The Raging Storm - Gameplay Thread

[Lumine]

The Raging Storm

A continuation of The Gathering Storm (1933-1940)

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (Mr. X)
United States of America: President William Borah (S019)
British Empire: Prime Minister Winston Churchill (Dkrol)
Soviet Union: Chairman Genrikh Yagoda (Spiral)
Empire of Japan: Prime Minister Hajime Sugiyama (Lakigigar)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Charles Maurras (YPestis)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Ismet Inonu (LouisvilleThunder)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Kingdom of Hungary: King Otto II Hapsburg (AverageFoodEnthusiast)[
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Billy Hughes (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Spain: Generalissimo Francisco Franco (NYE)

[Lumine]

A Brief History of WW2

1938 - 1940

Max Alpert's Kombat, Wikimedia Commons

Prelude to War

The outbreak of renewed conflict in Europe can be linked directly to a series of developments in Central and Eastern Europe, which opened up major oportunities for ambitious powers to exploit... and for consolidated powers to try and contain. With the continent having narrowly averted war following the successful German Anschluss, the resulting economic fall-out from the Third Balkan War (1934-1937) crashed the Romanian and Czech economies. In the latter's case, and in spite of an international aid package, political deadlock and the fear of an incoming fascist or communist victory at a snap General Election led to a coup d'etat by General Jan Syrovy. Failing to seize control over the whole nation, ethnic resistance soon turned into civil war.

The Czechoslovak weakness, in turn, created a major opportunity for Berlin. Soon afterwards, the Reichswehr and the Royal Hungarian Army invaded Czechoslovakia, resulting in an immediate declaration of war from Britain and France. Eastwards, the rapid turnover of Soviet leaders following the fall of Josef Stalin (1936) saw the capture of political power by Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky, the Red Napoleon. Tukhachevsky, seemingly judging Europe to be ripe for the International Revolution, targeted Romania. Around the same time as the Panzers rolled into Czechoslovakia, the Red Army's armored fist punched its way across the border.

With the war in the East still ongoing, and as Duce Mussolini led the international response against the Soviet intervention, a three-way conflict had begun. Although all conflicts had separate dates, historians pointed to July 1st, 1938 as the start of World War Two.

Western Front: Hugenberg v. The Allies

1938 - Keen to secure the rapid victory that had eluded Germany in 1914, Chancellor Hugenberg sent the Reichswehr into another "mad dash" though Belgium to invade Northern France, taking utterly ruthless actions to secure victory. Knocking the Netherlands out of any intervention by bombing the Dutch dykes - killing untold numbers of civilians - and having the Reichswehr deploy poison gas in a large scale (including new and mysterious gasses), the Germans achieved initial success: much of Belgium was overrun, and a war of movement across Northern France left them at the gates of Paris.

Stunned by the failure, the Daladier government collapsed and the capital was evacuated. The rest of the year saw the Allies successfully containing the German advance - with General Giraud earning acclaim - as the BEF arrived, the Kriegsmarine was damaged, and the Belgains remained in the fight. Germany, however, scored a major success by launching a surprise air campaign in Britain.

1939 - Elevated to the Premiership due to battlefield success, Henri Giraud kept France together for a whole year amidst near unprecedented carnage. Use of chemical warfare on both sides as well as trench warfare saw a repeat of Verdun and the Somme, with the Germans pushing towards the Loire only to come close to disaster as their lines of communication between Paris and Belgium were almost cut off. Eventually, the Germans averted disaster, forcing the Franco-Belgian forces and the BEF back in the north. Crucially, a series of revelations regarding General Giraud's supposed cooperation with the Soviet Union brought down his government, and saw Marshal Pétain elected President.

1940 - Having promised "Peace with Honor", Pétain negotiated a Treaty of Paris with Chancellor Hugenberg, bringing an end to French participation in the war. Although many colonies had to be given up, Pétain had managed to retain Alsace-Lorraine, earning him much acclaim as the relationship with London became strained. Sensing British vulnerability, the new Spanish government - led by General Francisco Franco after a military coup - declared war on Britain and laid siege to Gibraltar, with the Royal Navy blockading Spain from the Atlantic. Although the BEF was forced to withdraw as Belgium was overrun, the British did strike back: their first aerial campaign into Germany caused encouraging damage, and all the colonies Germany had taken from France were rapidly seized as Berlin had no means to garrison them.

Balkan Front: Neverending Quagmire

1938-1940 - Only a year after the Third Balkan War came to an end, the Kingdom of Bulgaria struck against Greater Serbia, the ethno-nationalist replacement for the defunct Yugoslavia. Having scored significant success at the start after seizing Skopje and most of Macedonia, months of trench warfare ensued, only broken after the Serbians were finally expelled from the region in early 1939. Already embittered over the loss of Croatia, the revanchist colonels of the Greater Serbia regime staged a coup, turning General Mihailovic into the new Regent and pushing the nation into a near suicidal drive to avenge defeat.

For their part, the anti-Serbian powers had organized under Mussolini's leadership into the League of Rome. Despite ongoing struggles with major partisan activity in Croatia, the League struck at Serbia in a full-scale invasion in the Fourth Balkan War (1938-1939). As chemical warfare, ethnic cleansing and such other atrocities became more and more commonplace, Serbia went down after months of struggle, resulting in untold casualties and the utter destruction of much of the nation. The costly defeat allowed the League to partition Serbia again, installing former Crown Prince George as King of a rump state. In the aftermath, the League - and particularly Italy - now have to contend with ceaseless ethnic and partisan strife.

Eastern Front: Tukhachevsky's Legacy

1938 - Contrary to expectations, both Berlin and Moscow struggled with their goals, if in different ways. It took Germany six months to put down the defiant Czech resistance and finally occupy the nation, while the Red Army's invasion of Romania proved to be a very costly failure as the Romanians put up a fierce resistance and caused significant casualties. Soon, Bucharest found allies willing to assist. The Eurasian Alliance started to intervene in their behalf, resulting in a war of intrigue between Turkey and the Soviets in the Middle East and Central Asia featuring ethnic uprisings and a bloody campaign in Armania. A Polish intervention in Ukraine, in the meantime, crashed directly into a second Red Army offensive personally led by Marshal Tukhachevsky, pushing the Poles back.

1939 - On the verge of success after seizing Lithuania from the Poles, invading Southern Poland and reaching the gates of Bucharest, the Soviet Union took a series of heavy blows: Tukhachevsky was targeted in a concerted assassination campaign and eventually hunted down. Bucharest held as Germany intervened with mass chemical aerial bombardment. The Soviet Baltic Fleet faced initial success, only to be smashed later on. Finland staged an intervention, capturing the lightly defended Leningrad. And, about to be destroyed in the largest encirclement in history by Polish armored forces, the Red Army in Poland had to withdraw back to Ukraine.

Tukhachevsky's foresight, however, had concentrated Soviet units in Romania once again, finally breaking through, seizing Bucharest and executing King Carol II. Further Soviet offensives had also seized most of Afghanistan and led to an invasion of Turkey, all while Atatürk's forces threatened Baku in the Caucasus. In an act of revenge, the Soviet Air Force bombed Konigsberg with chemical weapons, causing panic in German cities. Taking over from Tukhachevsky, the new Soviet leader Lev Kamenev quickly reduced the number of fronts: Finland left the war after making gains in East Karelia, and the Antalya Accords secured peace between the Eurasian Alliance and Moscow by trading Romania (to be Soviet-run) for Afghanistan (returning to royal control).

Kamenev then singled out Germany as the Soviet Union's true enemy. The Red Army under Trotsky, Zhukov and Rokossovsky concentrated again, sidelining Warsaw and storming East Prussia to fight its way to Berlin. In the largest campaign in history, hundreds of divisions fought in the Battles of the Danzig Corridor as the anti-communist international forces (Polish, German, Hungarian, Spanish and international volunteers) forced the Soviets back. And, against the odds, Royalist forces in Romania kept control over the remnants of the army, keeping up the struggle.

1940 - Mimicking Kamenev's Berlin offensive, Hugenberg gathered three million men in a push to the East after the Peace of Paris. Having to evacuate East Prussia, General Zhukov - taking over the assassinated Rokossovsky - was also forced to abandon Lithuania, but the Red Army was able to withdraw safely - if battered - into Belarus. The victorious anti-communist forces, however, were suddenly struck with a series of diseases. As the Poles remained unable to push into Ukraine from the South, Kamenev courted opposition once again by shortening yet another front: in a controversial treaty, the Royalist forces in Romania were allowed to regain control over the nation, if at the cost of having to embargo the Berlin-led nations and thus cut off the oil supply route to Ploiesti.

Asian Front: Birth of an Empire

1937 - Following distinct phases of limited warfare - and much discord among warlords - due to the general Chinese rejection at the initial peace struck between Nanjing and Tokyo, the renewed alliance of Generalissimo Chiang and Field Marshal Zhang Xueliang (The Young Marshal) struck against Japan in early 1937. Despite a marked failure to capture the heavily fortified Shanghai, resulting in repeatedly failed offensives, Zhang experienced some success in northern Manchukuo, opening up a foothold through the mountains.

1938 - As part of his multiple offensives, Marshal Tukhachevsky intervened in the Far East by signing a non-aggression pact with Japan. The Red Army then captured Xinjiang and setting up a pro-Soviet puppet regime, and the allied Communist Mongolia struck Zhang's forces from the rear. Over the rest of the year, the Chinese held the line at great cost, being forced to give up the Shanghai campaign as the subsequent Japanese offensive took significant ground. The first two offensives against the capital of Nanjing, however, failed to capture it.

1939 - In an odd "shift" of alliances, Nanjing and Tokyo reached an utterly unexpected agreement (the "Treaty of Tokyo") to focus instead on the Soviet Union. As part of it, now freed Chinese forces entered Mongolia and crushed the Soviet regime in Xinjiang, all while Japanese forces struck against Vladivostok and Sakhalin. But it was not to last. Underestimating the extent of resistance from the Generals to ending the war in China, Emperor Hirohito was arrested in a coup d'etat and a regency installed under Prince Yasuhito. With General - now Field Marshal - Sugiyama seizing control over the
military regime, the Empire of Japan decided it was time to attack on all fronts.

Securing a rapid peace with the Soviet Union, the Japanese sent renewed offensives against China, recovering territory lost by the Treaty of Tokyo but failing to seize Nanjing. Sugiyama, however, did not just target China: in his mind, the weakened British Empire was ripe for the taking. In a series of major naval offensives - which pushed the Empire to the near limit of its logistics - Malaya, Burma and New Guinea all fell to Japan. Britain, in the meantime, was further weakened by the start of a large Indian Uprising led by Subhas Chandra Bose's INC.

1940 - As the Japanese offensive into China continued to stall with Nanjing still out of their reach, Marshal Zhang, who had accepted a peace in the first place, successfully led a counter-push into Manchukuo, taking Harbin and forcing puppet Emperor Puyi to flee to Korea. Naval landings into Hong Kong, expected to be an easy matter, were contained by the mass intervention of NRA troops, signaling the start of cooperation between London and Nanjing. In the meantime, the Japanese captured Borneo and most of the Dutch East Indies, securing two vital sources of oil. Crucially, Tokyo decided to target the British Raj, securing Burma after a brutal campaign and approaching the frontlines of the Bose-led rebels. After a series of naval enagements, Japanese troops landed on Ceylon.

[Lumine]

Atatürk, the man who took on Britain and won

JULY EVENTS

The Great Turk is dead!

Atatürk dead at age 59, passed away in his sleep,
Prime Minister Inonu takes over as Acting President,
Turkey and Eurasian Alliance in shock as crowds mourn

It was a persistent commentary among those in Mustafa Kemal's entourage that it was a miracle that their President had been able to carry on for so long despite a worsening health and a truly grueling schedule. In truth, Atatürk had started to change his infamous - some would say hedonistic - lifestyle a few years ago, a choice which in all probability extended his lifespan. But his body, perhaps pushed too far due to the stress of the Oil Crisis and the brief war with Soviet Union, finally gave up. On July 3rd, while staying on Dolmabahce Palace in Istanbul the Great Turk died in his sleep. He was 59 years old.

