hoped to simplify and improve the efficiency of the Roosevelt programs.

  “We finally had our moment,” Brownell explained. “Dewey could have moved in any direction of his choosing. Republicans clamored on about the need to improve infrastructure while the other end urged healthcare reform.” Indeed, the president had a plethora of options to move forward with, but, “the game of politics require we look to 1952. To meet this end, the president once more risked everything on a gamble.”

  In April of 1951, students attending the all-black Moton High School in Virginia chose to participate in a walkout. Their facility had no cafeteria, no athletic department, no plumbing and was heated by outdated wooden stoves. In contrast, neighboring white schools had far superior equipment and funding. Led by student activist Barbara Johns, the students demanded a school equal to that of the white students. Nearly two-weeks into the strike, Dewey saw an opportunity.

  Dewey and most in his administration agreed that electoral victory counted heavily on the vote of African Americans: a demographic which had been in the Democratic column since Franklin Roosevelt. Much of the Midwest tipped to Dewey precisely because of his willingness to seriously consider civil rights legislation. Even anti-Dewey publications in the early 50s remarked that his pushing through some measure of segregation reform may well secure the re-election of Thomas Dewey to the presidency.

  Internally, the administration chose to wait until the Republicans had a stable footing in at least two of the branches of government before proceeding. Roosevelt’s Supreme Court was expected to last for quite some time, meaning that avenue was blocked. Dewey appointed only two judges thus far: Circuit Judge John Harlan II to replace Justice Frank Murray and California Supreme Court Justice Marshall F. McComb to replace Justice Wiley Rutledge. Though it was a definite possibility that the courts would strike down any civil rights legislation passed by the president (especially under Chief Justice Vinson), he chose nonetheless to pursue it.

  Though the larger concept called for the striking down of the infamous "Separate but Equal" Plessy v. Ferguson ruling, the Republicans opted for short-term relief. On February 12th, 1951, Senator Dirksen (R-IL) introduced the first landmark bill of Dewey’s “Liberty for All” plan. This initial bill would establish a federal investigation and subsequent commission with the specific purpose to examine the alleged "equality" of schools in the Southern states. Offered mainly as a means to test the waters of the new Congress, this first legislative measure flew through the Senate, 67-29, and then the House, 252-183.

"That did it. There was no putting that toothpaste back in the tube."
Matthew Connelly, May 1951.

[Pyro]

Francis "Eugene Dennis" Waldron following 1948 Arrest

  Towards the end of the year, the realization had struck that the Democrats were nearly guaranteed a rigorous and fruitless primary season. A collection of names and personalities were gearing up to throw their names into the ring for the Democratic nomination, yet the time had not yet come for announcements. As presidential approval ratings topped 57%, the likelihood that he could be beat appeared quite low. As one reporter commented, the primary may only serve to decide, "the next Alf Landon." As such, far more attention was given to the distinct possibility of a challenge from within the Republican Party.

  Dewey had alienated much of the conservative, Midwestern Republican base, meaning such a contest had not been out of the question. The most consequential issue going for the conservatives, that of an internal "Communist Conspiracy", had been taken at a completely different pace by the president. The introduction of Operation Polecat into the political arena changed a great deal. HUAC was deemed unnecessarily self-destructive for the Republican Party by GOP leadership in March 1950 and subsequently shut down. Those running Polecat now covered these bases, and they did so without television cameras and movie stars. Fifteen covert operations were uncovered by 1951, and these were promptly dealt with. The most famous of which, the case of the Rosenberg couple passing along atomic information to the Soviets, ended in the prompt conviction of the husband, alleged spy Julius Rosenberg. His wife, Ethel, was delivered a verdict of not guilty upon the discrediting of witness David Greenglass.

  The president, along with his supporters and the bulk of the Republican Party, reaffirmed often that Polecat would effectively discredit Communism in its findings. Therefore, Dewey urged Congress to focus on matters not retaining to internal conspiracies and instead work towards passing domestic reforms. The only measure Dewey approved of (and the only one of its kind which managed to pass between 1950 and 1952) was the McCarran Internal Security Act which required the registration of Communist organizations.

