BC referendum on changing electoral system (user search)
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  BC referendum on changing electoral system (search mode)
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jimrtex
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« on: January 15, 2018, 06:09:15 AM »

If you have a MMP system, with enough proportional seats to ensure that the overall result is proportional to the provincial list votes, it would be unnecessary to worry about using ranked choice voting in the single member ridings or to be concerned about the exact riding boundaries. Even if the single member seats produce a grossly disproportional result, this would be corrected by the list seats.

The problem here is to do this you would either have to make the provincial legislature a lot larger which might be a tough sell (i.e. costs more tax dollars) or you would have to make the ridings bigger so there are fewer constituency seats.  The latter would be a non-issue in the Lower Mainland, but a major issue in the Interior as many of the Northern ridings are larger than some European countries and take several hours to drive across so making them even larger wouldn't go over well.  Most countries that use PR have much higher population densities so this is less of an issue.  After all BC has 1/17th the population of Germany yet 2.5x the landmass.

Weighted STV. It makes no sense to sort ballots into equal piles, when the voters do not sort themselves into equal-sized groups. It also makes no sense to sort areas into quantum-sized populations, when the voters don't live in equal-population areas. There is no reason to fudge community-of-interest to match equality, or to fudge equality to match community-of-interest.

(1) The magnitude of a district may be fractional (e.g. 1.45 in the interior, or 7.37 in Vancouver). Redistributions often will be simple recalculation of magnitudes, with occasional changes in boundaries to reflect long-term demographic change, such as suburban areas extending further into the countryside. It may be possible for voters in an area to initiate a change of district, since it will have minimal political effect. Magnitudes will be rounded to 0.01 for simplicity.

(2) Voters rank candidates. There will be no ballot exhaustion. A voter who has not expressed a full set of preferences, will be assumed to have adopted the preference order of his 1st preference for the remaining candidates.

(3) Quota = Ballots Cast/Magnitude

(4) Two thresholds will be calculated;

Exclusion Threshold: Minimum (Ballots Cast * 0.25, Quota * 0.8)

In small magnitude districts (less than 3.2), this is intended to permit politically diverse representation.

Surplus Threshold: Quota * 1.2

This is intended to prevent any single MLA of exercising too much power. The difference between the Surplus Threshold (Quota * 1.2) and Exclusion Threshold (Quota * 0.8) is intended to permit variable representation based on party strength. This also incentivizes turnout, and recognizes finer changes in support.

Counting proceeds like normal STV, Surpluses above the surplus threshold will be distributed. Counting stops when all candidates exceed exclusion threshold.

New Zealand method (transfers of votes to previously elected candidates) might be used. Possible resucitation of excluded candidates.

(5) Voting weight magnitude distributed among elected candidates based on their final ballots.

(6) Elected members would exercise weighted vote.

(7) Cost containment.

If number of members is too large for assembly chamber, then allocate seats based on party. Members can swap out during sittings, or sit in overflow room.

Legislative salaries can be based on weighted vote, with some minimum. In-district offices can be shared, with clerical office staff working for all members. Travel expenses can be reduced by sitting 6 days/week when in session. Consideration should be given to meeting on the mainland (is it cheaper to transport staff to Vancouver, or the MLA's to Victoria). Perhaps meetings can be conducted via virtual presence/reality. Eliminate defined benefit pensions. Members should be eligible for Canadian OA pension, and with high salaries plus expenses can afford own investments.

Possible Constituencies:

North:
Peace River-Northeast (1.5)
Prince George (2)
Prince Rupert-Northwest (1.5)

Cariboo-Thompson (4)

Columbia-Koootenay (3)

Okanagan-Kelowna (7.5) Possibly split, but might not be possible without splitting Kelowna.

Greater Vancouver

Vancouver (12.5) two districts.
West Vancouver-North Vancouver (4.2)
Tri-Cities (4.5)
Burnaby-New Westminster (5.5)
Richmond (4)
Surrey-Delta (12) two districts.