Having built a somewhat secular Turkish Republic step by step out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, Atatürk successfully threw himself at international politics during the last decade, achieving monumental success. Ankara more than punched above its weight thanks to the presidential charisma, which saw the formation of the Eurasian Alliance, the remilitarization of the Bosphorus, the nationalization of the Iraqi and Iranian oil industries and the downfall of Neville Chamberlain, and more recently, survival against the odds while having to fight Tukhachevsky's Soviet Union. While a number of failures are also to be counted (including Armenian and Kurdish unrest, as well as the loss of Egypt as a partner), Atatürk dies from a position of strength.

Prime Minister Inonu, already confirmed as the official successor a few years ago, has just ascended the Presidency, and will be expected to preside over a massive state funeral. Where President Inonu goes next remains to be seen, but unconfirmed reports from Ankara indicate that Atatürk left the CHP with a "political will" of sorts...

The Soviet Spinning Wheel

NKVD and military depose Kamenev-Zinoviev dvoika,
Third Soviet coup since 1936, state paralyzed due to infighting,
GKO Vice Chair Yagoda seizes power, can he restore Soviet fortunes?

An unidentified high ranking Soviet official - said to be living in exile - was rumored to have joked recently that the Soviet Politburo was starting to resemble a spinning wheel, particularly as leader upon leader took over the leadership of the State. The quote is particularly relevant as the Soviet Union faces its third coup d'etat since 1936, installing the fourth leader in as many years to try and become the disappeared Stalin's true successor (if not in ideology, at least in power). The precedent is not encouraging: Kirov found himself deposed and executed; Tukhachevsky was killed by assassins; and now GKO Chairman Lev Kamenev has been taken into NKVD custody and sent to Lubyanka Prison alongside fellow ally and Soviet President Grigory Zinoviev.

Seizing power via a political arrangement after Tukhachevsky's murder, Kamenev was said to have invested significant effort in consolidating power through peaceful means, cutting deals with key factions rather than resort to the sort of purges Stalin and Tukhachevsky relied upon. More controversially, Kamenev drastically reduced the number of active war fronts through diplomacy, surrendering ground in return for a clear shot at what he identified as enemy number one: Germany. Despite this domestic success, Kamenev's hopes were crushed following the Battles of the Corridor and the recent withdrawal of the Soviet army back into Belarus, raising the prospect of an anti-Communist invasion of the Soviet Union.

Crucially, a recent arrangement has seen the return of Romania to the Royalists, a deal which caused far more anger among Tukhachevsky loyalists than the GKO Chairman envisioned. Reports are still unclear, but it appears that a rowdy session of the Congress of Soviets called for Kamenev's dismissal. Following failed attempts to bring the NKVD and the military - both also heavily influenced by Tukhachevsky loyalists - on side, Kamenev was arrested alongside Zinoviev. Whether it was done organically or not, the coup was led by GKO Vice Chairman Genrikh Yagoda, who had steadily consolidated power ever since Stalin's dismissal. By all accounts, it is Yagoda who know leads the increasingly confused and paralyzed Soviet state, and it will be up to him to lead the USSR out of a difficult - but under no circumstances hopeless - spot.

Maurrassisme awakens

President Pétain entrusts Front de la Liberté with the government,
Right-wing integralist intellectual Charles Maurras to become PM,
But can he command a majority of the National Assembly?

In the aftermath of a stunning victory for the pro-peace parties - as well as the right-wing outfits - in the 1940 French General Election, President Philippe Pétain had several potential roads ahead of him, with observers widely predicting that Pierre Laval would finally achieve his dreams of power after being thwarted by General Giraud before. It was not to be. Rather than find a solution around the winners of the election, the far-right Front de la Liberté, Pétain outright entrusted them with the reigns of government, appointing renowned intellectual and known monarchist Charles Maurras (72), of the Action Francaise movement, to lead the government.

Maurras, who has been deaf since his youth - raising the prospect of a different government spokesman - is at the same time a talented writer who is a member of the Académie française, and an infamous political provocateur, having led the action of far-right leagues in unyielding opposition to the Daladier government. Not known for the friendly disposition towards Germany held by many of his colleagues in the Front de la Liberté, Maurras' appointment signals the consolidation of power by the reactionary right in France, but it also raises interesting questions about France's position after the Peace of Honor and its attempts to rebuild itself after sustaining major losses.

[Lumine]

Turn IX: Late 1940

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (Mr. X)
United States of America: President William Borah (S019)
British Empire: Prime Minister Winston Churchill (Dkrol)
Soviet Union: Chairman Genrikh Yagoda (Spiral)
Empire of Japan: Prime Minister Hajime Sugiyama (Lakigigar)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Charles Maurras (YPestis)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Ismet Inonu (LouisvilleThunder)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Kingdom of Hungary: King Otto II Hapsburg (AverageFoodEnthusiast)[
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Billy Hughes (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Spain: Generalissimo Francisco Franco (NYE)

Economic Performance:

Kingdom of Italy: High
Union of South Africa: High
United States of America: High
Polish Republic: Moderate
British Empire: Moderate
Empire of Japan: Moderate
German Reich: Moderate
Kingdom of Spain: Moderate
Commonwealth of Australia: Moderate
Republic of France: Weak
Soviet Union: Weak
Republic of Turkey: Weak
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Weak
Republic of China: Very Weak

Popularity:
King Otto II: Very High
Chancellor Hugenberg: High
Prime Minister Smuts: High
President Koc: High
President Borah: High
Tsar Boris III: High
President Inonu: Moderate
Duce Mussolini: Moderate
Prime Minister Maurras: Moderate
Prime Minister Churchill: Moderate
Chairman Yagoda: Low
Generalissimo Franco: Low
Prime Minister Sugiyama: Low
Prime Minister Hughes: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Polish Republic, German Reich, British Empire, Commonwealth of Australia, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain
Partial Mobilization: Kingdom of Italy
Conscription: Republic of France, Republic of Turkey, Kingdom of Bulgaria
Volunteer Army: United States of America, Union of South Africa
Demilitarized:

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

Much like in early 1918, the German spirit has prevailed in closing down a front, ending - at least for now - the spectre of the two-front war. Such a strategic achievement has, however, not come cheap. Losses in the West have been significant, hospitals are filled with men with chemical burns, the blockade is still a reality, and the peace terms have struck many - including the Kaiser - as overtly lenient to the French. And still, it is undeniable that your accomplishments have pushed you at the forefront of German statesmen and leaders, up with Bismarck himself. Germany now stands as the strongest power in Europe, leading a large anti-communist coalition that stands right on the borders of the Soviet Union. What follows now, Chancellor? Will you cross into the steppes as Napoleon and Charles XIII? Or will you seek to deliver the finishing blow on the British Empire?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

Amidst scenes of gloom and despair in the House of Commons, a ray of hope shines through. Following the "Failure is Not an Option" speech, Parliament's will to defy the odds and fight to the bitter end has been strenghtened. With the hawks firmly in control of the Cabinet, there won't be scenes like those of France... at least for now. The BEF was saved, the Royal Navy and the RAF stand strong and proud. But the challenges are immense. India burns as the jewel of the Empire faces the threat of Bose and the Japanese. Franco's forces besiege Gibraltar and threaten to close the Mediterranean. Hong Kong resists solely due to Chinese Nationalist support. And Australia also stands on the verge of invasion. Plainly, the British Empire is now fighting for its life, but you are not a man to give up at the first sign of trouble. Can you turn the tide?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

At long last, power. This decadent and hopeless Republic has finally seen fit to reward your patriotism and intellect, and that most impressive of heroes - the divine surprise, Maréchal Pétain - has seen fit to appoint you to lead the government. And by the looks of it, to decide on the future too, for the Marshal isn't particularly interested on details. France is now spared the worst after an advantageous peace, but several regions are utterly devastated and now poisoned with chemicals. Not only that, the National Assembly retains a strong left-wing presence, and it is isn't clear how you can build a stable parliamentary majority... if you want to indulge in democratic pretenses, that is. What is the path forward?

United States of America

Mr. President,

You have been renominated for a second turn, and whatever the differences that may exist between progressives and conservatives, the party seems reasonably united heading into the November election. But the Democrats, though hopelessly divided, have stunned the world with a fresh, energetic candidate and a clear contrast with the Administration. Hugely popular before, it isn't clear how the German victory in France and the Japanese mad dash across Asia and the Pacific will impact the American public, and whether this will breathe life into the Willkie campaign... or kill it at the start. Whichever the case, you must now decide how to run your reelection campaign, what to stand on, and how to deal with foreign events before and after the election. Will you seek to talk the tightrope, or will you take risks in fighting Willkie?

Soviet Union

Comrade Chairman,

As the NKVD clean the blood from the Kremlin and prepare to tighten the screws on Zinoviev and Kamenev at Lubyanka Prison, you are now supreme master of the USSR, backed by your loyal intelligence service and, as of now, hopeful Tukhachevsky loyalists and the battered Red Army. You have risen steadily, accumulating power and influence, but it is not an enviable position to be in. Tukhachevsky's westward offensive concludes for now with the Red Army back in Belarus and Ukraine. The Congress of Soviets still holds power, and it is angry at the Romanian deal. The state itself is paralyzed due to a lack of firm and stable leadership, preventing the nation from unleashing its entire potential. And Herr Hugenberg sits in Berlin with a large coalition army at his back, poised for invasion. But things have been grim before. Can you,lead the Soviet Union to victory?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

The opposition stands cowed and broken, Bocchini's OVRA having cleansed and purged the streets of much of what stood in the way of the successful continuation of your work. There have been consecuences, however. The International Olympic Committee will soon consider an urgent motion to suspend the 1940 Olympics in response to the violence, which would make the major investments become, if not useless, virtually unusuable. Other democratic regimes recoil at the use of violence, and are considering their own measures. The Vatican may be contained for now as well, but the Church is unlikely to be a willing partner in the future. And perhaps most decisive of all, the Treaty of Fiume leaves you with a Balkan Empire, but one filled with unwilling subjects.

Empire of Japan

Prime Minister,

The flag of the Empire flies across two continents, and the borders of the Japanese Empire have reached an extention never dreamed of before. From Ceylon to Port Moresby, Imperial soldiers fight in the beaches, jungles and forests of Asia and Oceania, battling the colonial empires and their troops with distinction. And yet the signs of overextention are there, with a merchant navy which struggles to supply so many fronts - let alone bring back raw materials from your new conquests - and the ever present danger of new foes joining in the struggle. For now, you are able to threaten British India and Australia, and keep a knife at China's throat despite the Manchurian debacle. As you decide on how to move forward, domestic concerns also require attention, including whether to hold a General Election.

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

Another year, another vicious campaign. Instead of the long peace that was intended, the Japanese treaty has resulted in yet another war as the IJA takes back much of what it conquered. With all sea and land routes cut - most recently the Burma Road - procuring appropiate military supplies and keeping the NRA well supplied to fight becomes a nightmare of a challenge. And yet your troops fight and make a stand, surprising many by fiercely resisting the latest offensive as Nanjing, yet again, refuses to give up the fight. Marshal Zhang has also found a major opportunity, having broken through at Manchuria in a direct threat to the crumbling Japanese puppet state. And the Japanese have also been frustrated in Hong Kong, which is now defended by British and Chinese forces fighting together. What comes next?

Polish Republic

Mr. President,

At long last, the Red Army has been pushed back from much of Poland, and a major opportunity is on the horizon. For the first time in twenty years, an anti-communist army could march into the Soviet Union and end the war for good. But the challenges are still daunting. Much of eastern Poland is devastated by the war and poisoned with chemicals, and recent epidemic outbreaks among the troops in Lithuania and East Prussia threaten to reduce the offensive capability of the men. And yet, those closest to Pilsudski urge you to move forward, to kick the door in and bring the hated Communist state into a fiery end, with Poland being, if not the strongest force, at the very least the heart of this improvised effort with Budapest and Berlin. What will you do?

Republic of Turkey

Mr. President,

The Great Turk, the Father of the Nation, is gone. Turkey mourns the loss of Atatürk, and it will be up to you to determine just what kind of a funeral he deserves. Thankfully for you, the late President made it clear that you would be his successor, ensuring there is no meaningful opposition as the CHP-controlled National Assembly votes for you to take over the Presidency. And yet, there are many questions out in the air. Who to appoint Premier, for one. How to deal with the past tensions with Britain and the Soviets for another. And more important still: how to keep the Eurasian Alliance together without Atatürk's charisma, particularly since King Faisal of Egypt and Reza Shah of Iran could well try to claim the moral leadership of the alliance. How will you act as you take office?