  Protests and various marches began to pop up in a show of disfavor with the direction of what came to be known as the second American "Red Scare". Left-wing organizations and labor unions, in response to a series of federal prosecutions against members and leaders of the Communist Party USA under the Smith Act, demanded the First Amendment be recognized. As the list of convictions began to pile up, moderate human rights groups jumped on board, as did members of Wallace's Progressive Party and a handful of liberal Democrats. The major proponent of the cases, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, urged the president keep silent on the matter. When prompted for an opinion on the matter, Dewey only said, "We cannot outlaw thought, gentlemen."

  At last, the Supreme Court agreed to take up the appeal of General Secretary to the CPUSA, Eugene Dennis, who had been charged with inciting the overthrow of the U.S. government. Those defending the cause for the petitioners asserted that the actions of the party promoted peaceful transition to socialism and this right was covered by the Constitution. The prosecution, already presumed victorious, recounted that the "evil" philosophy of Dennis and others in the same group clearly advocated a violent, repressive Stalinist state in the U.S.

  Four sitting on the bench had made up their minds on this accord far prior to the presented case. Justice Reed, Justice Jackson, Justice Frankfurter and Chief Justice Vinson stood unwavering on the side of the prosecution. Firmly in agreement with the defense were Justice Black and Justice Douglas. A fierce defender of the right to free speech,, Justice Harlan agreed with the defense, as did, in a shock to even the president himself, Justice McComb. Deemed a wildcard of sorts (and, as later reports would discover, an acquaintance of Dewey), Justice Burton stated his concurrence with the defense.

  The wind had dramatically changed direction.
  

"This shall be known as the greatest victory the Communist Party in America ever received."
Senator McCarthy, June 4th, 1951

"Foley Square Overturned! Justice Harold Burton Delivers Decisive Vote."
The New York Times, June 5th, 1951

"The Constitution Wins the Day. Let Us Celebrate June 5th as the Day Free Speech Defeated Fear"
The Daily Worker, June 5th 1951

[Pyro]

I love this timeline.  I always wondered what would happen if Republicans choose to be the more friendly party to Civil Rights in general.  This'll be very interesting to watch play out.  Will there be a large conservative backlash to the SCOTUS' decision and Dewey's moderate choices?

Well, we'll see. It's safe to say that the McCarthyites of the world would be inflamed.

Oh, wow. America certainly wasn't ready for the Brandenburg v. Ohio equivalent in '51. This should be interesting, and I'm betting the Democrats will nominate a man more conservative than Adlai Stevenson.

A whole new '52 on the way!

[Pyro]

The Today Show Begins Broadcast on NBC with Host Dave Garroway, January 1952 

Chapter Two: The Election of 1952: Dog Sleds and Write-Ins

  President Thomas Dewey had won the Election of 1948, reputable historians discuss, due primarily to the popular perception of Harry Truman as a lackluster, floundering head of state. Truman lost the election because of his unwillingness to stick with civil rights, others argue. Then there were those who firmly believed that the Democrats had simply been in power for too long and the country needed a shakeup. Almost none proclaimed that it had been Dewey's campaigning which caused Truman's demise.

  According to his memoirs, Dewey, when looking towards the upcoming election as late as December '51, remained unsure whether or not he could win a re-election against a trusted and primed Democratic challenger. "Never once did I take my chance in 1952 for granted," wrote Dewey. "We won by the mere skin of our teeth against a deeply disliked, Missourian farmer. I was sure the Democrats were readying a genuine heavyweight this time around."

  With the issue of internal Communism and new controversies surrounding segregation permeating within the minds of the electorate as faults of the incumbent administration, the Democrats needed unification and it needed it fast to launch their offensive. The president had yet to state his intentions for the election by mid-January, meaning the opposition had an open field to shape the narrative. This was the moment that may have altered the course of the race, but the Democratic Old Guard held back.

