Unfortunate Son

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

December 25th, 1978
Christian Mattingly awoke in time to shower and eat a small breakfast before he looked at the small clock in his apartment and prepared to head to mass with his family back in Highland Park.

Mattingly: (lighting a cigarette) Merry fockin' Christmas.

He shivered as he carefully put on his one suit and adjusted the dark blue tie around his neck. He feels his pockets to make sure everything's there...

Mattingly: Cigs, keys, wallet...

...and heads out the door, used overcoat slung over his shoulder. Though it's a drive of only a few miles, the darkness and snow make it more difficult. As he twists the knobs, he curses his car's heat--or lackthereof.

Mattingly: Fock!

He arrives at his parent's house early and heads in, sitting on the couch reading volume one of "A History of the English Speaking Peoples". As the house begins to awake, members of his family greet him with the look of "Wow, you're here early!" Finally, his youngest brother, Jack, comes down wearing blue jeans and a Pink Floyd t-shirt.

Chris: Strange choice of sleeping clothes.
Jack: Huh? What's that book?
Chris: Sir Winston Churchill's "History of English Speaking Peoples" you fruitcake. And whadday mean "huh"? Those better be your sleeping clothes.
Jack: Chris, I'm not gonna jump into a suit once a year for this. I'll just keeping my coat on in church.
Chris: (getting up) Oh, like Hell you are. (grabs Jack by scruff of the neck) --You're damn lucky I don't grab you by your long hair-- (and begins walking toward the stairs. As he ascends, he continues) You know who the Hell you get your name from? John F. Kennedy. The "F" stood for "focking". Jack Focking Kennedy! And no man named after the Focking President of the United States of America isn't gonna head to church dressed like the hobos his economic programs failed to help. Now get the Hell up there and find yourself a suit.

Later at St. Benedict's Catholic Church, Jack stands next to his second-eldest brother, adjusting the wrinkled tie that was wrapped around his neck. Christian snickers and looks at Nick, the eldest brother, who is on Jack's other side. Later, back at the house, filled with not only the Christian's immediate family, but with various other relatives, including his brother Bill's new wife.

Chris: (groggily, he's had a few) God, look at them. Focking three years younger than me and he runs off and gets some blonde wife he met at a grocery store checkout.
Jack: Well they seem happy.
Nick: Don't worry Chris. You'll get there. What happened to that one girl?
Chris: Which one? God, when I was a kid, it was all "Oh my God, what hot girl is interested in me?" I didn't give a damn if all they knew was Volleyball for God's sake. Now? I can talk to ten girls at some damned Christmas party thrown by a Wayne grad or some guy from the shop. They're all too dumb, too uninteresting, or too young. Slap some focking smile on your face, pretend to be enthusiastic about their sh#t, but at the end of the day, what the Hell are you looking for?
Joe: What the Hell, Matt, I live for that!

Mattingly surveys his cousin Joe DiCesare, the Sicilian from the other side of his family he'd once stolen fireworks with and who'd introduced him to cigarettes and drinking. Joe, about two years older than Chris and wearing a leather jacket and gold chain, with a mustache and a goatee adorning his face--along with sunglasses and greased hair. In his right hand is a rum 'n' coke. He'd forgotten the nickname Joe bestowed on anyone in his family--Matt, short for their last name.

Chris: Joe Focking Dicesare! When the Hell did you get here? And why?

He embraces his cousin, after which Joe shakes hands with Nick and Jack.

Joe: ...Well, I live for it in the sense that I sleep with them afterwards, but that's beside the point. My family's been facing some, eh, stuff that we tried to not let you folks get wind of. That, eh, thing with Jimmy Hoffa may be involved.

The Mattingly brothers give him quizzical looks, but knowing what their mother's side of the family is involved in, they choose not to pursue it, or at least two of them. Nick gently slaps the back of his hand into Jack's chest after Jack's mouth begins to open and some vowel sound escapes it.

Nick: Well... I'm not going to question, eh, try to get into that. I don't need to answer any questions. In any case, "Matt", I'm sure you'll meet some girl that fits your narrow definition of interesting and attractive.
Chris: We'll see.

Christian goes over to get another beer. As Jack reaches for one, Chris slaps him "upside the head", as it were.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Nice work Cath!

BTW: Have you been reading my MacKenzie timeline?  (Shameless plug)

Thank you! And yes. However, it seems you stopped work.

Also, I'm planning on using MacKenzie as a nemesis to Mattingly. That good with you?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Seems like three's a company in Wyoming - would be interesting to see a free-for-all gubernatorial primary, though that isn't very plausible.

Not sure if I overlooked this, but has Mattingly gone into self-employment or is he still working at Ford?

Mattingly had to let Ford go in order to make the move to Wayne and go to college on a more full-time schedule. Since then he's worked at Ted Constantine's garage, taking on more responsibility especially as Constantine ages, and with his business degree near complete, he'll be heading off to manage a new "branch" that's being opened up thanks to growing business and an opening for expansion.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Southern Man - Brewer and Baker

January 4th, 1979: Newly sworn-in Senate Majority Leader Howard H. Baker, Jr., tapped his fingers on the arm rest as he waited outside the Oval Office. It was his second day leading the Senate--the first Republican leader since 1955--and the nation's new President decided to meet with its new Senate Majority Leader. When Baker saw Secretary of State Jefferson Dent exit--"Ten years in the Senate and he becomes Secretary of State!"--and he got up to enter.

Despite how they would find themselves positioned over the next few years, the two had more in common than their party labels suggested. Both Brewer and Baker, despite being moderates, had succeeded in Southern states. Both were centrists and had records of supporting civil rights. While Brewer's relationship with House Speaker Tip O'Neill would be frosty over the course of his presidency, he found himself preferring the company of Baker and some of Brewer's own Southern moderates to that of a majority of his caucus, and with Baker's status as "The Great Conciliator", things would run more smoothly between Brewer and Republican leadership than with the Democrats.

Among the things on the agenda for the first meeting between Brewer and Baker would be Brewer's selection of a Vice President, how to handle inflation, and SALT II negotiations. "I've been looking at a number of possibilities", began the President, "Coming in right before the mid-terms, when I was given the possibility of appointing my own Vice President, I wanted to respect the will of the people as expressed last November. Daniel Inouye--Hawaiin, war hero, and someone who's respected across the aisle. He's prepared to be appointed very soon." Baker shrugged and said "While I doubt all of my caucus will love the choice, he certainly is respected by nearly everyone in the chamber. This shouldn't be a partisan thing and I'd be happy to help his confirmation."

On the issue of the economy, the main focus was on inflation: "This is a step Kennedy put off for years and something Nixon expanded drastically. Interest rates have been far lower than they should have been and for several years." said the President in a 'Yankified' Southern drawl, "This won't be a popular decision--my predecessor knew this. Kennedy early on intended that he would tighten the monetary supply, but merely wait for the most politically opportune time. This, in theory, would have happened in 1977 or 1978. However, due to the scandals that arose early on in his second term, that obviously never happened. What I'm saying to you now is that there will be no better time. There is always an election around the corner. Better to nip this in the bud. In any case, what is projected to happen is a government-induced recession. It will not be easy, hardly the halcyon days imagined by the hippies that elected Bobby. Instead, that is the path we have to take if we want an easy end to this 'stagflation' business." Baker merely nodded. It seemed more than anything that Brewer wanted someone to confide in over the problems of his office, the bag full of crap that Kennedy'd handed him on the way out.