Kingdom of Spain

Generalissimo,

Spain is now at war, although the first few encounters have not gone as perfect as many wished. Gibraltar resists - though the officer corps is sure it is soon to break - and the Royal Navy has placed a naval blockade, significantly restricting vital imports that the nation needs to sustain a war economy. Aside from deciding how to continue the war, you must make vital decisions as Spain becomes a Kingdom again and the ailing King - and his family - arrive in Madrid for your Constitutional Convention. Which parties will participate? Will you tolerate the left even as the armed revolt continues in some regions of the country? And what sort of Monarchy and Constitution you wish for Spain?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

Though dispensing with the formalities, South Africa is now at war, with the 1st South African division distinguishing itself in the Orleans campaign against the Reichswehr. For better or worse, South Africa has sided with King and Commonwealth, and with the next General Election scheduled for this year, you must now face the public's verdict. After eviscerating the opposition last time around, the National Party has recovered some strength in the face of anti-immigration - particularly anti-Jewish - backlash, and its domination on rural areas ensures its overepresentation in the electoral system. Giving up the prospect of expansion on the mandates for now on will also have a price, and though the attitudes of the public towards the war are unclear, the Nationals will clearly be running on neutrality. The chance is there for you to consolidate your position as South Africa's most prominent and powerful leader... or for years of success to find an unexpected roadblock. What will you do this year?

Kingdom of Hungary

Your Majesty,

Some of the early challenges of peace have been further dissipated, but Hungary's position remains one to be carefully considered. For one, after several years on the throne, you remain unmarried, with Archduke Robert as your heir. The Banat and captured lands are poisoned with the Serbian chemical, making farming an unlikely proposition. The Hungarian Army is weakened after campaigns in France, Poland, Lithuania and Serbia. The economy howls for mercy after endless war, being held together only by mobilization and enormous foreign aid from Berlin and Rome. The Slovaks expect full independence still, and Ukrainians are but an uneasy partner. Moscow remains a threat, even as the prospect of an invasion of the Soviet Union grows on the horizon. What will you do?

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

Despite early signs of panic, your energetic measures have prevented a deeper crisis as Australia stands on the brink of invasion. Parliament has been reassured by your firm commitment not to evacuate the government, and local industry is being mobilized as the Australian divisions make their way back. And yet, decisions await. Will you hold the election despite the threat of Japanese invasion? How far will you dare take the emergency measures and the increasing need for energy resources to keep the industries running? And, perhaps most decisively: if the Japanese do land, how will Australia proceed with its attempts at resistance?

Kingdom of Bulgaria

Your Majesty,

At long last, the Serbian War is seemingly over. While resistance may remain in the field, your biggest foe has been all but eliminated, making continued control over Macedonia all but certain. The IMRO and Ivan Mihailov now expect you to uphold your end of the bargain, granting autonomy whilst keeping Macedonia within the Bulgarian state. As the old government returns to office with a reduced majority, domestic challenges flare up again. The lack of connection with Romania across the Danube, for one. The rise on anti-semitism on the other, with the Prime Minister resisting pressure to adopt restrictions on Bulgarian Jews. The damaged state of the economy, undermined by years of endless and costly warfare. A large military, which is increasingly hard to fund and equip. Just like the Hapsburgs, victory has given you political capital to act. What will you use it for?

[Lumine]

World War II - Late 1940

List of Conflicts:

Great Eastern War Soviet Union vs. German Reich, Polish Republic, Free City of Danzig,  Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain (1939 - Present)

German-Entente War British Empire (UK, Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand) and Belgian Congo vs. German Reich, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain (1938 - Present)

Pacific War: Empire of Japan, Kingdom of Thailand, Indian National Congress vs. British Empire (UK, Australia, New Zealand, British Raj)

Third Sino-Japanese War: Empire of Japan, Manchukuo vs. Republic of China vs. Northern Coalition vs. Southern Coalition

Chinese Civil War: Republic of China vs. Northern and Southern Coalitions (1939 - Present)

The Armies of the World:

Army Size / Manpower Available / Morale and Quality

British Empire: Medium (RAF/RN demands) / Medium / High
United States of America: Small / None (Volunteer Army) / Medium
Japanese Empire: Large / Substantial / High (Recent victories)
Republic of France: Medium / Medium / Low
Kingdom of Italy: Medium / Medium (Partial Mobilization) / Low (Balkan attrition)
German Reich: Very Large / Substantial / High
Soviet Union: Large (recent losses) / Near bottomless / Very Low
Kingdom of Spain: Medium / Substantial / Low
Republic of Turkey: Medium / Substantial / Medium
Commonwealth of Australia: Small / Medium / High (defending homeland)
Republic of China: Very Large / Near bottomless / Low
Union of South Africa: Small / Small / Medium
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Small / Small / High
Polish Republic: Large / Medium / High
Kingdom of Hungary: Medium / Medium / Low

The Navies of the World:

Capability / Size

British Empire: Carrier-based / Very Large
United States of America: Carrier-based / Very Large
Japanese Empire: Carrier-based / Very Large
Republic of France: Battleship-based / Large
Kingdom of Italy: Battleship-based / Large
German Reich: Battleship-based / Medium
Soviet Union: Battleship-based / Small
Kingdom of Spain: Battleship-based / Small
Republic of Turkey: Battleship-based / Small
Commonwealth of Australia: Cruiser-based / Medium
Republic of China: Destroyer-based / Small
Union of South Africa: Small vessel-based / Very Small
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Small vessel-based / Very Small
Polish Republic: Non-existent
Kingdom of Hungary: Non-existent

The Air Forces of the World:

Quality / Size

German Reich: First-Rate / Large
British Empire: First-Rate / Large
Japanese Empire: First Rate / Large
Republic of France: High Quality / Large
United States of America: High Quality / Medium
Kingdom of Italy: High Quality / Large
Soviet Union: Medium Quality / Large
Polish Republic: High Quality / Small
Commonwealth of Australia: Medium Quality / Small
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Medium Quality / Small
Republic of Turkey: Medium Quality / Very Small
Republic of China: Low Quality / Small
Kingdom of Spain: Low Quality / Small
Kingdom of Hungary: Low Quality / Small
Union of South Africa: Low Quality / Small

[Lumine]

The World War

July to December 1940 (Part One)

"(Voice cracks) The Communists are the most inveterate enemies of the Reich at home and abroad; they remain what they are and always were: forgers of lies, masterminds of unrest and upheaval, demons possessed by their poisoned, caustic, satyrical spirit. The infamy and misery that they have spread across this continent, and most recently, to one of our oldest and most distinguished cities, is unforgivable. We say this to the world: wake up! wake up, and mete out to them the punishment they deserve!" (Kaiser Wilhelm III, radio speech after the Ulm attacks)

Western Front

The Siege of Gibraltar

For well over six months, General Montgomery had withstood the siege of Gibraltar and embarrassed Spanish General Queipo de Llano, but it had come at a heavy price. The incessant pounding of the Spanish artillery took its toll, and the overextended British naval resources - already committed on several fronts - made resupplying an increasingly costly proposition. And yet, it became clear later in the year that the possession of Gibraltar was a matter of prestige for both London and Madrid. Whereas the British bolstered the garrison and relieved Montgomery by sending General Harold Alexander, Franco provided Queipo with almost a third of the entire Spanish Royal Army. Thus the forces clashed. Despite dreams of an early victory for the Spaniards, Alexander would prove almost as tough and difficult to crack as Montgomery. For three months wave after wave clashed against the Rock and its powerful defenses, a battle of attrition with disproportionate casualties for the attackers.

Finally, the defensive lines broke, and the cost of resupplying Gibraltar became too expensive after one of the Royal Navy's battleships exploded in flames due to a lucky hit. Under cover of night, Alexander evacuated what he could under a rain of fire, retreating back to Malta. Finally, Spain had avenged the humiliation sustained during the War of the Spanish Succession, seizing the Strait of Gibraltar all for itself. For some, however, the victory felt hollow. Around the same time, the Royal Air Force delivered a few blows of its own, levelling the industrial areas of the city of Bilbao - temporarily disrupting the Spanish iron industry - and conducting successful bombing runs in Cadiz and Marbella that damaged several Spanish vessels.

Now operating from Malta, Tunis - which was greatly reinforced after the British seized it - and Alexandria, Force H proceeded to complement the Atlantic blockade of Spain from the Mediterranean, closing the Strait - itself filled with the wreck of dozens of military and civilian ships sunk in the siege - from the east to all non-British vessels. With only the Suez open for Mediterranean trade, Italy and the Balkans would rapidly experience a substantial economic hit.

The Empire (attempts to) Strike Back

Expelled out of the continent, and though under siege by the Japanese onslaught, the British Empire had made a conscious decision not to let the Germans off the hook for the later part of the year. Ambitious plans were drawn for two naval invasions and a grand aerial raid, all in the hopes of securing a number of strategic goals against what they felt to be a vulnerable front due to German committments to the East. Unfortunately for the British, well over half of the Luftwaffe had been kept in the West, having - perhaps surprisingly despite the closure of the Mediterranean - sufficient oil to operate in the skies. Despite this significant cover, the Luftwaffe proved unable to properly counter RAF and RN efforts in the Pas de Calais, failing to prevent British landings in Nieuwpoort as Viscount Gort landed a corps-sized Anglo-Canadian BEF.

Ecstatic - if exhausted - civilians welcomed the landings, but Gort's attempts at consolidating his position proved challenging. For one, the logistics of a naval invasion - coming from a Britain already overcommitted in terms of equipment elsewhere - were far more daunting than expected, and for another, local German resistance in the area was significant and unyielding. In the end, Gort was left with a smaller beachhead than expected, failing to properly consolidate around the Yser river. Even less successful was a high risk attempt to stage a landing in Germany proper, as heavy Luftwaffe presence easily countered the Royal Navy - left without a RAF fighter escort due to range - and forced them to turn back. Mercifully, British losses were kept at a minimum.

But the symbol of British revenge was the city of Hamburg, which was directly and relentlessly targeted by the bulk of Bomber Command using the failed Bremerhaven landing effort as a distraction. Using new - if inaccurate - incendiary bombs, the RAF wrecked most of the naval installations and heavily damaged the city. Contrary to expectations, however, they failed to completely obliterate the city (thus keeping civilian casualties low), with incendiary munition showing their limitations up to this point.

Eastern Front

4th Battle of the Baltic Sea

Fresh from victory and the destruction of almost half the Soviet Baltic Fleet, the Kriegsmarine - minus those ships damaged by the Hamburg raid - sailed out of port again. With the Lithuanian ports now in firm German-Polish control, the anti-Communist power projection in the Baltic had been drastically improved, and Admiral Lutjens was under orders to destroy the remnants of their foe. Safe in Kronstadt, Admiral Levchenko proved unwilling to accept the challenge this time, being forced to sail only to prevent the Germans from approaching Leningrad too closely. Having accounted for Lutjens's surface vessels and the U-Boat fleet, Levchenko was surprised by the intervention of another submarine squadron, eventually identified to be French. In the end, the Fourth Battle of the Baltic Sea proved inconclusive, with Levchenko's caution and the powerful surface artillery fire from Kronstadt preventing a debacle. Despite new Soviet losses and strategic German control over the Baltic, the surviving core of the Soviet Baltic Fleet lives to fight another day.

The Belarus Campaign

Expelled from Lithuania and almost entirely from Poland, General Zhukov had saved most of his defeated army, pulling it back to defend the city of Minsk. Counting on scores of fresh - if untrained - reinforcements soon to march from the east, and having the Pripyet Marshes on his left (the dividing line between the Northern and Southern fronts in Poland), Zhukov prepared for a German offensive amidst a flurry of orders from Moscow. At it happens, that was exactly where the main blow was coming, with the Reichswehr and half the Polish Army crossing the border into Belarus under Manstein's command. For the Germans, there was no restraint to be found in terms of chemical weapons any more. Sortie after sortie, the Luftwaffe's Flieger Groups deployed tons of chemical bombs over the Soviet columns, causing scores of casualties. Ironically, and as it was shown already in France, the use of chemicals also prevented the use of horses, slowing down the German columns in their effort to secure encirclements.