  Those effectively running the Democratic Party, city bosses and Tammany Hall-types, privately assured local party leaders that the election would be wrapped up without any need for insurgent candidacies. Especially in the Midwest, a portion of the nation deemed a "tossup region" by the press, the groundwork for a massive campaign was in the works. Distracted by new reveals from the Polecat Commission, the Democratic Party required a shattering jolt to open the doors to 1952.

  Herbert Brownell explained the sequence of events which took place  on January 14th. "I had, quite literally, one foot out the door for a rather significant engagement with a fellow from General Motors when my boss, the wife, called out to look at the television set." The Today Show, a new NBC television news program was revealing itself to the world that day. At 9:25am, the host of the show announced that a surprise interview would be taking place in the following hour with former President Harry Truman.

  "There he was, right there on NBC speaking candidly to that peacock Garroway," Truman walked on the set and was seated adjacent to the program's host. For the following twenty minutes the two discussed a wide variety of contemporary issues, including the Korean War, the role of the federal government, and a fair amount of lighthearted topics such as Truman's opinion on Doris Day. At last, when viewership reportedly reached its peak at the fifteen minute mark, Garroway asked him, "Well, President Truman, have you decided to run for the presidency?"

  Truman laughed for a moment and then responded, "No, Dave, I believe I have had my turn. Although, to tell you the truth, it certainly is vital that we nominate a contender with the right credentials to end the worldwide threat of Communism and protect our respectability here at home." When the host interjected to ask if Truman had any names in mind, the former president gleefully answered, "I will endorse whomever the nominee shall be, but, of all men, Eisenhower would be an extraordinary choice."

 

"Needless to say, I cancelled on GM in a heartbeat."
Herbert Brownell, from 1965 Interview for Time Magazine

[Pyro]

Senator Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin

  From an objective standpoint, 1950-52 for the Dewey's administration was a resounding success. The economy was doing splendidly, unemployment had been stabilized, and the only major overseas intervention encountered by the president ended with expedience. On paper, all had been going well and, in such a mindset, the election itself should have been over before it started. The issue was that an unpleasant combination of aforementioned controversies were beginning to catch up with the president.

  Left-historian Howard Zinn illustrated the following in Postwar America: 1945-1971. "The opening act of the 1950s, conducted by the Thomas Dewey Administration, presented a flourishing and rejuvenated America. One of Dewey's shining achievements was his launching of a relentless crusade on alleged Communist espionage (manifested as a means to justify an aggressive, permanent anti-Russian foreign policy). Due in part to an uncooperative conservative minority in the Republican Party, President Dewey struggled to keep clear of controversy in his tenure. Contemporary headlines were consistently flooded with accusations that the president was either too "soft on Communism," as anti-Communist hardliner Senator Joe McCarthy proclaimed, or far too willing to assist in the "over-education of Negro children," as pro-segregation Congressman Hardy of Virginia delicately put it. Such accusations plummeted President Dewey's approval ratings from near-60% in 1950 to a meager 45% by the dawn of 1952."

  The bulk of these accusations came almost precisely after Dennis v. United States. Knowing full well that two of the justices which had ruled in favor of the CPUSA General Secretary were appointed by President Dewey, Senator McCarthy unleashed a full-on assault. Gathering a hoard of press at his beck and call, McCarthy chose to spend the summer and autumn of 1951 hurling attacks at President Dewey for his role in the Supreme Court decision. The Wisconsin senator thereby evolved into what may be considered the mouthpiece of the Conservative Coalition, echoing the sentiments of other congressmen concerned with the direction of the Dewey Administration.

  For a time, the president refused to remark on the raving antics of McCarthy, thereby tactically hoping to, in the words of Brownell, "disarm the rabid extremist through total de-legitimization." Following a month of negative headlines and a handful of death threats, the president opted to speak out against McCarthy. In response to an inquiry from The New York Times' Jack Lewinsky regarding McCarthy's alleged "Pink Court," Dewey rebutted, "Far be it from me to espouse commentary over the words of any respectable United States senator, but I certainly abide by and commend the decision reached by the United States Supreme Court." This sentiment only proved to stoke the flames.