When it came to SALT II, which was still in the works and might be for a while, Baker offered little in terms of support, though he did promise to attempt to keep his caucus civilized, and agreed with Brewer's ideal of diplomacy backed up by strong conventional forces and remained mum in terms of opposition. When the meeting ended an hour and a half after Baker first walked in, the President felt a bit more reassured about having at least one friend in the Senate, and Baker felt a bit more powerful. Nevertheless, Baker's duties as Majority Leader would take up a good deal of his time, and his presidential ambitions would have to be curtailed for the time being. 1980 would not be his year.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

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[FEMA Camp Administrator]

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I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

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I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."

OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken.

Naturally. And Mattingly had a track record of voting against Milliken to uphold.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

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I thought you said before that Mattingly voted for Milliken in 1978.  And why is Griffin's name in bold?  He lost in 1978.

Check the '78 Senate map, bro. And I'll have to go and correct that if Mattingly voted Milliken. When I read Fitz's ourcampaigns.com page, I was like "Seems Mattingly'd vote for him."

OK.  I kind of thought the same thing.  You know I wouldn't have voted for him, of course, even if he was more conservative than Milliken.

Naturally. And Mattingly had a track record of voting against Milliken to uphold.

Are you going to check to see if you need to correct anything?

The update with the '78 Senate elections doesn't mention Mattingly's gubernatorial vote. To my knowledge, he's vote for the Democratic nominee in both '70 and '74, though I'll check on that. EDIT: doesn't look like I made one for '74. Will edit one in.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Sweet Home Alabama - The Times and Trials of President Brewer

Daniel Inouye, a Senator since 1963, political leader in his state since 1953, and a World War II veteran with a near-unassailable record, was easily confirmed as the 41st Vice President of the United States of America on January 8th, 1979. Despite some questions about his eligibility due to having been born in Hawaii pre-statehood, they were easily quelled with his defenders pointing to the examples of the Founding Fathers, Hiram Fong--who'd received votes at two previous RNC's--and the constitution as reason for allowing Inouye's confirmation. With few able to question his patriotism after hearing his oft-repeated tale of serve in the second World War, he was quickly given a near-unanimous confirmation as Vice President.

However, Brewer would not find himself so lucky on other issues. While Treasury Secretary Russell Long would cleverly guide the new President away from cutting several water projects and damaging "pork" directed at the Gulf area, he would be unable to fully curb Brewer's anti-earmark and anti-inflationary instincts and relations between the White House and Congress would sour. As was expected, the Southerner Brewer and the Northern Catholic, Speaker Tip O'Neill, would butt heads. With O'Neill leading a still-powerful Democratic House despite the nation's Republican drift in the mid-terms, several of Brewer's cost-cutting initiatives when it came to pork-barrel spending would see failure, though the Presidential veto remained strong. Working, however, with Howard Baker, Republicans, and Southern and suburban Democrats, he managed to sign the Airline Deregulation Act of 1979. While other deregulatory initiatives would see failure, it would be one of the President's few legislative policy successes. The opposition to his measures would lead Brewer to seek out a centrist coalition comprised of moderates from both parties in order to haggle his way to narrow success on a number of other bills. Among them would be the federal government's first civil service reform in over 100 years. His other accomplishments would all be in the area of taking on waste and cronyism in Washington, akin to how he had done so in Alabama. These actions that were often violently opposed by even his own cabinet members, though would be later praised by even his harsher critics on the Republican side.

Foreign policy, meanwhile, would provide the most visible sign of the failure and collapse of the Brewer administration. While Brewer had continued to proudly continue SALT negotiations with Secretary of State Jefferson Dent leading the charge, and success seemed to be nearing, all of that would go to waste with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in April, 1979. With Republicans practically calling for Brezhnev's head, the President's progress seemed all for naught. In a speech on the floor of the Senate, Senator Bob Dole, Republican of Kansas, proclaimed "In a world where our greatest rival and our greatest partner in negotiations for the past decades decided to blatantly violate international peace, it seems absurd that the United States should even consider to surrender parts of its nuclear arsenal." Dole's words would be among the most civil uttered from the Republicans on the issue. Public approval for SALT sank, and to combat it publicly, President Brewer enacted a grain embargo on the Soviet Union, took away Soviet fishing rights in U.S. waters, and--in an act that nearly triggered Dent's resignation over what he called "idiotic Hell raising"--he announced that the United States would boycott the 1980 United States Moscow Olympics. Meanwhile, the SALT talks were scrapped completely by the fall of 1979. Inside the White House, National Security Adviser Cyrus Vance would resign to be replaced by the more anti-communist Zbigniew Brzezinski. While there were whisperings that Dent himself would be gone, Brewer still trusted his fellow Alabaman with the reigns of diplomacy and dispatched him to attempt to smooth things over with the Soviets and try to bring an air of normalcy back to diplomatic relations, to little avail. Covertly, the United States began funding the Mujahideen at the advice of Brzezinski, creating a proxy-war in Afghanistan.

Above: Jefferson Dent, Brewer's Secretary of State and an ally since the beginning of the decade, picture in between heated discussions with Soviet representatives following the invasion of Afghanistan in April, 1979.

As another sign of the heating Cold War situation, Brewer nixed plans to draw down troops in South Korea and signed some of the first increases to military spending in a number of years for the 1980 budget. Nevertheless, the President, committed to nuclear disarmament, insisted in nevertheless decreasing the nation's missile supply, "to set an example of what this nation and this world expects from its leading powers."

On August 6th, 1979, a new Federal Reserve Chairman was inaugurated. Paul Volcker, a Democrat, nevertheless pledged to curb the money supply and raise federal interest rates, advice that, less than a decade ago, had been pushed by conservatives to President Nixon. The subsequent government-caused recession that would peak with unemployment over 10% angered several members of the Democratic rank-and-file that, as a force of habit, supported more Keynesian measures. With tensions with his fellow Democrats already at an all-time high, Brewer nevertheless pushed forward, privately unhappy to see his Presidency going down the tubes, but all the more resolved to solve the problems Kennedy had left him.

As the year drew to a close, Brewer found himself in far worse a position than the one he had started with. As a newly-inaugurated President, he had resumed the SALT II talks that had stalled with Kennedy's resignation, had pledged a new era of good government, and had looked to forge a path that bowed neither to the far right or radical left. What resulted, instead, was a United States that seemed both overly aggressive and willfully weak, a White House that was consistently juxtaposed to members of the same party in Congress, and an economy that seemed to have a bright side only to detached monetarist economists. Thus, it was small wonder when two big-name challengers emerged to give Brewer a run for his money.