And yet, anti-Communist divisions marched forward vigorously, forcing the Soviets to deploy their own surprises. For one, the integration of the NKVD and the Army led to vigorous attempts at disruption and deception, which, while only marginally successful, often slowed down advances. For another, the Soviets also dropped any chemical restraints, and made incessant use of minefields, new incendiary weapons - the so called "Yagoda breadbaskets" - and most shocking of all for the Reichswehr: advanced rocketry. The Katyusha, a monstrous self-propelled multiple rocket launcher, often contained the Panzers when attempting their breakthroughs. The campaign, threatening to degenerate into a war of attrition, forced Manstein and Polish General Rommel to be creative. Aerial and armored superiority finally enabled him to encircle the heavily fortified Minsk, only for Zhukov to flee back deeper into Russia.

Manstein followed suit. By the end of the year, after heavy infighting and enormous attrition - with several Panzer divisions left exhausted - Manstein finally reached Orsha and opened the gate to Smolensk. Minsk had fallen at a heavy price, and most of Zhukov's divisions were broken or poisoned. The endless stream of recruits now gathered near Smolensk, but the veterans themselves were gone for now. On the darker side for the Germans, the epidemic outbreaks experienced in East Prussia materialized again in even stronger fashion, resulting in thousands of cases of cholera and typhus.

Soviet Dash, Part I (Galicia)

South of the Pripyet Marshes, months of stalemate after Tukhachevsky's death had turned the frontline into a more secondary front, with the Polish Army - aided by Hungarian and International divisions - shouldering most of the burden as the anti-Communist alliance dreamt of opening the gates to the Ukraine. The increasingly destitute region of Galicia, thoroughly poisoned with chemicals - to the point in which farmers died after eating their own crops - was described by many as a heavily fortified hell. And just as the Axis had focused their efforts up North, Chairman Yagoda had decided on a Southward approach. Matching Tukhachevsky in boldness, and added a reckless ambition of his own that dwarfed that of the Red Marshal, Yagoda focused upwards of two million men (as well as the bulk of Soviet artillery and airforce) in the most daring of offensives: the push westwards... towards Italy.

Stanisław Maczek, Poland's relentless war hero, struck first again, hoping to open the gate to Ukraine. Aided with the same approach of relentless usage of chemical weapons, Maczek and the Polish armored forces smashed into what can only be described as a Red Army horde willing to fight just as dirty, if not more. The battles around Przemysl and Lwow can only be described as sheer and utter carnage. And this time, the Soviets prevailed. Only the timely arrival of dozens of French aerial squadrons and a volunteer corps prevented a collapse, helping Maczek withdraw back to Krakow again. Most of the Polish-built tanks were destroyed in the offensive, but the invaluable Polish veteran manpower was salvaged. And Maczek rebuilt his front, fully expecting the second blow to come after him again. He was mistaken.

Soviet Dash, Part II (Hungary)

The road to Italy, Moscow concluded, passed through Hungary. The nation, already ravaged as a result of the Third Balkan War, had been forced to slowly rebuilt itself with intense foreign investment and aid to remain afloat. For Yagoda, this was the weakest link, although defended by the seemingly impregnable Carpathian Mountains. Instead of pushing deeper into Krakow after opening a wedge between the Polish and Hungarian forces, the Red Army - now led by Gamarnik and a recovered Trotsky  - moved against the latter. Once again, utter carnage followed through. The Red Army forced the Carpathians only after an unthinkable cost, having been forced to gas the Hungarian forts and outposts as the enemy desperatedly withdrew due to orders to save its manpower.

The Hungarians escaped immediate annihilation, but the gates of the Kingdom had been open. Much like the Mongol Hordes in the 1240's, the Soviet divisions entered Hungary in a killing frenzy that dwarfed their fighting spirit against Romania. Blasting loud patriotic music, blowing up supply lines into and out of Hungary north and south - but not east and westwards -, releasing criminals and dissidents, and utilizing chemical warfare in the most brutal way possible, they approached Budapest. The Royal Hungarian Army made its stand backed by the French airmen, but it was not enough. Forced to choose between saving the capital and saving the army from complete destruction, they chose the latter. Retreating north of the Danube - towards Austria and Slovakia - the Hungarian Army saved itself, King Otto having evacuated Budapest with the government and royal family for refuge in Bratislava.

Budapest itself, only recently rebuilt, was not spared. The Soviet Air Force - whose attrition losses were near breaking point - pounded the city with utter mercilessness, turning it into a second Belgrade: a pile of rubble. Having decapitated the government, most of the nation fell into chaos, with Soviet-backed Romanian Communists even forming a breakaway state near Transylvania. Despite the crippling losses - with much of the invasion force already dead, wounded or put on garrison duty - and the vulnerability of the Red Air Force, the Soviets prepared for the last push: crossing the borders of the League of Rome.

The Ulm Attacks

Despite the closure of frontiers to the East, the reopening of the Franco-German border meant renewed trade across a region that had suffered less than Northern France proper, and with it, vital economic movement into the Rurh and the Reich's industrial base in Western Germany. But, as it became clear soon enough, this new economic lifeline also provided new dangers. Over the fall and the start of winter the Abwehr and the German police started stopping different transports near key factories and plants, filled to the brim with chemicals. After arresting and interrogating the culprits - not an easy task - resources were focused in trying to prevent the sort of terror attack that these mysterious foes seemed intent on bringing. In the end, a handful of transports managed to slip past the network.

At least half a dozen industrial plants suffered attacks with mustard gas as the transports detonated, killing hundreds and disrupting production for days or weeks as entire areas had to be cleansed. By far the worst attack took place in Ulm, where the transports set to attack a factory exploded - either accidentally or upon discovery - right in the middle of the city. In scenes resembling Buzau or Konigsberg, thousands of civilians suffocated or died very painful deaths, with thousands more left injured. The attack proved to be a traumatizing event for the Reich, made all the more worse when the Abwehr determined Soviet responsibility in ordering the attacks.

In a subsequent speech, Kaiser Wilhelm wowed to seek revenge, calling on European nations to unite against the Communist threat. In a subsequent - and puzzling - announcement, Chancellor Hugenberg was once again confirmed in his office, with a renewed mandate to continue the war.

Balkan Front

Soviet Dash, Part III (Croatia-Slovenia)

Once again, Trotsky's columns - increasingly ragged, if not outright traumatized - declined to pursue the enemy as the Royal Hungarian Army fled. Neither would they turn south, towards the Serbian territory recently annexed and kept under control by the substantial Hungarian garrison. The march towards Italy continued, this time aiming to punch through the Danube, into Slovenia and Croatia, and then into Northern Italy. And this time, the Red Army finally ran out of steam. It was to be a combination of factors. For one, the sheer scale of the march, increasingly resembling a continent-wide salient difficult to supply even as Hungary was plundered. For another, that crossing Galicia and the Carpathians had already meant hundreds of thousands of casualties. And perhaps more crucial still, that the combined European airpower had pounded the remnants of the Red Air Force into dust, providing key aerial superiority and the opportunity to bomb Soviet columns with chemicals.

That did not mean, however, that the final push did not cause some harm. Much of Slovenia was overrun, allowing Tito's partisans to link with the Soviet vanguard units. Large parts of Croatia were occupied, with only the heavy Italian military presence preventing a final thrust into Zagreb as the HSS was able to regroup and gather its own strength in the mountains. But, in the end, even Trotsky was forced to call off the offensive right before Christmas before it unraveled. Italy's industrial base remained, at least for this year, a step too far. In Italy proper, a sense of panic gripped the nation, with only the recent Night of the Long Knives helping dispel fears of a Communist uprising. The Great Council of Fascism, gathered at the request of Mussolini, wasted no time in future squabbles. Even D'Annunzio dropped his criticism of Il Duce, as the Council unanimously voted in support of Mussolini to lead the fightback against the Red invasion.

The Bitter Peace, Part II

The later part of the year provided some awkward news for Mussolini on account of Swiss newspapers, once again leading the way in journalistic exposes. In this case, detailed reports on the apparent debauchery and/or criminal behavior of King George of Serbia, and the allegation that Serbia and Bulgaria had been on the verge of a reasonable peace, only to be overridden by an ambitious Duce. The news would certainly be badly received among neutrals horrified at the fate of Serbia, but the lack of proper channels for outside information in the Balkans themselves meant no apparent effect for the Italian occupation. In Serbia proper, the decision not to pursue offensives meant no major cost for the Italian Army as their hold over the cities became stronger and King George started gathering collaborations to run some sort of administration, all while the Chetniks welcomed the pause and kept consolidating control over the countryside.

In Bulgaria proper, the incorporation of Macedonia as a highly autonomous region proceeded slowly but surely, with Ivan Mihailov becoming a regional Premier backed closely by Parliament-appointed advisor. A similar tranquility emerged in Montenegro, which was kept reasonably stable when compared to its unrulier neighbors. The ultimate surprise for the Italian Balkan empire, however, came in Albania. Having hoped to stabilize the region and keep the resistance in the mountains down to a minimum, a series of reforms were to be put in place alongside a propaganda drive. But it was not to be. To the shock of the Italian commander, a fierce Albanian counterattack pushed his forces back into Tirana, liberating much of Eastern Albania. King Zog himself emerged at the head of a renewed army, backed with what has been described as foreign advisors or even foreign troops.

[Lumine]

The World War

July to December 1940 (Part Two)

East Asian Front

All's Quiet on the Manchurian Front

Having bitterly fought each other during the early part of the year, Generalissimo Chiang and Marshal Zhang seemingly reached the separate conclusion of wanting to suspend open warfare between the Northern Coalition and the KMT, creating an uneasy yet stable standstill that allowed efforts to focus on the Japanese invasion. This, in turn, might have meant renewed carnage across Manchuria in light of the recent fall of Harbin, but a Japanese unwillingness to commit - despite ceaseless protests from Emperor Puyi in Seoul - and general NRA and Northern Coalition exhaustion as well as war material shortages all conspired it to make it the most unusually quiet front. Thus, during the latter part of the year, mere skirmishes took place as the Japanese rebuilt their defensive lines over eastern Manchukuo and across the Korean border, and launched a number of chemical attacks to keep the Chinese off-balance. Zhang, for his part, had his forces fortify the liberated industrial Manchurian cities as they started producing war supplies for him. Now recovered from his wounds, The Young Marshal has seized Puyi's palace in Harbin, finally returning after nine years of exile.

Trading Blows in Eastern China

Among the several offensives designed by Sugiyama and the Imperial Japanese Army, a renewed push on Nanjing was taken into account. Hoping to encircle the capital - by now a symbol of unyielding Chinese resistance - and thus secure a major strategic goal, the IJA clashed against what ended up being the main NRA effort: three separate offensives in (north to south) Shandong, Henan and Fujian. Up north, the failed Yancheng Offensive of the early part of the year was replaced with a highly successful operation executed by KMT rising star General Xue Yue, bypassing strong Japanese defenses, encircling and virtually destroying an IJA division, and driving a wedge between the Shandong peninsula and the main Japanese central effort at Jiangsu by outright reaching the sea. It was a major success, if at the cost of much of Xue's men due to the shortages of ammunition.

Southwards, the other Chinese flanking move into Fujian province crashed into the Japanese fortifications, the constant engagement making it impossible to attempt the sort of flanking tactics successful deployed by Xue. Although not the sort of crippling failure experienced early in the year on the same spot, the Chinese advance stalled, forcing the NRA to call off the battle before it became a mere issue of attrition. Thus came the renewed push onto Nanjing, a new attempt to cross the highly fortified - and increasingly desolated and destitute - fields that separated the IJA from the Chinese capital. Hoping to have the upper hand through the incorporation of chemical warfare - using the comparatively "softer" chlorine gas -, IJA commanders were stunned when their offensive clashed into a Chinese offensive of their own.

Several fierce and bloody battles ensued, ruining the tempo of Japanese operations and even risking the collapse of the front at a particularly difficult moment. Superior armor and the liberal use of chlorine halted the Chinese at the decisive moment, enabling the IJA to rebuild their lines as the Chinese withdrew to the Nanjing defensive lines. With further Japanese advances unsuccessful and costly, Nanjing survived the year once again.