  In the following months, Dewey gathered the political capital he retained from the midterms and worked alongside Majority Leader Ken Wherry to pass legislation updating federal standards of monopolies and raising defense spending. Although these passed both houses of Congress, Senators McCarthy and John C. Stennis (D-MS) led a fierce opposition. A total of eight bills managed to pass from June to October 1951. With each new vote, however, a greater and greater number of GOP congressmen voted in opposition to the president. In October, nearly one-fifth of Republicans voted against the Dewey-endorsed Agriculture Relief Act.

  Then, at this, the low-point of President Dewey's tenure thus far, Senator McCarthy arranged another major press conference. He declared that, due to the recent court decision, political scientists estimated that the U.S. Communist Party would see its first rise in membership in nearly a decade. McCarthy phrased this expected phenomenon as the "dawn of America's final hour." The senator cried out, "We cannot allow ourselves to bend the knee to traitors whom would see our nation burn. This evil must be dealt with at all costs and I shall lead this charge. Therefore, I now announce that I shall seek the office of the presidency."

"Congress shall be instructed to pass a constitutional amendment overturning this Pink Court ruling. On my watch, the practice of Communism shall be considered a crime of the highest caliber."
Senator Joe McCarthy, October 30th 1951.

[Pyro]

Pink Court is a nice touch.

Was hoping you all would get a kick out of that one =)

Taft '52!

I'll let him know he has your support!

[Pyro]

President Dewey with Defense Secretary Eisenhower, April 1951

  The Conservative Coalition carefully plotted a road to victory in the upcoming elections. Their leadership believed that President Dewey had been successfully branded too weak in matters of internal affairs. As such, those anti-Dewey Republicans within the coalition dedicated a great deal of time in January concentrating their efforts towards delivering a Congress which would pass McCarthy's amendment along with an array of budget tightening measures. The Wisconsin senator ran his populist campaign from Washington, capturing headlines in the press with every accusation against the present administration.

  President Dewey formally announced his entrance in the race on January 4th. Faced with an uphill battle, the president declared that the nation had reached a "destined crossroads." Proclaiming before state-of-the-art cameras that four more years were well on the way, Dewey explained that espionage was now at an all-time low, homelessness was decreasing at a rapid rate, and that the healthy economy would provide permanent, well-paying jobs for years to come. He also, albeit briefly, covered the precariousness of Senator McCarthy's proposals and how his radical policies could endanger American liberty. Though the press universally praised the president's speech, Dewey failed to serve a dent in McCarthy's rising poll numbers.

  Internally, as described through the autobiographies of Secretaries Cox and Moore, the Dewey Administration was struggling to retain Eisenhower. The Secretary of Defense, having served through the Korean War, in addition to overseeing ongoing conflicts in China, was considering retiring from his post. As these aforementioned memoirs reflected, Eisenhower routinely expressed his disfavor with Dewey's foreign policy direction. In the latter half of 1951, Moore recollected, "Ike threatened resignation. When Dulles left halfway through Korea, the general acted relieved, if only for a time. [Eisenhower] grew more anxious every day, eventually urging Dewey take a proactive lead against Moscow's nuclear program. Our president, stubborn as always, only unplugged his ears when Truman showed up on that television program."

  Dewey and Eisenhower held a series of private, likely heated, conversations in the Oval Office at about this time. Neither man wrote or spoke of the exact details of these discussions, but it was largely assumed by political journalists that the Defense Secretary may have presented an ultimatum: that the president seek an immediate disarmament proposal with the Soviet Union lest he walk. The United States had just recently successfully tested a new atomic/thermonuclear experiment, and Eisenhower feared the Russian authorities would achieve an equal footing within the decade. Dewey made no such effort to reconcile, likely believing he needed to demonstrate strength against the Soviets.