Representing both labor and hawks, Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson of Washington was waging an aggressive and well-funded campaign criticizing Brewer's "economic defeatism and weakness in dealing with the Soviet Union". While Jackson was uncharismatic and wooden on the stump, this was supplemented with backing both from labor and his Senate colleagues. It was rumored that Ted Kennedy, who due to his brother's shenanigans was keeping a low public profile for the time being, privately supported Jackson and that O'Neill was lining up support from his House subjects. Meanwhile, representing the "New Left", "Kennedycrats", and the West, former Secretary of State George McGovern was using grassroots left-wing activists as well as Hollywood's most famous names to fight viciously for the soul of the Democratic party. With both the party's right and left in opposition to him, and with both his own country and the entire globe in rebellion to his will, Brewer announced that both he and Vice President Inouye would seek re-election.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Sorry, folks. While I would love to continue to develop the narrative of not just my character but all this timeline's characters, college may be too much of a burden for me to do that. No idea on when I'll be able to next update this. Peace out.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Prom

April 27th, 1979. Dick Hudson couldn't help but grin ear to ear. He was sweating in the suit, nervous as all Hell, the tie just a bit too tight, his glasses slightly fogging, and his hair starting to shift out of place and into his eyes. And yet he grinned. Here he was, the Class of 1979's prom, arm-in-arm with the girl of his dreams. "One of the problems here," a friend had told him, "is that you two, you aren't even really in the same social groups. Sure, we're all friends here, but what you're gonna try to do, that'll be unexpected." Dick was finding himself very glad having ignored his friend's advice.

He stood atop the stairs, beaming in triumph, knees almost knocking with nervousness as he walked her down to the eating area. Sarah Madigan. He repeated it in his head "Sarah f#cking Madigan." By what he considered an objective measure (his eyes), the hottest girl in his class no doubt. And for all he could care, the entire world. Sarah f#cking Madigan. And he was going to prom with her. He escorted her over to the table they'd been assigned, pulled back her chair, and placed it so he could sit. Only then did he withdraw his own chair to take his place to her left. The food was unworthy of note, the conversation filled with frequent laughs, though nothing significant. The temperature, awful. None of that mattered tonight though. Sarah f#cking Madigan.

Coming into high school, Dick had the luxury of knowing roughly 90% of people there. She was a new student at the time. Nevertheless, she quickly made friends with everyone, including the quasi-introverted Hudson. Not particularly used to girls talking to him instead of the other way around, he easily fell for her. As the years passed, he'd watched her cycle through a few different boyfriends, all socially a bit higher-up than Dick or anyone he regularly spoke with. However, he was able to maintain a friendly relationship with her, and he'd had the good sense to join sports such as track & field that she also joined. All the while, the idea of this likely impossible end goal drove every single interaction with her, from something as benign as borrowing a pencil to practically writing her assignments for her. However, with the surprise ending of a relationship mere weeks before prom, Hudson had been given an opportunity fro on high. "It's not like she hasn't been dropping signals all week." he confided to a friend as they walked towards his car after a track meet. A natural observer, and someone who spent a lot of time thinking, young Richard Hudson would finally make the fateful decision to ask Sarah f#cking Madigan to the 1979 prom. "Hell, if it weren't for this, I'd probably be trying to see a movie that night," he told the same friend.

He was still incredibly surprised when she said "Yes." The succeeding rush to find a tuxedo--no such luck--and to make preparations to finally have a chance with what he considered the girl of his dreams was a blur. Finally he settled on his one suit, a blue and green tie of his, and was ready. Smirking looking back on it, he'd say "I looked completely f#cking ridiculous. This stupid kid, suit that doesn't fit. And that stupid tie! Meanwhile, those huge glasses and that late 70's hair." She, on the other hand, looked like the most beautiful thing he'd ever seen. He dress was simple, yet elegant, he hair the best example of looking good during the 70's. These were phrases Hudson would repeat in the years to come, recounting that night.

His own dancing was mediocre, he not being a person that saw much use in moving one's feet in any particular pattern, but he nevertheless enjoyed himself, watching her writhing body in front of him. "I was utterly captivated." Sarah f#cking Madigan. The after party was a bit of a shock to him. A nerd of sorts who, all his life, had largely put the girls he'd liked on a pedestal above him in his mind, he wasn't used to the idea that such a girl could drink. She could and she'd done it in the past. This was his first time getting drunk with her, however. Regardless of how people joked, however, no "thing" happened that night. Loud music--"Evil Woman" by ELO--drinks, dancing, yelling. Hudson was still grinning like an idiot as he smoked his 6th cigar of the "night" as he saw the sun creep over the horizon, she beside him on the curb, her blonde locks splayed across his left shoulder, almost asleep.

At around ten A.M. or so, he drove her home. There would be class next week, track meets in the future. He drove to his own house still smirking. "The best night of my life, by far." he told friends later that day. He would later modify the title for Prom, 1979. "The first day of the rest of my life", he'd say in the future. For a young Dick Hudson, things were looking up.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I'm thinking like, maybe I should update this at some point? I dunno. With my schedule, my day's pretty clear unless some unexpected socializing comes up which is quite likely. Especially with November apparently being "write a novel" month, I should probably warm up my writing chops.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part I

President Brewer, who had headed a largely moderate—though divisive—policy as president, would find himself facing challenges from both his right and his left. Senator Henry M. Jackson, a Cold War hawk who had been a firm opponent of President Kennedy on foreign policy matters and had raised Hell early on for Kennedy’s amnesty for draft dodgers, was making another go at the presidency. Eight years earlier he’d been an unsuccessful contender, garnering a mere 3% of the primary vote. Now, with a weak incumbent and his age starting to catch up with him, 1980 might be the Washington Senator’s last chance. While “Scoop’s”—as Jackson was affectionately called—foreign policy would hit Brewer’s right flank, he would also position himself to the President’s left on economic matters, currying favor with unions in industrial states. Jackson would go as far as to put forward a New Deal-esque “full employment” platform plank in the spirit of the late Hubert H. Humphrey.

President Brewer would find himself facing intra-party foes on both his right and left as he sought election in his own right in 1980.

It would be former Secretary of State George McGovern that took up the cause of the “Kennedycrats”. Economically to the former President’s left, McGovern nonetheless was the obvious heir to Kennedy’s coalition of minorities and young voters that had propelled him through the primaries in 1972. McGovern, who had been a Kennedy supporter in both 1968 and 1972, had foregone a run of his own for several years. In a similar predicament as Jackson and with a full head of steam building up behind the idea of a left-wing grassroots campaign, the idea for McGovern to challenge Brewer seemed obvious. While Jackson racked up endorsements from “big labor”, it would be McGovern that sought out the support of fellow liberals. Senator Christopher Garrett of Vermont would be one of the first to fall in line behind the South Dakotan. Shortly after would be former Secretary of Labor Caesar Chavez. Jefferson Dent, whose political sympathies were more in line with McGovern, would nonetheless refuse to get involved in the three-way race due to his position as Secretary of State and loyalty to his fellow Alabaman Brewer. More economically moderate “Kennedycrats” such as Seantor Gary Hart of Colorado would as well choose to sit on the sidelines rather than back one of the President’s challengers. The only one to get involved would be Montana’s Scott Westman who gleefully endorsed McGovern over “the good ol’boy” from Alabama, despite what some would call Westman’s economic “conservatism”. Some had even pushed for the charismatic Montanan to run himself, but he backed off. “With the state the Democratic party’s in right now,” he would comment half-jokingly, “I’ll have plenty of chances to run in an open field soon enough.”

George McGovern's campaign would benefit both from left-wing activists alienated by the moderate policies of the last eight years as well as "Kennedycrats"--social and foreign policy liberals opposed to Brewer's centrist policies.