Fall of the Southern Coalition

Just as the Chinese had focused on the center, so had the Japanese focused on the South, targeting the Southern Coalition directly as the holders of the main surviving Chinese port (Guangzhou). An early break was found when an attempt by the British to reinforce Hong Kong failed, forcing the convoy to turn back to the Indian Ocean due to firm Japanese control over the South China Sea and a reinforced naval blockade of Hong Kong. This was followed by the landing of a Japanese Army into Hainan Island, securing most of the island after a difficult campaign due to intense Chinese guerrilla warfare. In the end, the Southern Coalition forces were pushed to the western half of the island, further reinforcing the Japanese blockade of China.

The main blow was directed at Guangzhou itself, involving the intervention of much of the Japanese air force and the use of Chlorine gas whenever necessary. Lacking the firm leadership of Hu Hanmin, the cabal of Generals leading the Southern Coalition squabbled amongst themselves, wasting valuable time and effort. In the end, the IJA seized the port after a brutal siege of weeks, denying the Generals their main base of operations. Although the Japanese remained far away from additional targets, the capture of the city led to the political collapse of the Southern Coalition. The warlords, lacking an equivalent of Marshal Zhang, dissolved under the protective umbrella of the KMT.

To the east, a final Chinese effort took place from the city of Kunming, seeking to liberate the southern half of Yunnan province and reopen a path into Burma. With the Japanese Army overextended due to their attempted conquest into India, significant ground was gained at first, only for a Japanese counterattack to stall the Chinese offensive. Although, technically speaking, a land link had been reopened, the impassable terrain made it useless to the KMT. For now, the Burma road proper remained in the hands of the IJA.

South East Asian Front

Japanese Invasion of Indochina

By all appearances, the French Colonial Empire had managed to avert the wrath of the Rising Sun, finding a way to coexist with the exponential Japanese expansion through undetermined means. Perhaps rather confident that the status quo would continue, new Premier Charles Maurras sent General Weygand as the new High Commissioner, tasked with the mission of shoring up support for the French colonial administration in light of recent strikes and upheaval. For a start, new legislative assemblies were to be set up following Cochinchina's example, if rather limited - some would say powerless - on their attributions and the franchise for voting. And yet, Weygand's experiment was not to be tried. Taking advantage of previous rights of military access, a combined Japanese and Thai force invaded French Indochina, rapidly seizing Cambodia and most of Laos.

Left with a small French garrison and a substantial - but not particularly reliable - colonial force, Weygand did his best to attempt a resistance. Despite a brave resistance by Admiral Decoux at the Battle of Ko Chang, the Japanese-Thai fleet destroyed the small French East Asian Fleet, enabling a blockade of Saigon and Hanoi. Having expected a rapid campaign, the Japanese were foiled by the terrain, the lack of cooperation by the locals - who resisted both the French and the Japanese - and by mounting overextension of their forces, already committed in China and India as well as other theaters. Forced to rely on the Thai Army, advance was slow, with Saigon and most of Southern Vietnam only falling by the end of the year. Weygand has regrouped with his colonial forces to Eastern Laos and Northern Vietnam, fortifying himself at Hanoi.

End of an Empire

Not being able to expect any reinforcements from the ravaged Netherlands, the Dutch troops still resisting in the Dutch East Indies prepared for a final effort. Unable to assist directly, the British were able to execute a number of raids on Japanese bases across the Dutch East Indies, blowing up several oil convoys and slowing down General Terauchi's offensives. Thus the battle of Java raged as Dutch and Japanese forces battled it out in the jungle, experiencing untold hardships. Despite repeated orders by Governor-General van Starkenborgh to surrender, General Berenschot resisted for several weeks until his men ran out of ammunition. With the surrender of Java, Japan finally seized the resource-rich colony, ending the Dutch Colonial Empire at the cost of now having to garrison and supply an immense area. Perhaps sensing those limits, the Japanese declined to annex the distant West Timor, handing it over to the neutral Portuguese administration.

The Battle for India

In a way, both the British Empire and the Japanese Empire were said to be overcommitted, with one of them forced to sustain several large naval blockades that sapped its naval strength, and other pursuing several land campaigns that strained its logistics to the breaking point. Therefore, the battlefields of India - themselves made infinetly more complex due to the political situation - were to be fought with what both Empires could spare and focus. It would be a question not just of who could focus more resources - at the risk of weakening other fronts -, but more important, who could made better use of what they had. Japan, having the advantage of keeping its naval resources somewhat more focused, struck first across the Indian Ocean.

Despite a growing shortage of troops to stage naval invasions, the seizure of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands proved easy enough. The next effort, therefore, involved the capture of the Maldives, which would further close off the sea lanes allowing Britain to maintain contact with the British Raj. On the British side, however, their intention was the exact opposite: to counter heavily with the Royal Navy to try and see off the Japanese invasion of Sri Lanka. Both navies danced carefully around each other as Admiral Philips attempted to prevent Admiral Nagumo from crossing the Palk Strait, only for Nagumo to push deep into the Laccadive Sea as the Combined Fleet escorted the Nicobar invasion force. Forced to give chase despite an inferiority in carriers, Philips finally confroted Nagumo with backing from land-based aircraft, resulting in the Battles of the Laccadive Sea.

For days Nagumo and Philips clashed in separate encounters, always aiming to give the decisive blow while conserving strength. By the end of the affair, Japan had achieved a tactical victory of sorts, forcing Philips to abandon all hope of reinforcing Sri Lanka as the Royal Navy had to change its HQ for Bombay. Strategically, it was more muddled. IJN losses (including a carrier) oughtweighed British ones, and Nagumo did not dare push onto the Maldives. Over the rest of the year, the Japanese slowly captured most of Sri Lanka in a difficult campaign, without managing to destroy the British forces in the field as guerilla warfare in the rear took its toll on the invaders. For now, General Kuribayashi approaches Colombo, far behind his original schedule.

In India proper, the main question was which offensive would succeed: the British, attemping to close off the major Japanese bridgehead at Visakhapatnam? Or the Japanese, who aimed to connect Calcutta with Burma and lauch a major blow at mainland India? Up north, General Slim eventually ran out of tricks as the pressure from local pro-Bose rebels made his supply lines untenable, the combination of rampant collaborationism - stronger here than in any other Indian region - and Japanese local superiority pushing him back. Once again, Slim saved the British forces from encirclement, but the Japanese forces linked at last with Bose at his Calcutta stronghold.

Down south, several Japanese divisions attempted to push deep into the Madras Presidency under the leadership of the aggressive, daring General Renya Mutaguchi. Dreaming of building a new Empire, Mutaguchi raced ahead despite terrible logistics, as supplying the much smaller invasion force earlier in the year had been barely possible. Eventually, Mutaguchi overextended himself excessively, always under the belief that one more push would make the British Raj crumble. This time, the Japanese overreached. Fresh from his defiant defense of Gibraltar, General Montgomery led the counterattack, dubbed Operation Tiger. Having to make do without naval support, Montgomery contained and defeated Mutaguchi at the Battle of Bezawada.

As the Japanese retreat turned into a rout, a subsequent and key British victory at the Battle of Cocanada sealed disaster for the IJA. Forced to withdraw back into the Visakhapatnam bridgehead, the Japanese dreams of British collapse in India ceased for the moment, as London appeared to have stabilized the situation.

Pacific Front

Fortress Australia

If anyone doubted Billy Hughes' intent to resist and fight to the bitter end, they had underestimated the Australian PM. Rallying the nation with unprecedented mobilization of national resources and various separate plans to defend against a Japanese invasion, Hughes bolstered his previously vulnerable position with the return of the Australian divisions from Europe, and by leaking an alleged Japanese peace offer that most Australians - particularly in Parliament - found offensive. Coming to the rescue, a Royal Navy squadron led by Admiral Louis Mountbatten sought out a decisive fight against Japanese naval forces in the area to disrupt a potential invasion. To Mountbatten's disappointment, there was no battle to be found, a development that signaled the lack of an immediate invasion. The British, however, did found a way to strike a blow: a special squadron - led by Rear Admiral Philip Vian - led a daring raid of the Coral and Bismarck Seas, sinking several Japanese supply convoys into Port Moresby and significantly disrupting IJN logistics in the area.

[Lumine]

End of 1940

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: William Borah

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Not awarded (No suitable candidate)

Oil Production, January 1941

Country

Market Share

United States		57,9% (+0,4)
Venezuela		13,5% (-1,2)
Soviet Union		10,0% (+0,5)
Eurasian Alliance*		9,5% (+1,3)
Mexico		2,4% (+0,2)
Colombia		1,3% (=)
Trinidad (UK)		1,2% (+0,1)
Argentina		1,0% (=)
Peru		1,0% (+0,2)
Japanese Empire		1,0% (+1,0)
Canada		0,6% (+0,1)
Egypt		0,4% (+0,1)
Saudi Arabia		0,2% (+0,2)

* IRAN: 6,0% /  IRAQ: 3,5%

The Sleeping Giant Roars

President Borah takes a stand against Tokyo-Berlin expansionism,
Harsh economic sanctions put multiple countries on a difficult spot,
As Germany reopens the oil lifeline, Turkey closes a key resource

Following the passage of the Neutrality Acts and the repeated struggles of the Borah Administration to get even simple economic or military aid measures passed through Congress, many wondered if the ongoing stalemate in Europe would continue much as it did in the Great War until 1917, when the US' hand was forced and only after a Presidential Election. Contrary to expectations, the deadlock broke during 1940 as German forces closed off their Western Front after reaching an accord with France, and as the Japanese Empire expanded to unprecedented levels, creating the prospect of a Tokyo-dominated Asia as the Philippines - and men like Douglas MacArthur - screamed for action. Having already managed to get aid for anti-communist nations approved, President Borah chose to gamble and escalate.

In a series of stunning measures, all of them taken before Borah faced the electorate in November, Borah made it clear that no further German or Japanese expansion was to be tolerated, framing the whole sanction and aid package as a measure to avoid further confrontation by forcing Hugenberg and Sugiyama into the negotiating table. Crucially for the beleaguered British Empire, a successful accord between the White House and Democrat House Speaker Sumners finally authorized a series of economic loans for the United Kingdom, as well as a series of arms shipments to rearm the British military (the latter of which, however, must be paid upfront at Congress' insistence).

Then Borah dropped the bombshell: the German Reich and the Japanese Empire were hit with the harshest embargo and economic measures ever imposed by the US on a nation not directly at war with: Japanese and German officers were banned from entering US territory, the Tokyo and Berlin ambassadors were recalled, all Japanese and German assets were frozen, German and Japanese nationals would be banned from access to the UK banking services, the seizure, confiscation and liquidation of assets of prominent German and Japanese nationals in the US, and perhaps most decisively: countries that would trade with Germany and Japan in the future would be hit with US sanctions - a major trade cut - as well. Thus Borah drew the battle lines: neutral countries would now be forced to decide whether to trade with the United States... or with Germany and Japan.

The economic impact was immediate. The United States took a quick hit, greatly tempered by the seizure of assets, arm sales, and the continued dominance of the US oil industry. Japan was significantly affected, seeing its oil supply now entirely dependent on the Soviet Union in the short term, and on oil shipments from the recently seized Dutch East Indies - at a time in which the merchant navy is strained to keep large military commitments supplied - for the long term. Germany was hit the hardest, all but ensuring that, even if the British blockade was broken, goods would still not be exported into the Reich. And although the immediate effects on the war industry aren't critical, the fact that multiple nations are now faced with cutting economic ties with Germany or face US sanctions is likely to cause a major headache.

Although it is unknown whether this is directly tied into the US sanctions, Turkey has taken the lead in cutting key exports to the Reich by reducing its Chromium exports - a vital resource for the war industry - up to 90%. Ironically, these measures come just as the Reich has seemingly solved its oil shortage crisis, seemingly gaining enough of a supply line to keep the enormous Axis war machine functioning.

America Elects: 1940

Borah/Roosevelt Jr. survive strong Willkie challenge,
Dixiecrat revolt fails to deadlock the election as Long sides with Willkie,
Isolationist Republicans threaten revolt in Washington D.C.

