https://davesredistricting.org/join/9836d218-548c-4db3-8950-06d8813ebefeHere's my take on a potential Democratic gerrymander of Pennsylvania, though it's unlikely they'll be able to seize all the levers of power. Clinton won 10 of these districts in 2016, and one of the districts she lost was Cartwright's.
Notable Points (moving from west to east) (2016 numbers from the NYT article on PA's new districts):
- Conor Lamb's district, formerly Trump +3, is now Clinton +2.9 after taking in some parts of Pittsburg proper. The Pittsburg-based 14th district (regaining it's pre-2017 number) does get more competitive, but it's still Clinton +20. Lamb, who we already know has significant crossover appeal, should easily be able to hold the new 17th into the 2030s.
- Mike Kelly's district shifts from Trump +20 to Trump +25. This district is bound to shift right in any reasonable scenario and is pretty much gone for Dems.
- Cartwright's new district stretches from State College to Scranton and is actually only Trump +3.3, a major shift in favor of the Democrats. It'll probably flip during a GOP wave in the latter half of the 2020's though.
- The 10th is gerrymandered to be a Harrisburg-York-Lancaster district, and is Clinton +3.2, a 12-point shift leftward. Lancaster is trending left, so Democrats should be competitive here for a while. Tossup district.
- The 6th district, now Clinton +5.1, is the main weakness of this map (4 points more Republican). It does take in all of Reading and Coatesville, and loses the swingier southern half of Chester to the 5th district, but also gains a little too much conservative territory outside of and west of Reading. It's possible to shore it up at the expense of the 4th district, though, if the 6th is seen by party leadership as too much of a flight risk.
- The 5th district becomes less compact and more conservative (It's a Clinton +17.4 district, about a 11-point shift right) but it's still Safe D. Yawn.
- The 4th district is basically the same (It's Clinton +18.5, about the same as its predecessor) and takes up pretty much the same areas. Now that I consider it more, moving the 6th to about a Clinton +7-8 district (and thus moving the 4th to a Clinton +15-16 district) is a good idea - just trade parts of rural Berks for parts of suburban Philly.
- The Allentown-based 7th district also doesn't change much, picking up the population-equality mandated territories in Monroe County as well as taking a small slice of Berks. It moves from Clinton +1 to Clinton +2.4 though, so Susan Wild should remain viable here for a while.
- The 1st district grabs parts of Philadelphia County, but it's still just Clinton +3.4 (a one-point improvement over the old 1st). Fitzy should be fine here, but the extra liberal tidbits might just tip the scale in a Democratic wave election. Frankly, not much else the Dems can do here without endangering the 4th district.
- Not much to say about the inner Philly districts. The 2nd gets a little whiter, but the 3rd is still majority-black, so it should be alright by the VRA.
Taken all together, this is a 5-6-6 map (though Democrats can shore up the 17th and 6th districts with the 14th and 4th districts). In a 2022 Trump midterm, Democrats have a good shot at an 11-6 majority, but Cartwright and Wild's seats will increasingly come into danger as time progresses. Over time, this could settle into a 10-7 or 9-8 map (after Cartwright retires), but if the Republicans make significant progress here it could morph into a 7-10 map quickly.
If Democrats aren't feeling confident, they could move Lancaster into the 6th, sacrificing the 10th for peace of mind. That said, I think the rest of the districts in this map are pretty ideal for Dems.