The first contest of the race would be the Iowa Caucuses. The state where, eight years ago, Robert F. Kennedy had taken home victory, it could prove an important indicator of the way the race would shape. While Brewer in theory could appeal to the farm vote in the state, the caucus was dominated by doves and grassroots left-wing activists. With McGovern from neighboring South Dakota able to easily shovel in volunteers and command a ground campaign, he had the obvious advantage and it paid off with a first place victory over Brewer with Jackson coming in an unimpressive third. However, Brewer had hardly placed his hopes on Iowa. New Hampshire, which had been involved in the nominating process much longer, would prove much more crucial in the eyes of his campaign. Emphasizing his moderate record in a state known for its fiscal conservatism, it was hoped that the Southerner could nonetheless convinced New England to support him. Polls leading up to the primary showed a Brewer victory and it was believed the President would be back on track to an easy nomination. However, in a surprise, Jackson would walk away with the Granite State’s delegates. Having worked hard to shovel in Catholics and blue collar workers, hard campaigning by former Governor John W. King, and with McGovern siphoning off left-wing support for Brewer, Jackson was able to narrowly overcome his own President. Rumors circulating that Ted Kennedy preferred either Jackson or McGovern to Brewer didn’t hurt, and would hopefully--for the Jackson campaign--help in other New England. On the same day as New Hampshire, McGovern walked away with an easy win in Minnesota, and Jackson had, two weeks prior, won the Maine Caucus with little opposition from Brewer. Going into March, Brewer had no wins under his belt despite his status as an incumbent, and his opposition was gathering strength.

Senator Henry M. Jackson, a foreign policy hawk and self-styled New Deal liberal, would attempt to build a coalition of conservatives, anti-communists, Catholics, unions, and moderates to unseat Brewer. He would benefit greatly from a surprise victory in the New Hampshire primary.

With Massachusetts and Vermont approaching, it'd be up to Brewer to attempt to maintain relevance and momentum until the March 11th Southern primaries.

Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota
Blue - Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Republican Primaries Part I

Since Election Day, 1976, several Republicans had been warming up for what they hoped would be a victorious candidacy in 1980. The obvious choice for the Republican nomination was Senator Bob Dole. Rising from a one-armed World War II veteran to a Kansas representative, a Nixon "hatchet man" and finally the 1976 Republican nominee for Vice President, Dole's center-right voting record and appeal to poorer rural voters were seen as assets. Obviously not an associate of far right "Goldwaterites" but by no means a liberal Republican, it was believed Dole could forge a "Nixonian" path to the nomination, between whatever candidates the conservative and liberal wings respectively put forward. Over the last four years, Dole had worked to expand his political brand, keynoting dinners across the nation and especially in important early primary states. His speeches would range from a Disraeli-hosted conference on civil liberties where he lambasted the soon-to-be ex-President Kennedy on constitutional violations through wire-tapping of political opponents, to a meeting of rust belt labor unions where he opposed "the reckless Democratic movements towards free trade". Patrick J. Buchanan, who had made the far-sighted decision to sign onto the Dole campaign early, would head the "conservative Democrats" division. "Since the late 1960's, blue collar Democrats have felt more and more alienated by their own party. While Nixon attempted to bite into this bloc, he did so unsuccessfully. Connally was the wrong man to try this in 1976, with his connections to 'big oil'. What our man, Dole, has is a unique opportunity to permanently expand the Republican base. Blue collar workers hasve been turned off by the seeming obsession the Kennedycrats have developed with free trade. The obvious corruption Kennedy displayed in his last years in office didn't help, and Brewer has made few concessions to labor. Should McGovern or Brewer be nominated, and we put forward Dole, this could be a significant realignment and we'd be fools to waste the opportunity." Political scientists would credit Buchanan's division of the campaign as it came into play in the general election for important political changes that would come into effect over the next three decades.

To many, Bob Dole was the "obvious choice" for the Republican nomination in 1980. With his status as 1976's Vice Presidential nominee, his unquestionable service in World War II, his own humble roots, and a campaign designed to appeal to a broad spectrum of the population, the race would be Dole's to lose.

However, Dole was hardly the only candidate in the race. Also from the wreckage of 1976 emerged the libertarian-leaning Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming. The last four years had made his message of limited government seem all the more poignant and rumors had it that Disraeli was laying important groundwork for an upset in New Hampshire. Despite frequent questions rising as to his religious affiliation and his radical political associations, the charismatic (opponents said "Hitleresque") Senator was able to dodge such accusations.

While some "movement conservatives" might have decided to fall in line with Disraeli, viewing him as the proper heir to Goldwater's legacy of limited government, they were hardly in the majority. Instead, another Sun Belt conservative, from a state not entirely unlike Goldwater's, would find himself inheriting significant conservative momentum. While it could be said that the base would be unwilling to nominate another Texas conservative, his man's supporters were mute to the idea. Two term Governor Hank Grover, a "dyed in the wool" conservative from the Lone Star State, was determined to take his career national. After an upset win against incumbent Governor Dolph Briscoe in 1974, he'd worked to build the Republican coalition in Texas alongside John Tower and George Bush. Like Disraeli, he too would attempt to gain momentum in New Hampshire thanks to his anti-tax and pro-gun platform. However, few expected him to succeed outside the South.

Bringing up the fourth wing of the party, outside the "centrists", libertarians, and conservatives, would be Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut. With his colleague Thomas J. Meskill tied up in a race for re-election, the ambitious Weicker saw an opportunity to jump into the primaries. To the left of a good member of his caucus, Weicker was nonetheless a loud voice in his party. Expecting a Republican victory in November, Weicker's next opportunity to run would likely be in 1988, when he would himself be pursuing re-election for his Senate seat. Rather than waste the opportunity, the Senator was hoping to build a coalition that combined Evans' and Meskill's supporters to defeat "the far right direction of this party".

Lowell P. Weicker, the liberal senior Republican Senator from Connecticut, would find himself the ideological successor to candidates like Nelson Rockefeller, Pete McCloskey, and Daniel Evans in seeking the Republican nomination for President. While it would be said that he was a candidate out of his time--"the last time a liberal like Weicker could've won was twenty years ago!"--the candidate would run an aggressive and well-funded campaign, its wheels greased by rich New England and New York donors with connections to the banking and technology industries.

The first contest would be Iowa, where Dole scored an easy 35% victory over his opponents. Coming from the nearby Kansas and with his support for resuming grain sales to the Soviet Union, the choice for many Iowans was obvious. A day later in Hawaii, with significant support from retirees, veterans, and military voters, Dole won with over 40%. With February starting, a number of minor contests would take place in which the other candidates would hope to play catch-up. Weicker would take Maine, Grover Arkansas, and Disraeli would take his home state of Wyoming with 56%. Dole would make a strong showing there nonetheless, almost completely overshadowing the others for second place. The New Hampshire primary, taking place on February 26th, would easily seal the deal for Dole. To Dole's campaign, the rural state should be perfect for the Kansas Senator. However, he was hardly the only one contending there. Weicker's appeal to New England moderates was an obvious threat, as was Texan money flowing in for the Grover campaign. However, every observer would be stunned when Disraeli, in a surprise, took the Granite State with less than 30% of the vote. In his victory speech, the Wyoming Senator would compare his victory to Eugene McCarthy's near-victory twelve years earlier. "In this very state, the citizens attempted to stand up to a government of hatred, statism, and oppression. While Senator Eugene McCarthy would fail to gain victory, his surprise showing would open the door to the prospect of unseating Lyndon Johnson. This victory shall serve the same purpose as we take our message to the Republican National Convention and then finally to the United States of America. The blatant attempts at socialism and statism coming from Washington D.C. have long awaited their stopping, and now it is time." Dole, for his part, won the Minnesota Caucuses easily. While he'd won more states than any of his opponents, with Southern primaries approaching and a loss in New Hampshire, everything was up in the air.