Following the dramatic DNC and the surprise nomination of Wendell Willkie, many international observers suspected that the Borah-Willkie duel would be defined by foreign policy, and more to the point, by the isolationist (Borah) v. internationalist (Willkie) divide. For others, the election would be defined by the ability of both main tickets to sideline Former President Garner's insurgent "Dixiecrat" revolt, which could deadlock the election and force the Democratic-held House of Representatives to choose the next President. In the end, despite predictions that Willkie would be able to set the terms of the election, observers were surprised by the ailing President Borah's ability to do that instead, mimicking his successful framing of the 1936 contest that secured his narrow victory.

Borah's internationalist gamble was immediately met with harsh backlash among German Americans - previously an important GOP voting block - and the GOP isolationist wing, with the America First movement (who had already decided not to endorse a candidate) issuing out a statement criticizing the President for his "recklessness". And yet, as Borah had perhaps envisioned, Willkie's strong internationalism left little room for the Democratic nominee to criticize the President's decision. If anything, it seemed as if the wind had been taken out of his campaign. With America First not running a ticket - a decision they came to greatly regret - and the Dixiecrat effort being too unpalatable for Northern voters, millions of isolationist voters had nowhere else to go.

It was, however, a dangerous game to play. Effective as Borah's framing was, that of "keep America out of the war, but keep the war from coming to America", it was a balancing act relying on a coalition that he had just broken. Willkie proved the more energetic and charismatic candidate, throwing himself at the campaign trail and scoring key wins when Senator Long brought the Louisiana political machine on board and kept the Dixiecrats from expanding. In the end, Willkie had limited room to push the internationalist argument forwards without issuing calls for actual war, a factor that may have been decisive. Amidst drastically lower turnout - a sign of many isolationists and German-Americans staying home - Borah and Roosevelt Jr. narrowly held onto the bulk of their 1936 states, losing and/or gaining a few as Democrats consolidated.

The Dixiecrat effort had narrowly failed, as Borah had 14 EVs to spare. Willkie graciously conceded, issuing a call for the Democratic Party not to lose its internationalist ethos, and Borah got his second term. He had, however, paid a significant price for it. Republican isolationists would be geared up for a major fight come January 1941, and depressed turnout led to key Senate losses - only tempered by limited House gains - that created a Senate tie. Moving forward, Borah would depend even more on Democratic votes to get an agenda moving forwards.

1940 US Presidential Election:

Party		Votes (%)		EC
Borah / Roosevelt Jr.		46%		282
Wallace / Sinclair		43%		164
Garner / Talmadge		10%		85

Incoming President and Vice President:
William Borah and Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (GOP)

1940 US Senate Election:

Party		Seats
Republican Party		48 (-2)
Democratic Party		48 (+3)
Farmer Labor Party		0 (-1)
Total		96 Senators

1940 US House Election:

Party		Seats
Democratic Party		243 (-7)
Republican Party		190 (+9)
Farmer Labor Party		3 (-2)
Total		435 Representatives

Operation Vendemiaire

Warning of leftist plot, French PM Maurras leads military coup,
A purged National Assembly gives total powers to President Pétain,
French Communists go into hiding, Pierre Laval murdered

In the aftermath of a historic landslide for the French right - which still didn't yield a stable majority in the National Assembly -, President Pétain made it more than clear that he was prepared to take firm action to correct what many saw as decadence deep in the heart of the Third Republic. Daladier had been close - frighteningly so for many on the far-left and far-right -  to stabilizing it and Giraud to saving it, but the near slaughter of yet another generation had proved the crippling blow. Charles Maurras, provocateur extraordinaire, was handed over the reins of power. And Maurras would have no patience for the norms followed by his Republican establishment predecessors. To his credit, Maurras did not even bother with the Assembly. Debate on the new government went on for weeks as the French parliament descended in a wave of procedural chaos, open infighting from the tribunes, and increasingly shady parliamentary tactics, the latter of which were linked by many to Pierre Laval.

Maurras, whose hold on power was effective if not formalized, warned of growing threats to France - many did not notice he never actually said Republic - from foreign-controlled extremists. A few days later, the city of Paris celebrated its ongoing reconstruction after German occupation with a major Peace Parade to celebrate the Franco-German treaty, featuring a large military parade with highly experienced units. Soon afterwards, shots began to be heard around the capital. The radio stations broadcasted a speech from Maurras, stating that a left wing plot to take over the nation had been discovered at the last moment. The National Assembly was on the verge of a PCF takeover, he warned, and left-wing insurgent groups, having already marked many prominent citizens for death, had already shot Laval dead in his home.

Calling on the Army and on "loyal patriots" to save France, Maurras announced the start of Operation Vendemiaire. Over the next couple of days, Paris descended in brutal urban fighting as left-wing or pro-Republican protestors fought Army units and a large contingent of pro-royalist Camelots du Roi militia led by Interior Minister Maurice Pujo, all while a select regiment of Marines stormed and seized the National Assembly building. Facing a disorganized opposition and lacking any restraint - resulting in dozens, if not hundreds of dead - the pro-government forces prevailed, arresting scores of SFIO deputies and leaders, including Leon Blum. In a frustrating turn of events, only a handful of PCF leaders were arrested, with much of the party's internal machinery - Maurice Thorez included - disappearing into hiding and/or exile.

In subsequent days, with the successful consolidation of power in Paris tricking down into the provinces, the military remained loyal to Pétain, with a handful of Republican generals being subsequently arrested. The National Assembly, purged of "disloyal elements" and now fielding an actual right-wing majority, voted - over the protests of Francois de la Rocque - to invest President Pétain with supreme powers and to indefinitely prorogue the Assembly. Pujo consolidated his hold on the new French security forces, with a new organism loyal to Maurras - the DGSI - being formed. And with Pétain uninterested in wielding such powers, it rapidly became clear that Maurras and his core group of royalist hardliners had all but delivered the killing blow on the French Third Republic.

A handful of pro-Republic deputies, unwilling to yield to the outcome of Vendemiaire, have vowed to fight on. Some, like General Giraud, have fled France, their destination unknown.

The Spanish impasse

Constitutional Convention faces major deadlock, lack of consensus,
Dissidents win Basque and Nationalist elections, embarrasing Franco,
Government balances military victories with economic woes

By and large, observers were surprised by Franco's moderation when settling the goals and boundaries for the new Constitutional Convention in Madrid. Outlining that the Spanish Republic would indeed transition back into the Kingdom of Spain as old King Alfonso XIII and the Royal Family settled back in the capital, Franco nonetheless declined the temptation to install the sort of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regime seen in Italy, Portugal or Hungary that many ardent right-wingers (led by the CEDA and the Alfonsist RE) desired. Instead, Franco proposed a British-style constitutional monarchy, a far more moderate - if prudent - form of government that might well have been seen as an olive branch to moderate Republicans and brought some kind of non-leftist consensus.

That this didn't happen has puzzled many. Far from being a smooth process, the Constitutional Convention has collapsed into a hopeless deadlock as endless votes and procedures prove unable to reach majorities on key subjects, particularly the system of government. The CEDA has split in half between those backing Franco's plans and those demanding an authoritarian government. The Alfonsists battle themselves on who should be king after Alfonso XIII dies, and the Carlists clamor for their claimant to be made monarch. And the Falange, naturally, calls for a Portuguese or Italian-style fascist regime. As the discussion drags on, different culprits are blamed. Some point fingers at Franco, whose moderate approach is at odds with a far-right dominated Convention. Others at the dynastic squabble, which is preventing a quick resolution. And even others talk of bribery and intimidation, suggesting that foreign agents are disrupting the process.

Within this backdrop, the Catalonian and Basque elections came. With the key regional parties barred from standing (including Lliga, the PNV and others) and much of the right resenting the fact that the autonomous governments were not disbanded, turnout cratered. Matters were made worse by the British bombing of Bilbao, which the government in Madrid seemed helpless to contain. In the end, the results proved embarrassing, with center-left Radicals and left-wing independents (not officially banned) prevailing in Catalonia, and the Carlists taking over Navarre and much of the Basque Country as pro-nationalist voters refused to vote at all. This, in turn, raises the prospect of two regional governments hostile to Madrid, which could pose a major problem in the middle of a war.

As for the war itself, the capture of Gibraltar - however costly - has bolstered Franco for the moment, but the victory is to be balanced with other serious concerns. Left-wing militias appear to be gathering strength as reports emerge of growing attacks on military barracks and guard posts, and the British blockade of the Atlantic has all but wrecked the Spanish economy. This, in turn, increases Madrid's dependence on Mediterranean trade, raising the need for urgent exports from Italy, France, Germany or some similar partner to maintain their war effort. General Franco, therefore, faces a most complex situation entering 1941.

[Lumine]

Smuts triumphs, at a cost

South African Premier earns a new term,
Wins by going scorched earth on National Party,
But did something break in South African politics?

Five years ago, Jan Smuts - increasingly seen as a Father of the Nation to the Dominion - had called a snap general election at a particularly unfortunate time for the pro-Berlin opposition National Party, then weakened by association due to the effects of German diplomacy. Smuts had won a resounding majority, forcing the Nationals to slid further into extreme pro-Afrikaner and anti-Britain policies behind the leadership of D. F. Malan. And yet, despite Smuts' personal popularity, the Nationals felt optimistic about the 1940 contest. After all, South African participation in the war behind Britain was highly unpopular among the Afrikaner electorate, and the increased rates of immigration into the Dominion by Smuts also courted much controversy. At the very least, Malan felt, gains would be made.

Malan and his men had greatly underestimated Smuts. Displaying a much greater ruthless than in 1935, Smuts sidestepped the issue of the war and took the campaign directly to the National's playground: race. The entire Dominion was covered wall to wall with incendiary propaganda, portraying Smuts and his South African Party as the true bulwark against "barbaric" black-rule. The National Party, so Smuts claimed, would only hasten the collapse of white civilization in the Dominion through his extreme policies, and only the immigration surge promoted by the SAP would save the prosperous South Africa from "Black tyranny". Malan and his party raged, but there were drowned in a wave of violent, virulent propaganda.

On election night, Smuts not only won his third consecutive majority, but enlarged the gap between the Nationals and the SAP to 23 points. Many historically hostile voters went for the SAP out of fear, ignoring the issue of the war in doing so. The South African premier, therefore, now has yet another term with an unassailable majority behind him. The cost, however, is starting to show. A group of liberal-minded deputies, outraged at Smuts' campaign, are threatening to quit the SAP. The African National Congress, a small organization trying to represent the rights of Black South Africans, has seen its rank swell as its leadership has pronounced Smuts and Malan as "two sides of the same coin". And the National Party, beyond outraged at Smuts, has ruled out any cooperation in the future. Already protests are taking place in South West Africa and the Orange Free State, calling for an end to participation in the war against Germany and Japan.

1940 South African General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
South African Party		56% (+4)		90 (+8)
National Party		33% (-3)		49 (-8)
Labour Party		8% (-1)		8 (-3)
Others		3%		0
Total				150 MP's

Incoming Prime Minister:
Jan Smuts (SAP)

Incoming Government:
SAP Majority (30 Seats)

A quiet (electoral) affair

Much of Poland goes to the polls to elect a new Sejm,
Opposition continues to boycott, Sanation wins by default,
Koc keeps the factions in line, but what has been the price?

Not long ago, Colonel Adam Koc's existence would not have been particularly noticeworthy to the ordinary Polish citizen. Even as one of the prominent "Colonels" behind the late Pilsudski, much of Koc's work had been undertaken as a civil servant behind the scenes, creating much bewilderment when the bespectacled, grey Pole had been elevated to the top of Sanation. "He won't last long", asserted General Wladysław Sikorski - today one of the main leaders of the opposition -. Against the odds, Koc remains President of Poland, deftly keeping the Sanation factions balanced as the Polish Republic continues to battle the Soviet Union in a deadly conflict that threatens to enter its third year. Despite the temptation to suspend the legislative elections scheduled for 1940, Koc decided to give the greenlight.

Perhaps he need not have bothered. Divided among themselves yet resolute in their disdain for Koc and their dislike for the Sanation regime, the opposition parties announced another boycott, asserting they would not stand until the elections were truly free. The shock Soviet dash to Hungary overran much of Galicia and disrupted elections in Southern Poland. For the rest of the country, Sanation stood alone - aside of ethnic parties - and represented in the nominally non-partisan BBWR. As Zdzislaw Lubomirski, another opposition leader and potential candidate for the 1942 Presidential Election, put it: "Sanation  would have won even if the vote had not been rigged." Although losing a handful of seats to ethnic voters - some of which, such as German Poles, are also pro-Sanation, or at least pro-Adam Koc -, the BBWR retained absolute control over the Sejm.