  Secretary Eisenhower resigned from his cabinet post on February 17th, erupting the press into excited panic. The resignation prompted the Democratic machine to move into recruitment overtime. As a direct result of these events, Democrats eyeing a presidential run thus far were, as reports summarized, repeatedly and belligerently discouraged. Representative James Delaney (D-NY), in one instance, suddenly backed away from a widely expected campaign launch due to "personal cause unrelated to public service." Whether these individuals were threatened or not is unclear to this day, but, as one Time Magazine article remarked at the time, "Like it or not, all now appear ready for Eisenhower."

  Ike himself refused to comment towards any leanings on a potential candidacy all through the following weeks. The movement to Draft Eisenhower had caught on with the public, and prominent polling publications demonstrated a tight theoretical race between President Dewey and his former defense secretary. Still, New Deal Democrats were far from willing to allow the nomination of a right-leaning Republican (as they saw it). Frustrated with the direction of his party's leadership in stifling the potential diverse field, well-known firebrand Senator Estes Kefauver (D-TN) became the first official candidate of the Democrats on February 28th.

"Eisenhower Behind Dewey 2 Points in Gallup Poll"
The Washington Post, February 7th, 1952

"Senator Kefauver Embarks on New Hampshire Campaign"
The Tennessean, March 2nd, 1952

[Pyro]

Senator Kefauver In His Signature Cap

  Known nationally prior to his announcement, Senator Kefauver had no issue garnering public support. Those segments of the New Deal Coalition which leaned toward Wallace four years prior became the core of Kefauver's base, energizing the crowds which turned out in droves to hear the senator arrive via dogsled to various rallies to speak in New Hampshire. Frequently arriving in his signature coonskin cap, the senator urged aggressive anti-trust legislation, increased funding for education, and a gradual adjustment into full integration.

  Kefauver's tagline, "The time for pleasantries is over," heavily implied that President Dewey, albeit a talented speaker and negotiator, would rather set aside major issues than work towards solutions. In one televised speech to an audience in Concord, Senator Kefauver famously remarked, "Why is it, exactly, that the presidency has deflated the once-world famous Prosecutor Tom Dewey? How is it he was able to incarcerate Luciano, yet allows Frank Costello to walk free? Was Dutch Schultz more intimidating than Mickey Cohen or Virginia Hill?"

  Kefauver led a special committee of the U.S. Senate in 1950 which investigated these crime bosses among a slew of others. The senator considered the rise of this new wave of crime particularly troubling, and made to make it a point to highlight these figures. This path, as one would expect, made Kefauver a dangerous force to be reckoned with. Those Democratic bosses would never allow a Kefauver-type to come close to winning their nomination, and therefore, with less than a week until the New Hampshire primary, they prompted the introduction of select candidates to run with their support.

  With Kefauver's on-the-ground presence overshadowing the "Write-In Ike" campaign relatively quickly, those governors and mayors of larger states prepared to endorse their own figures. Governor Frank Lausche (D-OH), a press-described "cosmopolitan Democrat," mentioned in January that he would be willing to consider a bid for the nomination if other candidates failed to deliver. Senator Robert S. Kerr (D-OK), a favorite in his region, also expressed an interest in running. Both held off and readied to endorse Truman's choice, but with polls demonstrating a likely Kefauver win, each formally entered the race five days before the first primary.

  Simultaneously, the Republican candidates each treated New Hampshire with seriousness. Whichever campaign were to lose this contest would likely find a daunting path ahead. Senator McCarthy had been gaining ground in the polls and had a real chance at this one. A win for the Wisconsinite would brighten his future shot at the presidency dramatically while losing this early contest could damage his campaign beyond repair. For Dewey, there was no consideration of losing. As Brownell, serving once more as Dewey's campaign mentor, wrote, "[A New Hampshire loss] would end the campaign. Full stop."