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Dole's middle initial is actually J (for Joseph.)

Thanks for the correction, dawg. I don't know why I associate certain folks' names with wrong middle initials. Went like that for me and the Gores as well.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part II

The first contest of March would be Massachusetts on the 4th. While both Jackson and McGovern were looking at a good chance to capitalize on recent victories, for Brewer that battle was that of merely staying alive. Both McGovern and Jackson had good bases of support to work from. For Jackson, it would be Catholics and blue collar workers, while McGovern had college students, anti-war liberals, and intellectuals. Jackson and McGovern waged a hard fought campaign in the Bay State. However, with a last minute push by Brewer for middle class and working class voters, McGovern was able to win a narrow plurality. While Ted Kennedy was vocally non-committed, he was nonetheless satisfied to see Brewer, a man who in his view had disgraced his brother's legacy as commander-in-chief, take a distant third.

Nevertheless, the race now moved South and the incumbent was at last able to score several easy victories, taking Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, and Oklahoma by good margins. McGovern, fresh off his double victory in New England (having taken Vermont the same day as Massachusetts), won nothing that day. It would be the hawk, ironically, that walked away with three Pacific victories. Jackson's home state of Washington went for him by well over 70%, and his record of support for Alaskan and Hawaiian statehood was able to overcome even the liberal leanings of Democrats in those states. Hawaii, of note, went only barely for Jackson as Vice President Daniel Inouye was able to get Brewer heavy turnout from Native and Asian voters. Political observers, when looking at obscure exit polls, would note that Jackson had nonetheless been competitive among Asians due to his hawkishness.

Illinois would be the first state that Brewer took outside the South. Managing to build up solid margins down state and taking a good chunk of the suburban Democratic vote (what of it there was), the President's victory was nonetheless under 40% of the vote. However, Jackson regained the advantage when he took both Connecticut and New York on March 25th. Both states had significant Catholic populations that Jackson, despite his Protestantism, had been working hard to win over. As well, Jews would vote heavily for the Israel-supporting "Senator from Boeing".

April would bode better for Brewer, however. While McGovern continued to build up support in small, rural states in the West and Mid-West and Jackson was able to use organized labor and industry to his advantage, Brewer worked hard to win the party's "solid center" and combine it with heavy favor from the South. He found himself campaigning both to his right and left to strengthen his coalition. This would help deliver him a plurality in the crucial state of Pennsylvania, where Jackson had been expecting victory. By the end of the month, the President had a delegate lead and was looking with hope towards May, where he would hopefully finish off his opponents with crucial wins in rural and Southern states, in which several primaries would be held.

Blue - Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington
Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota
Red - President Albert P. Brewer of Alabama.

The 1980 Republican Primaries, Part II

While Brewer had spent the last two months attempting to get onto equal footing with his primary opponents, the Republicans were seeming to be coming a lot closer to selecting a nominee. Dole had come out on top with a solid coalition of Mid-West voters that had delivered him states ranging from his home state of Kansas by an over 90% margin, to the much more liberal Illinois where he had triumphed despite not getting Charles Percy's endorsement and Congressman John Anderson campaigning heavily in favor of Weicker. Other victories, equally as narrow as that in Illinois, had occurred in New York and Florida, proving Dole's cross-regional success. In contrast, it seemed that Disraeli had virtually disappeared, that Weicker was isolated to the North-East and Pacific Coast, and that Grover was trapped in the South. Dole had even won Arizona, a state where Grover had been hoping dearly for victory. While Dole ended the month sourly, conceding Pennsylvania to Weicker thanks to the strength of liberal Republicans in the state, he nonetheless had a clear advantage over his opponents after his several victories. "This primary race has gone on too long," his campaign manager told him the night of his Pennsylvania loss. "If May doesn't end this, we may have to face a floor fight, and we are sure as Hell not doing that."

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Have a Holly Jolly Motherfocking Christmas"

December 25th, 1979
This hadn't happened in a long time. Not since his teens, that was for damned sure. Coming home from 'Nam, and having dated around for a number of years, he'd become largely bored by the female gender. "Vietnamese prostitutes sort of take away your romantic side", he'd joke. Nevertheless, he was finding himself fascinated by a woman. "It's like I'm in focking middle school again," he whispered to Brandon McGlynn, a friend of his. "Well the focking go for her, man!" He gulped as another cliche Christmas carol began to play on the stereo and he slowly walked across the room.

"Have a holly jolly motherfocking Christmas", he whispered to himself as he trod, drink in hand, across the crowded room. Eye contact, smile, "Kate, right? .... Chris." This feeling, actually wanting to pursue a girl, feeling something, it hadn't happened in a while. "Largely an incompetent and un-trustworthy sex." he was want to repeat. But she, at that second, he felt like that should his life end he not have her there, he would die incomplete. Somehow--he was employing every rhetorical trick in the book--Mattingly sustained the conversation well into the night, through various song and crowd changes. As the 25th faded into the 26th, he found himself sipping beer with her on the sidewalk outside. She worked at General Motors in engineering and was largely in town for family. A relative of a friend of a friend. "I'm pretty sure they let me in on looks alone, based on my grades." "Well I wouldn't worry about that..." "Stop it!"

While Mattingly got to know this "Kate" better, Dick Hudson was back in his hometown for the holidays. Smelling of booze and cigarettes, and now sporting an almost impressive amount of facial hair--his face was already crowded enough with the glasses, now you could see his cheeks, his nose, his long teeth, and little else--he'd returned home from the college life, one semester down. "What're you majoring in again, Dick?" "Political Science, bitches!" His parents were none too happy with what now appeared to be a habit of smoking cigarettes, nor was the slight stench of alcohol terribly endearing. Nevertheless, after about two showers and a bottle of mouthwash, he was ready to see his girl. "Sarh f#cking Madigan" he whispered to himself, pushing a comb through his thick mane of brown hair that topped his head. Since homecoming, he'd been able to "weasel"--his words--his way into a relationship with her.