Fraser Valley (10) two (3?) districts.

Vancouver Island (15):

Victoria (6)
Nanaimo-Cowichan-South Island (5)
North Island (4)
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jimrtex
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« Reply #1 on: January 16, 2018, 01:36:07 AM »

"Weighted votes" is probably unconstitutional in a Westminster system.
How so? The UK doesn't have a written constitution, it is merely a bunch of conventions. Queen Elizabeth can wave her magic wand, and it is so.
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jimrtex
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« Reply #2 on: January 17, 2018, 02:53:48 PM »

"Weighted votes" is probably unconstitutional in a Westminster system.
How so? The UK doesn't have a written constitution, it is merely a bunch of conventions. Queen Elizabeth can wave her magic wand, and it is so.

It is not quite true to say that the UK does not have a constitution.  What it does not have is a constitution formalised into a single document.

The UK constitution is partially written in statutes and  partially based upon the common law. The conventions are in some respects more important than the legally enforceable parts of the constitution.
 
What the UK constitutions boils down to is that whatever the Crown in Parliament enacts is law. It is the Crown in Parliament, not just the monarch alone, which can wave the magic wand and alter constitutional law as easily as it can provide for minor issues in the administration of the public services.
Her Majesty, through her Lieutenant Governor, will undoubtedly give close attention to the advice of the Premier and other minsters, and they too will heed the prudence and wisdom given by (or for) the monarch,

Queen Elizabeth and the British Prime Minister meet weekly. It is not clear whether the Lieutenant Governor meets regularly with the BC Premier. Since she is a cattle rancher in the Nicola Valley, travel and residence in Victoria may constitute a hardship.

It appears that the Lieutenant Governor actively rejected Christy Clark's advice to dissolve the Legislative Assembly, and instead gave John Horgan an opportunity to form a government. She is said to have consulted with roughly 30 experts in Canada, Britain, and Australia. I do not know if Her Majesty was directly involved.

A previous Lieutenant Governor chose W.A.C.Bennett to be Premier, ushering in a 20-year period of SoCred government.

The Throne Speech was interesting. The Lieutenant Governor obvious could not refer to "my government" as Her Majesty would, and "Her Majesty's government" would be a 3rd party reference, which would be incorrect since she is acting as the agent of The Queen. And "The Government" would suggest a republican form of government, equivalent to the "The Administration" or even worse "My Administration". So it was simply "Government".

Incidentally, the wand would not be magical if anyone could wave it. It is clearly magical in whom its use is vested and how it is used.

However, British Columbia does have a constitution written into one document. The constitutional provisions do not say that each member of the Legislative Assembly is to have an equal vote, but I imagine the courts would imply it.

http://www.bclaws.ca/civix/document/id/complete/statreg/96066_01#section18

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The Election Act will be amended to reflect whatever method of election is chosen. The Electoral Districts Act and Electoral Boundaries Commission Act will also be amended.

18(3) would appear to be an impediment to AMS or province-wide list, unless one considers the entire province to be an electoral district. The different electorate under AMS seems to have been a problem in Scotland, though apparently not in Germany.

The wording of this section appears to anticipate that members would have different numbers of votes (i.e. majority of votes, rather than majority of members).

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And finally, the Constitution Act itself is subject to amendment as ordinary legislation (majority of votes, plus Royal Assent).
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jimrtex
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« Reply #3 on: January 03, 2019, 03:24:21 AM »

Anyone have maps?

Looking at the results I wonder how would the referendum have looked like if instead it was about making it a 2nd round election (a la France, or some American states).


I dont think it would make much of a difference to be honest.
Not the same question, but if the 2017 election had been conducted under those rules, NDP might have a clear majority.

Liberals won Fraser-Nicola, Richmond-Queensborough, Coquitom-Burke Mountain, and Vancouver-False Creek, narrow margins.

In a runoff, these could easily have flipped if Green voters only slightly favored NDP.

This would give a NDP 45, Liberal 41, Green 3 majority.
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