The Keys to the White House: 1952 Turn and Democratic Convention

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O'Connor, now a Congressman on the Steering Committee, seeing Ike as a strong candidate not only to defeat President Warren but also to lead the country forward, votes for him on the first ballot. For vice president, he considers how Warren won in 1948, and debates whether to suggest Harriman to possibly undercut Dewey in New York, or to back a Southerner to prevent the Dixiecrats from walking out again. In the end, he tentatively votes for Kefauver (in support of the Celler-Kefauver Act) for VP on the first ballot, while making clear that he will support the party however it goes.

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Congressman O'Connor, who had every intention of running for re-election in 1952 and 1954, saw Kefauver's strength in the presidential balloting as a reason to more strongly endorse the Tennessean for the bottom of the ticket. While Stevenson was from O'Connor's home state, it was evident to Gerry that, even if you looked past the "establishment" stigma floating about him like a viscous miasma (he'd picked up a thesaurus after Speaker Rayburn pulled him aside and told him he needed to quit cussing in his speeches if he was going to be on the Steering Committee), old Adlai was too long-winded for the new Era of Television; he'd likely get himself cut off more than once. And so, Gerry set to work convincing his fellow Chicago delegates that Adlai just wouldn't cut it if they wanted to bring down President Warren in '52.

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Gerald O'Connor, recognizing the animus he'd caused against himself by helping to torpedo Stevenson (ironic, since the man didn't even want the job), met with several representatives of Chicago's Democratic leaders in an Italian deli owned by a man who was both a friend to all of the machine men and a friend to Tony Accardo (naturally, neither any of the machine men nor Congressman O'Connor knew Accardo personally, nor were any of them aware of Mr. Torresano's friendship with him). As they sat, they all looked at him with a mix of disappointment and curiosity. Gerry knew that curiosity meant he was in business.

"Gentlemen, you all know why we're here, so let's not cut corners."

"You threw an Illinois man under the bus for that Kefauver clown. Why should we listen to you?" That was Eddie McVeigh, a small mountain of a man who worked for the Mayor. However, even he couldn't keep his tone entirely indignant as he asked the question.

"First, because all of you have seen Adlai, yeah?" They nodded. "He's a fine speaker, given time...more time than the television crews are going to give him. Now, how embarrassing do you think it is to give a speech, and then suddenly an advertisement for Billy Joe's world-class soap powder interrupts you, since that's your time?" All the men grimaced. Yes, Adlai would look like a fool if that happened to him, and they all knew it would happen to him.

"Second, and more importantly, which is why none of you are going to spill, right?" He leaned in close, exacting confirmations from each of them. McVeigh, in particular, looked appalled at the very thought he'd be a snitch...which either meant he was one, or he'd sure as hell keep the others quiet. Even if he was a snitch, he'd probably keep the others quiet, which he knew would single him out. Gerry kept his grin internal. Which, of course, means he won't spill, even if he is a snitch.

"Second, you are all aware that many of your bosses are associated with some men of influence in areas that only thrive because these men of influence go unchallenged?" That would have confounded a few of them, had they not been where they were. It was intended to confound anyone listening in. "So, Senator Kefauver, while he is a respectable labor man, would also not shed a tear for the poor families of these men of influence should they be challenged. However, it is a deal harder to challenge them from Observatory Circle than the Capitol, yes?"

At this point, a few of the less self-controlled representatives cracked smiles, before being returned to solemnity by admonishing looks from their more experienced brethren. McVeigh looked around. If anyone was listening, they would be a nightmare to face across the poker table. The look he gave Gerry said as much.

"So, gentlemen, are we at an understanding?" All the representatives nodded, none greatly eagerly (some straining to keep them so). Hands were shaken, a few drinks were had (none too many, though, not today) with a far more jovial lunch, and Gerry O'Connor emerged from the deli a happy man.


A few days later, Gerald O'Connor became a proud member of Veterans for a Better America. Thomas Kenway seemed pleased enough to have him (though he did razz him about "only joining after Ike made it the swell new thing"), and he was made an organizer for the Chicago area. With the bosses (hopefully) placated, he took his campaign for Ike across Chicago and into the collar counties, with even a few trips downstate to campaign for Ike with the friends he'd made by backing Kefauver for Veep. The CFL, still in his corner, sent out thousands of fliers and leaflets, exhorting people to vote for Eisenhower and Kefauver in November. As he watched the results coming in on the 4th, he hoped that, unlike four years ago, it had been enough.

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And the infobox.

(Not bigger on purpose; just the way it turned out.)

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Gerry O'Connor, elated at General Eisenhower's monumental victory, celebrated with his remade friends at his Chicago victory party. By the looks of it, Illinois was solid Ike country, and Chicago a sizable piece of the reason behind that. Upon returning to Congress, Gerry immediately voiced his support for Marcus Jackson's Veterans' Aid Act, using some of his pull on the Steering Committee to ensure the relevant committees came into discussions of the bill with a favorable opinion towards it. If passed, O'Connor would also take no money, as his congressional salary was more than enough to hold a man who'd grown up during the Depression.

He also figured this could one day prove to be a nice basis for a similar medical insurance program for seniors when the time came. He decided he'd run the idea by the Vice President, and see what he thought, as the second-highest office in the land could provide quite the helping hand on the matter of passing such a reform. Gerry also sought out newly-minted Representative Anton Jepsen, seeing the man's strongly liberal leanings and professorial background as making him a fine ally in hammering out the details. Pending the Vice President's support, the two men considered what they came up with to be a serious contender for passage in this solidly Democratic a Congress.

As for 1954, Gerry elected to stay in the House. While he saw and approved of Tom Kenway's and Marcus Jackson's ambitions toward the upper chamber, he believed that his personal best arena was the House floor. As Life's 15th-biggest political heavyweight under 40, his eyes were on taking up the gavel. Not necessarily whenever Sam Rayburn died or retired (it could honestly go either way), but some day...

As for Dan Rostenkowski, Gerry welcomed him with open arms. The man seemed competent and amiable enough, and the Congressman easily dismissed his other staff's worries about the new guy by noting that Dan, if he did run for Congress, would do so in the neighboring 8th district, not Gerry's 7th. A month later, he pulled the man aside over a suspicious expense for "typist's paper" which had not arrived, but which had about the same value as Rostenkowski's new ashtray. Upon being discovered, Dan admitted to his crime. Gerry, rather than fire the Pole, elected to simply donate the cost to the government and ensure that Dan didn't do it again. He didn't (at least not on Gerry's dollar).