He was undoubtedly a happy man on Christmas Day, 1979. "Somehow, I dunno, I have a girlfriend, I'm on student government at an awesome college, and guess what! The Republicans are going to take it easily less than a year from now. So yeah, I'm pretty happy right now!" Appraising all the candidates only weeks before the Iowa Caucuses, he picked Dole, hands down. "Disraeli's a damned maniac, I'll tell you that right f#cking there. Lowell 'Democrat' Weicker? He's been voting consistently with Kennedy almost exclusively. And don't you bring up the random idiot from Texas. We already had a much more qualified guy go down four years ago. So yeah, screw Hank Grover. ... As for the Democrats? Scoop Jackson's the only guy that has any chance in Hell. McGovern, he's got the vote of out-of-work hippies and little else. Meanwhile, Brewer's shown he's far, far out of his depth in the presidency. America's best bet is going to be Dole or Jackson." Registered to vote, he'd be gladly casting his own first presidency-related ballot on May 20th of the upcoming year. "The race will probably be decided by then. We sure as Hell ain't realistically nominating someone besides Dole. But who gives a damn?" The kid that had entered college had been replaced by a confident, fast talking, cigarette smoking, facial hair having "bro". He'd arrived.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The 1980 Democratic Primaries, Part III

May would be the month of Brewer's vindication. Within the month's first week, he would take Texas, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Indiana, with majorities in the first three. McGovern, winning the Colorado Caucuses, would nonetheless be denied victory in Oregon, where he'd been expecting one last primary win. Brewer finished out the month easily taking Nevada, Kentucky, and Arkansas. June 3rd, the final day of the primaries, would see his opponents failing in all but two states: McGovern's own South Dakota and Rhode Island where New Englanders, still unhappy with Brewer, gave Jackson a narrow victory. Brewer had at last seen victory. While he possessed only a plurality of the popular vote, he had enough delegates to be nominated without worry.

Red - President Albert Brewer of Alabama
Blue - Senator Henry M. "Scoop" Jackson of Washington
Green - Former Secretary of State George McGovern of South Dakota

The 1980 Republican Primaries, Part III

Dole would see similar closure in the month of the primaries. With Disraeli failing utterly to follow through on his initial post-New Hampshire momentum, Weicker a candidate only for hte North-East, and Grover facing a similar fate in the South, Dole was running strong in all corners of the country. Political scientists and historians would debate as to why Dole was able to push himself in front of the opposition. Any number of reasons would suffice: Dole running solidly in the center of the party, early victories in Iowa, flaws specific to his opponents, high visibility since 1976, and so on. Regardless of the reason, May and June proved near-sweeps for Dole and his campaign. A total of three states would yield to his opponents in that time: Maryland to Weicker, who had received the endorsement of veteran liberal Republican Senator Charles Matthias, and North Carolina and Texas to Grover. All the rest would to to Dole, and typically by majorities. June 3rd would see Dole take every state with strong majorities, sealing the deal for that son of Kansas to win the Republican nomination for President of the United States.

Blue - Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas
Red - Governor Henry "Hank" Grover of Texas
Green - Senator Lowell Weicker of Connecticut
Yellow - Senator Beauregard Disraeli of Wyoming

Dole's resounding victories in May and June would be the nail in the coffin for his primary opponents. Building a coalition made up largely of Mid-Western and rural voters, Dole managed to beat candidates representing the South, North-East, and West.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

I never noticed that this timeline is in a similar universe of Dalasfan Timeline. Pretty Nice Indeed, Cathcon!

Thanks! We, along with Mechaman and other writers, are working in similar universes with several of the same fictional characters.

US Marvel What If Elections

Jefferson Dent dissaproves of your remarks.

Senator Stan Lee (Reform-NY) approves my remarks!

Nobody remembers the original character

Chris Mattingly?

I think he means Jefferson Dent; the icon, the legend.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Time, October 1983

"Christian Mattingly: A Sit-Down Interview With the Emerging Leader of Motown"
By Mark Hutchinson

They tell me that this is what businessmen dress like", says the disheveled, unshaven stranger as he somewhat confusedly begins trying to rub the newly formed coffee stain out of his blue-and-white striped shirt. Christian Mattingly, 34, is the most prominent rising star in a once declared dead American auto industry. The Vietnam veteran former mechanic, and son of a Ford assembly line worker, Mattingly was virtually unknown two years ago. However, a brief look back on his short career gives some sense to his unexpected rise. Working in Detroit as a mechanic while earning a business degree from Wayne State University in the late 70's, Mattingly ascended quickly in what proved to be a growing industry--car repairs--heading the new branch. However, in the last four years, 1979 through 1983, he would shift gears from fixing cars to making them.

Having no sons, Ted Constantine, the owner of Constantine Repairs, bequeathed the company to his most trusted and best educated employee. With the automotive industry in seeming collapse over the last decade, Mattingly, made the gamble of helping Constantine Repairs merge into a newly minted corporation, Huron Automotive. Using company funds to purchase three plants being sold at bargain prices by General Motors, cars were rolling off of lines and into lots by 1981.

Now, I'm sitting across from the man that has been hailed as saving a dying industry. He sure doesn't look the part. Smelling of cigarettes and mouthwash, he strides into his office, five minutes late, his hands almost black with God knows what, I have to ask if he's been drinking. "Nah, the beer stein is filled with coffee", he says as he lifts his head up from the mug, chin slightly brown. With a man such as this, it should come as no surprise that I'm not in some high rise or skyscraper, but in an office that overlooks a factory floor. Attempting to explain it, he mutters something about preferring to work in an office he can reach by stairs as opposed to an elevator. A simpler explanation would be that any profits Huron Automotive makes are directed largely towards expansion.

"So, you've had quite the interesting life story-" "Ha! If you say so." "-from assembly line worker in your teens, Vietnam veteran, and proud UAW worker, to majority shareholder in one of America's fastest growing businesses." "I guess you could call it interesting. I haven't really been paying attention. Better than nothing, I guess." As our conversation continues, several things become apparent. Ambition, naturally. One would expect no less from this man. A vast array of nervous habits: addiction to coffee, cigarettes--he lights his first of several mere minutes after we shake hands, almost constantly tapping on his desk, and so on. As well, his vague reference to 16 hour workdays, while married and raising a toddler, seem to be far from exaggerated.

. . .

Our interview briefly turned toward politics. "Dole, no doubt." he says. "It's of little wonder, given your current status in the business community. That said, what little documentation we have indicates that you're a Democrat." "Ex-Democrat. It wouldn't surprise you that someone of my background, UAW, Catholic, and all would have some very Democratic roots." My gaze briefly flickers to the picture of John F. Kennedy on his wall, next to his portrait of Henry Ford. "I'd still be open to, of course, supporting a Democrat, but of the emerging crop, it looks like there are none that'd get my vote. The Republicans have been kind to our industry, it seems, though I'm suspicious of their trade policies." When I suggest that it seems like he would have support Robert F. Kennedy, he smirks and shakes his head.

. . .

With the interview largely wrapped up and Mattingly's stomach growling, he asks if I'd like lunch. I politely turn him down. He shrugs: "Suit yourself, I guess". He then gets up from the chair behind his desk--likely thirty years old or more--and goes over to a small fridge on the other side of the office, on the wall perpendicular to the door that led down onto the factory floor. From there, he takes a half-gone loaf of bread and several different different packages of cold cuts. Going back to the desk, he brought a hot plate from under neath it. Plugging it in and putting a folded coat hanger on top of it, he soon has stacked a large sandwich--about four or five inches high--stuffed with meat of every kind, and no vegetables. Smiling as he works his molars to gnaw through its mass, we shake hands again. As I leave his office, I almost hear the sound of a beer can being cracked open. "He'll need it", I think. It was there that I and the titan of American industry parted ways.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

The Vice Presidential Pick

For the Dole team, upon being assured the nomination, there were still numerous strings that needed tying up. While Brewer was far from looking good for re-election, if Dole was unable to bring the party, or at least a significant chunk of the party together, the GOP might botch it for the third time in a row. There remained the "Goldwater Conservatives"--the former conservative Democrats, liberal Republicans as represented by Percy and his ilk, and even this new, dangerous, radical wing of the party, farther out even than the Deep South Republicans, the Disraeli wing. Dole, while undoubtedly center-right, had little in common with Goldwater's ideological descendants, and not that much more to do with the Rockefeller Republicans. Nevertheless, he would have to bring at least one of these factions on board in order to ensure victory in November. That was why, on July 14th, 1980, with he and his campaign team sitting in their suite above the convention floor, the choice for a running mate would be so important.