For now, Koc reigns supreme. But many wonder what exactly has been the price the Polish leader has paid to keep the Sanation faction leaders in line, particularly as the question over the succession rises up in light of the upcoming Presidential contest. Poland is also exhausted, with Southern Poland as a whole devastated by the carnage and the extreme use of chemical weapons, which has increasingly disrupted the nation's agricultural output. And yet it stands against the Soviet colossus, an achievement that many credit the Colonel for.

1940 Polish General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
BBWR		85%		180 (-12)
Ethnic Parties		15%		27 (+12)
Total				208 MP’s

The Great Rebirth

Yagoda crushes New Opposition faction, former leaders killed,
New GKO Chairman announces national "Great Rebirth",
Can Yagoda's ruthless leadership save the Soviet Union?

“No more perversion, no more failure!” The words echoed across the Congress of Soviets, packed in the unsuitable - and overtly small - section of the Kremlin in which the institution had held its sessions over the past couple of years. Genrikh Yagoda's commitment to the International Revolution earned him the applause of the Tukhachevsky faction, which praised the new leader's commitment to the principles that the Red Napoleon had embodied. The session took place around the same time that the ruthless interrogations of former President Zinoviev and former GKO Chair Kamenev ended, after which both men were immediately executed. The relatively small New Opposition faction that they had left - with around 130 deputies - rapidly split as many deputies were subsequently arrested and charged with involvement in anti-Yagoda plots, or simply fled or went into hiding leaving their seats vacant.

Yagoda, following the example set by Tukhachevsky and Kamenev, did not pursue an immediate and widespread purge. Rapidly the Trotskyites and the Right Opposition alike were integrated into the new regime, with Bukharin being elevated to the ceremonial President, Rykov expanding his brief as the leader of the Congress of Soviets, and Nadezhda Krupskaya making history through her promotion as Yagoda's Deputy GKO Chair, a historic achievement for Soviet women. Yagoda was also aided by the slower splintering of the Tukhachevsky faction, which was not forced to redefine itself and its large majority without the Red Napoleon's charisma. A troika led by Daniil Sulimov, Nikolai Mikhailov and Pavel Yudin, three remarkably young Soviet leaders took over the greater part of the faction, but rabble-rousers like Lev Mekhlis and Boris Sheboldayev formed small groups of deputies of their own.

For his part, Yagoda did not stop at this denunciation of the fascist West and his infamous dash to Italy. In his own words, the Soviet Union needed a "Great Rebirth" to be reborn as a new, more powerful nation. In a highly controversial - and bitterly resisted - move, Yagoda empowered Krupskaya and female Soviet party officers to expand female participation in industry and even into the Red Army. The rehabilitated Anastas Mikoyan, one of the few Stalinist survivors, made a name for himself assisting President Bukharin in the effort to mobilize support for the war effort via propaganda. Entire industries were moved eastwards and beyond the Urals, a gigantic effort which was greatly disrupted by the lack of cohesion of the Soviet bureaucracy and the damage caused by Eurasian intrigues in Central Asia.

With the Congress of Soviets not up for election until 1943 - unless Bukharin calls one - Yagoda has thus far commanded support from the surviving factions, even as they resent some of his most controversial moves. It now remains to be seen whether a faction to support Yagoda can be created from his isolated support in the NKVD and the Red Army, and, of course, what will happen to the leaderless New Opposition and the pro-Tukhachevsky's legislative "warlords".

Indian Elections held!

Despite endless obstacles and invasion, Viceroy Amery holds election,
INC boycott leads to surprise victories by Muslim and Hindutva parties,
Bose's revolt loses steam, but can an Indian government be formed?

Out of all the challenges faced by Sir Winston Churchill, few of them were as dangerous and complex as the Indian situation he had inherited. Most painful of all was the fact that few roads appeared available to neuter Bose's growing rebellion even as much of the INC sat on the sidelines, and those that were open proved to be at odds with Churchill's former record due to his famous revolt over the original Government of India Act. To Churchill's merit, the Prime Minister proved to be as slippery in power as he was principled in opposition. To the welcome surprise of Cabinet, and, it must be said, to the outrage of a few hawks in the Conservative Party, Churchill gave the long delayed elections a greenlight as a last ditch effort.

No precaution was spared. The dull and unimaginative Viceroy Linlithgow was replaced with Leo Amery, close ally and a political animal. The British Army - as far as operations allowed - would police the polling stations and maintain order. And all parties would be allowed to stand. The whole building threatened to collapse crashing down as soon as Nehru and Gandhi confirmed the INC would be boycotting the elections, deriding the whole exercise as the continuation of British rule via Dominion status, and demanding immediate talks - including Bose - regarding independence. But, for once - and in a lucky break for London - Nehru had overplayed his hand, having alienated the more moderate and/or conservative members of the INC with his socialist rhetoric. At least two INC splinters would contest the election, forcing the party to maintain a peaceful boycott rather than to try and disrupt the election process.

Without the INC - judged to command the support of an overwhelming majority of Hindu voters - the election was thrown wide open. Once Indians - many of whom had never voted in their lives - cautiously approached the voting booths, Amery knew the hardest part was over. In the end, turnout reached a few million voters: a pitiful figure given Indias's population numbers, but something of an accomplishment given the war situation and the INC boycott. As several seats were under control of Bose or the Japanese, MP's were designated by Amery in absentia in relation to how the main parties performed.
Although the elections to the Indian House of Commons - Viceroy Amery would appoint the Indian House of Lords - were set to FPTP, the fact that most seats were allocated by ethnicity and the autonomy of the Princely States (who appointed their own MP's and then had them rubber stamped by the electorate) led to fascinating results.

As the smoke cleared, the consolidation of the Muslim vote behind Muhammad Ali Jinnah's All-India Muslim League - with Jinnah's lukewarm loyalty all but preventing a major Muslim revolt against Britain - topped the polls narrowly, winning almost all Muslim seats. Behind came the large bloc of Princely States-designated MPs (led at the HoC by Manubhai Mehta, the democratic-minded former PM of Bikaner), and in a stunning third-place, the Hindu Nationalist (Hindutva) movement of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha. In what many describe as an odd turn of affairs, Savarkar and his movement are remarkably pro-British and pro-war effort, while at the same time displaying a virulently anti-Muslim and proto-Fascist ideology. The two Indian National Congress splinters, the liberal Swatantra Party (led by Nehru rival Chakravarti Rajagopalachari) and the conservative Congress Nationalist Party (of Madhav Shrihar) also polled respectably.

Various regional Unionist Parties (coordinated by pro-British statesman Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan) proved to have more disappointing results. Hoping to take over the left-wing vote due to Nehru's boycott, Puran Chand Joshi's Communist Party of India also flopped, with those voters choosing to stay home or actively aid Bose in his quest to free India from the British yoke. The combination of the election and the British military victories at Bezawada and Cocanada have thus reinforced the previously critical position of the Empire in the Raj, which is now to fully transition into the new Dominion. However, Viceroy Amery and Prime Minister Churchill are not yet in the clear. They must now navigate the potential minefield of the new party system, and see if they can find a way for the new Indian politicians to work with each other. 

1940 Indian General Election:

Party		Votes (%)		Seats
Muslim League (Muslim Nationalism)		21%		140
Princely States appointees (Conservative)		19%		111
Hindu Mahasabha (Hindu Nationalism)		15%		76
Swatantra Party (Liberal)		11%		54
Congress Nationalist Party (Conservative)		9%		37
Unionist Parties (Centrist)		6%		28
Communist Party of India (Marxist)		5%		9
Other		14%		44
Total				500 MP's

[Lumine]

Turn X: 1941

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (Mr. X)
United States of America: President William Borah (S019)
British Empire: Prime Minister Winston Churchill (Dkrol)
Soviet Union: Chairman Genrikh Yagoda (Spiral)
Empire of Japan: Prime Minister Hajime Sugiyama (Lakigigar)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Charles Maurras (YPestis)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Ismet Inonu (LouisvilleThunder)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Kingdom of Hungary: King Otto II Hapsburg (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Billy Hughes (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Spain: Generalissimo Francisco Franco (NYE)
Portuguese Republic: Prime Minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar (ChairmanSanchez)

Economic Performance:

United States of America: High
Kingdom of Italy: High
Portuguese Republic: Moderate
Union of South Africa: Moderate
Empire of Japan: Moderate
Commonwealth of Australia: Moderate
Republic of France: Moderate
Polish Republic: Weak
British Empire: Weak
German Reich: Weak
Kingdom of Spain: Weak
Soviet Union: Weak
Republic of Turkey: Weak
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Weak
Republic of China: Very Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:
Prime Minister Hughes: High
King Otto II: High
Prime Minister Smuts: High
President Koc: High
President Borah: High
Tsar Boris III: High
President Inonu: High
Prime Minister Churchill: High
Prime Minister Salazar: Moderate
Chancellor Hugenberg: Moderate
Duce Mussolini: Moderate
Prime Minister Sugiyama: Moderate
Chairman Yagoda: Moderate
Prime Minister Maurras: Low
Generalissimo Franco: Low
Generalissimo Chiang: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: None
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Empire of Japan, Soviet Union, Polish Republic, German Reich, British Empire, Commonwealth of Australia, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain
Partial Mobilization: Kingdom of Italy
Conscription: Republic of France, Republic of Turkey, Kingdom of Bulgaria, Portuguese Republic
Volunteer Army: United States of America, Union of South Africa
Demilitarized:

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

As the clock strikes midnight, you have achieved eight years in office. If you survive the year, you'll surpass von Bülow and be second only to Bismarck in tenure. Much has been achieved, but as the war stands at a critical moment, much also remains to be achieved. German-Polish forces have opened the gates of Smolensk, but every meter of Soviet ground leads to heavy sacrifices. The oil supply is open again, but the American sanctions and the Turkish reduction of Chromium supplies threatens the weakened German economy. Your ally Hungary burns as the Red Army rampages its way through, but it may also be just the thing to bring Mussolini into the fold. And the Kaiser, previously so hostile, is now supportive out of sheer horror and outrage from the Ulm attacks. The challenges remain difficult, but you have options in a way you haven't had since 1938. What follows in this struggle for supremacy?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

Despite a number of military disappointments, the strategic outlook of the war has shown some improvement. The domestic front is kept contained by the large National Government, the United States has finally opened up the arms trade - if at a heavy price to Britain's rapidly decreasing currency reserves -, the blockade stands supreme... and the Japanese have finally been dealt a bloody nose in India. The struggle continues, and it falls upon you to continue the Empire's fightback. Key issues for this year will include whether to give up or commit to the Belgian beachhead, how to reduce the enormous strain on the Royal Navy, and how to solve two puzzles that have come your way: what to do with General Giraud, who has fled to London asking for refuge from Maurras; and whom to appoint to lead the Dominion of India. Will you reward Jinnah's loyalty, at the risk of Hindu backlash? Put Savarkar in, and turn a blind eye to his Fascist ideas? Or work through the patronage of the Princely States?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

Last year, you wielded the fickle and unstable power of a Republic. Today, you wield the supreme power of an authoritarian France, prostrated at the feet of Marshal Pétain. Although the recent coup has made you unpopular, the fact that Pétain does not stand in your way leaves you free to transform the state... and perhaps even fulfill your long awaited dream of restoring the Monarchy. There are, of course, other issues to contend with. France is making money from its neutrality, but the intervention in the East and the treacherous invasion of French Indochina by the Japanese force you back into the path of war before the wounds of the last one are closed. Giraud stands ready to make trouble, and the DGSI is having surprising trouble hunting down the PCF. The treat of American sanctions may force you to close trade with Germany. There's also the implied threat of a general strike as an answer to your consolidation of power, and even in the right men like De la Rocque would rather see a different path being taken. What is next for France?

