How Nate Silver Missed Donald Trump
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  How Nate Silver Missed Donald Trump
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Author Topic: How Nate Silver Missed Donald Trump  (Read 3557 times)
I spent the winter writing songs about getting better
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« Reply #50 on: January 27, 2016, 02:26:07 PM »

Here's why I can't put any value on the endorsement points model at all:

1-He never did this in the past. He may have tracked endorsements in 2008 but only because it mattered for superdelegates. I don't recall him ever doing so in 2012. And in 2008 Silver was actually pretty skeptical of the media's whenever they did one of those "Hey Politician X from state that's coming up to vote just endorsed Hillary/Obama DOES THIS CHANGE EVERYTHING?" stories.
2-Just look at it. You not only have Jeb! in first and Trump with zero, but Christie, Kasich and HUCKABEE are even beating Cruz. This has about zero relevance to the actual campaign.
3-He's assigning objective numerical values to endorsements like that can be done. It reminds me of how teenage posters like to say things"If *candidate* picks *Governor/Senator* as their running mate, then they will gain X% in that home state and Y% in neighboring state." Yes VP picks matter but not like that. And similarly it's kind of silly to say that the Governor of Idaho or Wyoming's endorsement is worth 10x as much as some influential Tea Party House Republican's, or Charlie Baker and Larry Hogan's too for that matter. I'll note this is the only reason why Christie is so high, he has two Governors. Kasich and Huckabee too benefit from Gubernatorial endorsements. The Governors for Christie are...oh yeah actually Larry Hogan! And Paul LePage. Huckabee has his own Governor of Arkansas. Kasich has the Governor of Alabama. who care.

So I think it's safe to say this model is quite flawed, even if you want to argue that Trump is just an anomaly.
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Attorney General & PPT Dwarven Dragon
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« Reply #51 on: January 27, 2016, 02:34:14 PM »

The idea behind the point system is that there are far fewer governors and senators than house members.

Silver admits that the model isn't perfect, because it doesn't take into account newspapers or state legislators. But he also notes that in every republican primary going back to at least 1980, the candidate who would have been leading under his metric just before Iowa went on to win the nomination every time.
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Alcon
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« Reply #52 on: January 28, 2016, 02:09:06 AM »
« Edited: January 28, 2016, 11:56:51 AM by Grad Students are the Worst »

But isn't this (similarly to Obama's increasing number of endorsements in '08) more a case of "the establishment" backing Kerry since he had gained momentum and appearing increasingly likely to win, rather than the endorsements causing him to win the nomination?  The same seemingly applies to 1988 as well (in which both Gephardt and Gore had more endorsement points than Dukakis shortly before Iowa).  

Yes, except the point of the model is that candidates who gained momentum and then received institutional endorsements tend to continue the momentum...those who don't, do not.  Hence my reference to Santorum, among others.  You're effectively arguing it's exclusively a trailing indicator, but the evidence doesn't really gel with that.

***

1-He never did this in the past. He may have tracked endorsements in 2008 but only because it mattered for superdelegates. I don't recall him ever doing so in 2012. And in 2008 Silver was actually pretty skeptical of the media's whenever they did one of those "Hey Politician X from state that's coming up to vote just endorsed Hillary/Obama DOES THIS CHANGE EVERYTHING?" stories.

The first part is irrelevant.  Debate the merits of the model, not the motivation.  The second part is a strawman of how the model works.

2-Just look at it. You not only have Jeb! in first and Trump with zero, but Christie, Kasich and HUCKABEE are even beating Cruz. This has about zero relevance to the actual campaign.

You're accusing him of adopting an unreasonable model based on the current campaign.  No one is contesting the model has done a poor predictive job this year.  We're discussing whether it was reasonable going into the campaign.  No one in this thread is arguing that Silver shouldn't have been louder and more transparent about the "unknown unknowns" relating to the model, especially as it became increasingly obvious those were a big problem for it this year.

3-He's assigning objective numerical values to endorsements like that can be done. It reminds me of how teenage posters like to say things"If *candidate* picks *Governor/Senator* as their running mate, then they will gain X% in that home state and Y% in neighboring state." Yes VP picks matter but not like that. And similarly it's kind of silly to say that the Governor of Idaho or Wyoming's endorsement is worth 10x as much as some influential Tea Party House Republican's, or Charlie Baker and Larry Hogan's too for that matter. I'll note this is the only reason why Christie is so high, he has two Governors. Kasich and Huckabee too benefit from Gubernatorial endorsements. The Governors for Christie are...oh yeah actually Larry Hogan! And Paul LePage. Huckabee has his own Governor of Arkansas. Kasich has the Governor of Alabama. who care.

Of course, but how could you practically quantify that without introducing massive problems of subjectivity?  The idea behind a model is to build the most reasonable predictive tool.  Pointing out the flaws of the model doesn't mean it should be trashed, unless you can find a superior methodology.  

Frankly, I think it's pretty clear that Silver weighted the model in a way where (even up until near the last minute) it still had a lot of influence on his polls-plus predictions.  I think the polls-plus prediction model seems to fail to incorporate enough uncertainty about its own hypotheses, especially as its hypotheses failed to predict things this entire year.  However, you're going way beyond that and arguing the model itself was consistently so fatally flawed that it was never a reasonable model.  I disagree.  You haven't really proven that case.

Pointing out that any individual portion of the model is rough is a little like pointing out that a Fermi estimate is made up of a bunch of approximate estimates.  Yes, of course it is...that's what a Fermi estimate is, and likewise, most models of complicated multi-variable phenomena are pretty rough.  And of course more precise estimates would be better.  The point is that imprecise estimates are often the best we have -- and Silver had historical data to support assuming that to be the case here.  It doesn't quite justify his stubbornness in discussing this year, but that's better methodology than 95%+ of 'political analysts' bother with.
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Famous Mortimer
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« Reply #53 on: January 28, 2016, 03:43:46 AM »

Don't know that it's the case with Silver but a lot (almost all) the early skepticism about Trump was based on the idea that he wasn't serious and he would drop out long before Iowa. Whether or not he could win an election if he ran in an election was largely considered a moot point.
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« Reply #54 on: January 28, 2016, 07:44:35 AM »

I know it'd be next to impossible to quantify, but it'd be nice if Silver could come up with some rough way to assign a number to the value of the endorsement of a particular leader. Maybe in general, or on average, the 1 point for representatives, 5 points for senators, 10 points for governors thing works out. But what about a really prominent representative? Wouldn't that endorsement carry more weight than that of a backbench freshman senator? All this, of course, is to say nothing of the potential endorsements of former office holders, media figures, and other party bigwigs. Would Mitt Romney's endorsement mean something? My intuition says yes, but Silver's model gives no way to quantify that. Would Rush Limbaugh's endorsement mean something? Again, my intuition says yes, more than the endorsement of a first term Republican congressman, but there's no way to capture that here.

I think one of the biggest methodology problems, though, is that the model lumps all Republican primary voters into one basket when there seems pretty clearly to be an establishment/insurgent split. That means that maybe an endorsement from Mitt Romney would affect, say, Marco Rubio in a different way from how it would affect Trump or Cruz (not saying they'd get Romney's endorsement, but just for sake of argument). It's unclear to me how to quantify this split, but it's pretty clear to me that it's real, and that a model that doesn't attempt to take it into account is not really reflecting reality.
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