There were many to look at, from all corners. His campaign agreed almost immediately and almost unanimously that it would not be the Disraeli wing that they reached out to first, if at all. "Even his cousin, Mendelik, that Representative from Montana, they're all completely f#cking crazy." Instead, from Kansas, they would have to look East: New England, the big industrial states, the Atlantic Coast, and the South. "John Tower, George Bush, Jim Thompson, Otis Bowen, Howard Baker, Charles Matthias..." a campaign aide ran off a list of names. "I can't believe we didn't decide this beforehand!" someone screamed out. "Look, this- this- magic candidate that somehow combines North and South just isn't going to pop up!" Pages of officeholders from each state were splayed out on a sofa.

It was Pat Buchanan, the old Nixon hand, that, leaning back in a chair, clicking a pen on his teeth with his left hand, a few typed pages in his right hand, that spoke up. "In 1968, in order to attempt to choose someone who could do just that--combine North and South--Nixon chose a little known Governor from a state in the upper South, known both for his support for civil rights and law and order, for Vice President." "Dammit Pat, we don't need another f#cking Agnew!" "No, no, we're not going to nominate some mindless prick like Agnew. A. Linwood Holton, former one-term Governor of Virginia. Hell, I  probably hate his politics as much as any of the movement conservatives in this room," one of the campaign's more liberal higher-ups shot him an unpleasant look, "but who says a Vice President has to make policy? Holton won in 1969 on a coalition of African-Americans and blue collar workers, and even though he had a largely liberal administration, he stood with Republicans on law and order and the Vietnam war. Notable record on desegregation." No one in the room was exactly stunned, but he sounded like a competent pick. Taking the cigarette out of his mouth, another member of the staff came over and took the papers out of Buchanan's hand. Adjusting his glasses, he asked "Anyone have this guy's phone number? By the sound of it, he probably sin't even attending the convention."

A. Linwood Holton, disregarding even Buchanan's comments, as well has the notability of being the first Republican Governor of Virginia in a century, helping to pave the way for a much more competitive two party system in the state. While by no means adored by the South, there was little Brewer had in that area that Holton didn't. As well, his record was about as much as anyone could ask for in regards to appealing to the New England liberals: civil rights, environmentalism, reform, and all the other buzzwords they liked to toss around. "A liberal who can win in the South. I guess that's about as good as we can get." With former Governor of New York Peter J. Brennan declining offers of the nomination--he'd been considered by many as ideal, given his Catholicism, status as a former Democrat, and records as NY Governor--several in the campaign came to a consensus around Holton.

Holton, who was the farthest thing from expecting the nomination for Vice President of the United States, didn't know what to say. Several hours later, the phone rang. Holton had consulted his wife, and the decision made: he would join Bob Dole on the Republican ticket for president in 1980.

Former Governor A. Linwood Holton of Virginia: Bob Dole's Running Mate in 1980. Though he had a mainly liberal record, he had stood with his party on the Vietnam War and had stood stern against anti-war protesters. His support for civil rights and environmental legislation appealed to North-Easterners in the party, and he had proven his ability to win with diverse coalitions. Though an unlikely pick, in an environment such as 1980, he seemed ideal.

Lowell Weicker was not a happy man when he heard the news. He had considered himself the "obvious choice" for Vice President. It was plain to see, he'd reasoned. With a Dole/Weicker ticket, the North would be easily united to win the election against the Southern Democrat, Brewer. Assistant Campaign Manager David MacKenzie, a former State Senator from Vermont, had been a big supporter of the theory. Nevertheless, it was MacKenzie himself who thought the choice of Holton was "brilliant", and it was only through the prodding of others alongside MacKenzie that Weicker was calmed down enough to tell the page "F#ck it, endorse the bastard. Hopefully we have 1984 or 1988 to look forward to." Grover, who had already dropped out and endorsed Dole, was apathetic about the choice, though sent his warm regard for the general, implying that he'd like a cabinet position. Disraeli would be the only contender not to attend the convention, let alone endorse Dole. "It looks like we'll have to find another way of advocating our message."

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

"Low-Tax Liberalism"

Roughly a month after Lin Holton was nominated for Vice President, the Democratic party convened in New York City from August 11th to August 14th. With Brewer having a comfortable majority of delegates, his nomination was hardly the main concern of the convention. It would be uniting the Democratic coalition for victory in November. "Scoop" Jackson was hardly a happy man. Brewer's half-break with detente was hardly enough for the Washington Senator. Nevertheless, while he refused to give a speech endorsing "that failure of a president", he did, after a meeting with HUD Secretary Daniel Patrick Moynihan, finally consent to releasing his delegates as an act of surrender to Brewer. McGovern went a bit easier, giving a stirring endorsement in favor of the nominee in what some said was far greater an address than Brewer's own acceptance speech. It would be McGovern's support that wouldn't be culled so easily.

* * *

Two Weeks Earlier; Missoula, Montana
To Scott Westman, Jefferson Dent's grim face appeared slightly off through the smoke, and the bong's bubbling sound wasn't helping him hear either.
Westman: *Cough* Sorry, could you say that again?
Dent: *Sigh*... Scott, I'm here to make sure you don't run off half-cocked. Brewer needs you, the Democratic party needs you.
Westman: Brewer? F#ck him!
Dent: F#ck him all you want. That's not what I'm here for. I'm not asking you to endorse him. I know that's far beyond what you're willing to do. I'm just asking that, until November 5th, you be willing to put your issues aside and let the Democratic campaign go uninterrupted.
Dent wasn't necessarily less liberal than Westman. Far from it, Westman was well to his right. Nevertheless, Dent was more pragmatic, and much less of a hothead.
Westman: I'm sorry, Jeff. I can't do it. I've spent nearly six years in Congress, and from what I've seen of Washington, just re-electing Brewer isn't gonna do a f#cking thing. I'd rather see Dole or whatever fascist the Republicans put up win so the party knows enough to get its f#cking act together. Allowing Brewer another term based on his awful performance wouldn't teach anyone a lesson.
Dent was far from shocked by the statement. Westman had said far more divisive statements when he was much more sober. But he was worried. Westman had, in the past few years, built himself up to a quasi-celebrity status, especially among Western donors. Many a night he'd spent in the houses of famous Hollywood Democrats, and these days he was occupying celebrity gossip magazine covers more than TIME or Newsweek. Nevertheless, Westman was beyond convincing.
Dent: [Getting up] Sorry to hear that, Scott. Please, though. Mull it over. Make the right choice for the country. [Outside] What a f#cking waste.