   The eventual result served to legitimize the accuracy of polling agencies like Gallup (only off the mark by 2%). The race was called immediately on the Republican side while the closer Democratic race took time. On the evening of March 11th, the results for New Hampshire were finalized. President Dewey and Senator Kefauver won their respective contests.

|R| New Hampshire Primary Returns |R|
Thomas E. Dewey: 56%
Joseph McCarthy: 38%
Robert A. Taft: 3%
Douglas MacArthur: 1%
Dwight Eisenhower: .5%
Sherman Adams: .5%
Others/Invalid: 1%

|D| New Hampshire Primary Returns |D|
Estes Kefauver: 42%
(Write-In) Dwight Eisenhower: 39%
Frank Lausche: 9%
Robert Kerr: 5%
James Delaney: 2%
Harry S. Truman: 1%
Paul Dever: .5%
Henry A. Wallace: .5%
Thomas E. Dewey: .5%
Others/Invalid: .5%

[Pyro]

Kefauver '52! #FeelTheFauv

#FeelTheFauv would have made a much better title for this chapter

[Pyro]

President Dewey Conducting His Weekly Radio Address, April 1952

  The first primary in New Hampshire served to set an example for what was to follow. Eisenhower still refused to make a formal entrance into the race, Kefauver resumed campaigning in his folksy style, McCarthy lost a great deal of momentum, and Dewey shifted focus toward the general.

  Little of this dynamic changed over the course of the following weeks and months. President Dewey had been able to orchestrate a compromise between the United Steelworkers of America and U.S. Steel in April, thereby preventing a massive strike. The president was not the friendliest figure toward labor in the slightest, but he understood how to play the game. The workers achieved a mild pay increase while U.S. Steel had been placated by a promise of continued subsidies from the federal government. By April 16th, Dewey's approval numbers reached 50%: his highest in six months.

  Senator McCarthy began to flounder. Membership in the Communist Party was reported to have remained, more or less, the same since the Supreme Court decision, and there had been no recorded instances of a Communist plot to "overthrow the American government," as McCarthy predicted. He attempted to pivot slightly in mid-April in order to appease a wider audience, but political journals jumped on this move as a "sign of an inevitable drop-out." Even with losses in New Hampshire and Minnesota, McCarthy trudged on.

  Robert Taft had tepidly supported McCarthy in his run against the president up to this point. The two frequently worked in tandem in unleashing criticisms of Dewey, and Taft would have been willing to support anyone running against his nemesis. However, when McCarthy only narrowly won the Wisconsin primary (51-46), Taft ceased his correspondence with the infamous senator and plotted a new course. Now that Dewey's approval had rebounded, the Ohioan knew there was no use in a direct challenge and had something a bit more devious in mind.

  Prior to the release of Bob Taft's private records and journals in the mid-1980s, political historians including Taft biographer James Patterson wrote that, "With McCarthy certain to leave the race in April, the nation focused intently on the multifaceted Democratic nominating race. In this time, Republican bigwigs and bosses met in those infamous 'smoke-filled rooms' to discuss the ticket for 1952. Right around this time, prior to McCarthy's concession, a White House leak revealed that Vice President Earl Warren was allegedly involved in an extra-marital affair with 22-year old Irene Olson: an intern in the Truman Administration who was promoted by Warren to the role of personal secretary. The fact behind this accusation remains muddled, but it had been more than enough for President Tom Dewey to ask Warren not to run for the VP nomination."

  When the leaks began, all in the Dewey Administration were taken aback. Warren argued to his dying day that the accusations were wholeheartedly false and not a shred of genuine evidence existed to confirm any of it. Ms. Olson left her White House role four days following the initial leak and stated only of Warren that, "He committed no act which would have been considered unacceptable behavior at the time." When Taft's journals were finally released, they confirmed a controversial theory that he had indeed been behind the accusation. Taft, always cordial to his state's press, passed the story along to his source at the Cincinnati Enquirer, who in turn sent the tale to the Washington Post. Today, the consensus among historians is that Warren's infidelity was a fabrication. At the time, however, the public ate it up.

"VP Breaks Marriage Vow: Anonymous Aid Tells All"
The Washington Post, April 29th, 1952

"Earl Warren: "I Shall Not Seek a Second Term as Your Vice President."
Chicago Tribune, May 24th, 1952