* * *

Come 1980, the Libertarian Party was in a rut. Despite promising party-building done since 1972, it was nevertheless not-so-easy to be a single party. One of their biggest donors, David Koch, had withdrawn his funding in early 1979 in order to instead hope to pay the way for Beauregard Disraeli to win the Republican nomination. Koch's investment had shown little yield. By August, 1980, despite much media hype, the Libertarian ticket of former elector Roger MacBride and California attorney Ed Clark was in vital need of a spike in polling numbers.

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By the time that Dole's nomination was secured, Roger MacBride, a former Republican, was considering going back into the GOP fold. "My real worry had been that Weicker or some other 'Me-Too' Republican might be nominated. While I had little taste for John Connally, his failure in 1976 had, I feared, opened the door for a Rockefeller type in 1980, which would have been of little improvement over the last 20 years of failed leadership. Aside from Disraeli, Dole was the one who least offended my sensibilities." MacBride would say in a 1992 interview. Fearing a split in the anti-Brewer vote, MacBride in a surprise would drop out in early August, causing chaos in the Libertarian ranks. Ironically, this would open the door to greater possibilities for the party.

It would be shortly following his conversation with Dent that Westman placed a call to the personal number of Libertarian Party Chairman David Bergland. An emergency meeting of the National Committee was scheduled in a few days to determine a new nominee and attempt to have all 50 states recognize the new nominee. Ed Clark was the obvious choice. With that in mind, Westman was all too happy to allow his name to be circulated as a Vice Presidential nominee. Bergland, despite being a member of the more absolutist faction of the party, was ecstatic. On August 19th, 1980, mere days after the DNC, the Libertarian National Committee formally voted to nominate Ed Clark of California for President and Scott Westman of Montana for Vice President. While there would be an amount of controversy regarding the committee determining the new nominee as opposed to a new convention, the vast majority of state parties agreed to comply, managing to replace MacBride on the ballot in over thirty states by 1980.

* * *

"It looks like we'll have to find another way of advocating our message." disgruntled Senator Beauregard Disraeli said as he heard the news of Dole's Vice Presidential selection. As far as the Senator was concerned, only the choosing of a man from his ranks--preferably himself--for the second spot on the ticket would have gotten Disraeli's endorsement. Instead, it seemed, the senior Senator from Wyoming would be parting paths with the G.O.P. in the upcoming election.

Disraeli himself liked the selection of MacBride by the Libertarian Party, the former state senator himself being a former Republican. When MacBride formally dropped out and gave an under-publicized endorsement of Dole, Disraeli, who had been planning on endorsing him, was furious. Nevertheless, after consultation with his former campaign manager and chief of staff Robert Bradley, he would attend a meeting on August 30th with Bergland, Clark, and Westman. After two hours of discussion and awkward glares bounced back and forth between the two Senate colleagues, Disraeli left unhappy. Nevertheless, hating Brewer and Dole more, a phone conversation with Bergland later that night secured Disraeli's nomination. "1980 is due to be the worst election on record in the last 20 years," the Wyoming Senator fumed, "but that seems to be every election." he lamented.

Above: On September 2nd, 1980, Senator Beauregard Disraeli (Republican-Wyoming) publicly endorsed the Libertarian ticket of Ed Clark and Scott Westman for President, bucking his own party and its nominee, Bob Dole.

* * *

Following the nomination of the Clark/Westman ticket, the party would work overtime to broaden its appeal. The nomination of Clark alone symbolized a significant shift to the left, though whether or not that would help was to be debated, as MacBride had credentials that could draw in disaffected Republicans. Nevertheless, it was hoped that Disraeli's endorsement would help in bringing over the right. In the meantime, the Clark/Westman ticket was focused primarily in drawing disaffected McGovern voters. Westman proved to be an asset to the campaign in giving it not only the legitimacy of a current federal officeholder and legislator, but also the platform that derived from such a quality. For the next few months, the Libertarian Vice Presidential nominee would  not only be an active canvasser, but also a strong voice on the Senate floor. In the meantime, Clark worked to shift the debate and image of libertarianism. For the last few years, especially with the Democrats in power, the Libertarians had been perceived as merely yet another strain of the far-right located outside the Republican sphere of influence. The most vocal shift would be a fall, 1980 interview in which Clark stated that he viewed libertarianism as "low tax liberalism", evidence of an overall larger trend to try to appeal to young, left-leaning, and anti-incumbent voters. The tactic would appear to be working, as, even as Brewer sank in the polls, those listing "other" in surveys grew. Internal polling indicated an upward trend, even topping ten percent. That, however, was prior to the party's "October Surprise".

October 17th, 1980
Awaking in his hotel room, sunlight streaming in between the cracks in the blinds, Scott Westman groggily groped for the remote. The clock on the bedside table reads 12:35 PM.
Westman: *Yawn* Where the f#ck is that thing?
In reaching blindly, he accidentally hit his bed mate's thigh and hears a stirring.
Westman: (to self) F#ck. (To partner) Sorry, Calpernia.
Westman, reaching to his right, accidentally tumbled out of bed. Cracking his eyes open again, he found the remote.
Westman: Ah, you motherf#cker. There you.
Television: *Click* ...in a rare moment of politics and entertainment news intersecting, Montana Senator Scott Westman was seen entering a hotel late last night with model and actress Calpernia Weils. Weils, who since her debut on the Hollywood scene only last year has aroused controversy, is a pre-operational transvestite.
Westman: Shiiiiiit....
Calpernia: Scott? What is it?

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Interesting to see that the same leak about Westman has confounded the Libertarian ticket's prospects as it did in Westman canon. Did Dent break with President Brewer and support McGovern, or did party loyalty prevail?

Also, sorry if I missed this, but did Governor Brennan (New York) win reelection in '78?

Concerning 1980, I figure Thad would've cast a (rather unenthusiastic) vote for Weicker, though Maine's Caucus system might've made it not worth the effort to him.

Westman: In many ways, this timeline incorporates several of the elements of the timelines that preceded it. A good example would be O'Connor's own background, which allows not only for the specifics of "Dust in the Wind", but also the short tenure in Alabama working under Dent that was used in "Americana 3.0".

Dent: Having been a friend and ally to Brewer before his presidency, and serving as his Secretary of State, Dent stood by the incumbent and fellow Alabaman despite his friendship with McGovern.

Brennan: Brennan chose not to run for re-election, and former Lt. Governor Malcolm Wilson was elected in 1978 as a Republican, with a broad coalition ranging from the Liberals to the Right-to-Life party. Despite its Democratic and liberal leanings, New York's Governor's Mansion has been out of Democratic hands since the '50's.

[FEMA Camp Administrator]

Dent: Having been a friend and ally to Brewer before his presidency, and serving as his Secretary of State, Dent stood by the incumbent and fellow Alabaman despite his friendship with McGovern.

While Cathcon got carte blanche as an author, there's the way I'd see it:

1. A sitting Secretary of State wouldn't campaign against his superior
2. State politics concerns (working alliance to keep Wallace types from retaking the party)
3. Even if Dent doesn't view Brewer as particularly good President (a big if since I don't know that ), there's a party unity issue

All of which, of course, work.