United States of America

Mr. President,

You stand before a crowd of thousands as you deliver a second inaugural address. Despite fears of the GOP being forever shut out of power after 1933', you've managed to revive the party, even if Democrats maintain their hold on the House and have pushed you back into a tie in the Senate. You can tell your body is beginning to give up, but if the worst arrives, Vice President Roosevelt will be there to fight for your legacy... the contents of which you must now clearly determine. You've taken a stand against Tokyo and Berlin, the effects of which remain to be seen. The Philippines, isolated by Japanese conquests, now begs for a stronger American military presence. The economy benefits from neutrality, but Wall Street has had a couple of bad days recently causing some concern. Mexico won't yield still to previous sanctions. What awaits your fifth year in office?

Soviet Union

Comrade Chairman,

The wheels of history have been put into motion, and the Great Rebirth has begun. The Tukhachevsky loyalists embrace you as one of their own after ordering the Red Army to fight its way into Italy, but the war stands at a delicate balance. Just as the Red Army overruns Hungary and crashes into the borders of the Pact of Rome, the perfidious German-Polish Axis fights its way into Smolensk. Female units are starting to reach the battlefields, but the notion of female soldiers causes stormy sessions in the Congress of Soviets as many delegates balk at them. Trotsky is prepared to keep the crusade going, but Gamarnik doesn't like the long flanks of the Soviet spearhead into Central Europe. Perhaps most important of all, you must now start to expand your appeal beyond your NKVD and military powerbase. Will the remnants of the New Opposition be purged? Will you start a faction of your own, or co-opt an existing one? And will you remain content as Chairman of the GKO, or seek another office?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

As D'Annunzio himself stated before the Grand Council, never has Europe been thus threatened by the Asian hordes since the time of the Mongols. The Red Menace has brutalized Hungary and smashed into your borders. The crowds panic at the sight of the Red Army, but the recent Night of the Long Knives has prevented fear from turning into terror. Fascism stands united behind you and so does the King, as you face Italy's most difficult moment in the past decade. There are also other vultures out there. Zog has made himself strong in Albania, leading a new army of his own. The Libya Viceroy reports renewed activity in a population which many thought chastized after a brutal repression. And, adding to the complexity of the challenge, the closure of much of the Mediterranean and the threat of US sanctions should trade with Germany continue could do much harm to your economy. Can you, like the Romans of old, smash the enemies of Italy into the ground?

Empire of Japan

Prime Minister,

As Mutaguchi's broken divisions fall back in disarray, the Empire has suffered its most significant defeat in recent memory. Disappointing as that may be, it is but a setback in the building of a major Empire as the Dutch East Indies surrender and much of French Indochina is overrun. Domestically, elections to the Imperial Diet have already been postponed for a year, and there are major questions as to whether elections should be held, and whether you intend to work with the parties or build one of your own. In terms of the war, the sudden and harsh American sanctions have cut a major source of supplies, making you rather dependent on the Soviet Union for trade until the new colonies are ready to supply the Japanese mainland. To make matters somewhat more complex, keeping so many garrisons and armies supplied across the seas uses the very same vessels Japan would use to transport raw goods. You sit in a clear position of strength, but how you choose to use that strength will matter most of all. What will you do?

Republic of China

Generalissimo,

The endless circle of war continues, but China refuses to yield. Although the loss of Guangzhou is painful to the national cause, it has had the unintended effect of bolstering the KMT as the surviving Southern warlords accept protection from Nanjing. This, in turn, leaves Marshal Zhang Xueliang, the Communist strongholds, and Wang Jingwei's defeatist faction as the major internal rivals. In regards to Zhang, a curious development has emerged. The Young Marshal has sent envoys to consider an end of the civil war... provided you can meet his conditions. For one, Zhang would have you commit to retaking Manchuria, even at the cost of other regions. Perhaps more important, Zhang would see you swear - before the entire nation - that no negotiated peace will ever be sought or accepted with Tokyo until the invader has been expelled. Bringing Zhang into the fold could free troops to keep up the struggle... but it might just turn the Sino-Japanese war into a never-ending affair. How will you deal with the Young Marshal?

Polish Republic

Mr. President,

Applause greets you at the latest session of the recently elected Sejm, with German-Polish deputies standing up first as Sanation representatives follow, some with more enthusiasm than others. As the anti-Communist Axis consolidates in further unity and cooperation with new additions and new foreign support, and with Polish troops on the gates of Smolensk. you must also face a series of tough decisions. The Polish Armored Forces, carefully built over several years, have been depleted, forcing you to depend on other nations to build new Polish tanks. Farmers complain as the widespread usage of chemicals poison the crops not just outside Galicia, but across much of Eastern Poland. Refugees from Hungary threaten to flood into Krakow via Slovakia. Lithuania, now under joint German-Polish occupation, may require clarity on its future status. And US sanctions all but ensure no more trade will flow to Poland other than from the Axis. How will you handle these affairs this year?

Republic of Turkey

Mr. President,

As you stare at Atatürk's Grand Tomb in the city of Ankara, a tear streams down your face. Your mentor is gone, but he has been given the funeral he deserved. As the nation has its chance to mourn the Father of the Nation, and bask in the glory and prestige as representatives from countless nations - including Faisal, Reza Shah, and a number of Latin American Presidents - tour the Republic, the time comes to look towards the future. Your bold move on Chromium has put Germany in a tough spot, a move which could spare you from dealing with US sanctions. The Balkans stands in disarray following the Soviet move against the League of Rome, creating new opportunities for the Eurasian Alliance in seeking new partners... or new foes. The political system stands stable after the last election, though that may chance depending on how events develop. What are your next orders?

Kingdom of Spain

Generalissimo,

You celebrate the capture of Gibraltar alongside the King and a number of Generals at a reception in Madrid. It is a joyous time, but it is marred by a series of major difficulties in need of urgent reply. For one, the British blockade has wrecked the Spanish economy, forcing you to depend on nations like France, Italy or Germany for trade, and perhaps even to need subsidies to continue the fight. Catalonia and the Basque Country have elected governments seeking confrontation, all while the CEDA howls for you to suspend regional autonomy, resentment be damned. The Constitutional Convention cannot break the deadock as grave accusations of disruption fly around, and with the King close to death, the issue of the succession stands uncomfortably open between Alfonso's sons on one side, and the Carlist pretender on another. By and large, Spain stands on the side that holds the advantage, but can you sort out these challenges?

Union of South Africa

Prime Minister,

Many congratulations on a historic landslide, a major triumph of the South African Party against the opposition. With this, you have won several more years in government, an unassailable majority and political capital to court controversy, but achievements such as these do not come without a price. The National Party is utterly outraged at the campaign you ran last year, vowing not to cooperate with the government as the Afrikaners protest in South West Africa and the Orange Free State. The liberal wing of your party is disgusted at the content of the campaign, threatening to jump ship and split the party. Black South Africans, thus far quiet and irrelevant, have seen a couple of political groups grow in size, a development in which some in Cabinet see the hand of a foreign power. And with the war in Europe stalled, you must also make a decision on where to send the South African troops.

Kingdom of Hungary

Your Majesty,

As your entourage reaches Bratislava, the Slovakian government receives you with open arms. For the second time, Hungary stands invaded and ravaged, with the damages impossible to calculate behind the enemy lines. The Red Hordes have done to the Kingdom what they already did to much of Romania, and once again Hungary looks to you for leadership. Fortunately, not all is lost. The Axis stands strong and the Soviets have provoked the League of Rome. The Royal Hungarian Army survived destruction, giving you the means to carry on the struggle. And the annexed Serbian lands have not yet erupted in revolt, though that may change. An odd question arises, however. Seeing the success of General Dumitrescu in getting the Red Army to leave Romania alone, some wonder if a pact with the devil may be the best way forward. Will you fight to the bitter end to liberate Hungary, or is there a compromise to be had with Moscow?

Commonwealth of Australia

Prime Minister,

Fortress Australia stands strong and ready, and your personal popularity has greatly increased after successfully rallying the nation to resistance. Having avoided a Japanese invasion thus far in the later part of 1940 has made it possible to further fortify Australia, but, by the same merit, so many months of full economic mobilization have caused major exhaustion and fatigue in the factories, and a ceaseless demand for raw goods from Britain and/or the United States. After suspending the elections for six months, you also need to decide whether to hold them now or seek another postponement.

Kingdom of Bulgaria

Your Majesty,

Just as Bulgaria has started to enjoy peace, the clouds of war have returned to the horizon. Though personally untouched, the other members of the League of Rome have been struck by the Soviet Union, as it has rampaged across Hungary and disrupted Italian rule over Slovenia and Croatia. This, in turn, creates a dilemma. Bulgaria has already achieved most of its apparent goals, correcting several of the humiliations of the Great War and turning it into a credible Balkan power. To fight the Soviet Union would mean further loss of life as the nation seems to enjoy peace. Not to do so would mean abandoning Rome, though some note how Italy left Bulgaria to fight Serbia on its own for quite a while. With the government willing as ever to defer to your judgement, a great responsibility falls on your shoulders. Should Bulgaria go to war once again?

Portuguese Republic

Prime Minister,

After eight years in power - and fifteen since the 1926 coup -, the Portuguese Republic is almost unrecognizable from the mess created by the political parties. Your Estado Novo regime, based on the principles of Catholic Social Teaching, Corporatism and Nationalism, has restored order and stabilized the public finances, allowing Portugal to pay off its foreign debts. This internal stability - only threatened by internal opposition groups and by enormous levels of poverty - contrasts to the chaotic international situation. Although Portugal has benefited in some aspects - with Japan willingly handing over West Timor -, neutrality appears to be just as dangerous as participation, as key strategic holdings like the Azores and the Portuguese Colonial Empire could be seen as vulnerable. Portugal, almost like no other country, has options to choose from. Aside from remaining neutral, it can side with its ancestral ally Britain, at the cost of going to war with Spain. It can side with the Axis against the Soviet Union, but at the cost of a British blockade. It can also seek other blocs, like the League of Rome, or the Ankara-led Eurasian Alliance. Will you pick sides in this war, Prime Minister?

[Lumine]

Napaloni (Jack Oakie) and Slagoda (Charlie Chaplin)

EVENT

The Great Dictators

Chaplin takes US box office by storm with a political satire production,
Biting film mocks Yagoda, Mussolini, Sugiyama and Hugenberg,
Nations must decide whether to show or ban it from their cinemas

After years of production and multiple delays, British comedian Charlie Chaplin was finally able to release his latest film to American audiences, titled "The Great Dictators". A sound film - the first of Chaplin's career -, "The Great Dictators" is a biting political satire and dark comedy which pokes fun at a number of authoritarian rules in Europe and Asia, all famous for their involvement in the recent wars gripping much of the world. By all accounts, and despite courting controversy for its anti-war themes, Chaplin has surprised critics with a strong response by American audiences, turning the film into a major commercial success.

Set in the fictional, neutral nation of Tomania - based on Switzerland -, long-suffering diplomats scramble to put an end to the world-wide conflict, all while four leaders squabble and conspire with each other in a series of increasingly convoluted, ridiculous and/or laughable plots. Chaplin stars as Chairman Slagoda of the Radish Union, supported by Douglas Fairbanks as Chancellor Tanterterg of Osterlich; Jack Oakie as Dikitator Benzino Napaloni of Bacteria; and George E. Stone as Shogun Suki Yaki of the Chopchopian Empire. The movie concludes with the diplomats locking the dictators up in a room until they make peace with each other, leading to a memorable final sequence.

While "The Great Dictators" stands a good chance of being screened across Latin America, European and Asia nations - belligerent and neutral - face the difficult decision of whether to screen such a popular yet subversive film, or whether to rely on censorship to hold Chaplin's "satirical masterpiece" at bay.

[Lumine]

World War II - 1941

List of Conflicts:

Great Eastern War Soviet Union vs. German Reich, Polish Republic, Free City of Danzig, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain, Republic of France (1939 - Present)

Rome-Moscow War Soviet Union vs. League of Rome (1940 - Present)

German-Entente War British Empire (UK, Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand) and Belgian Congo vs. German Reich, Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Spain (1938 - Present)

Pacific War: Empire of Japan, Kingdom of Thailand, Indian National Congress (Bose) vs. British Empire (UK, Australia, New Zealand, Dominion of India), Republic of France

Third Sino-Japanese War: Empire of Japan, Manchukuo vs. Republic of China vs. Northern Coalition

Chinese Civil War: Republic of China vs. Northern Coalition v. Communist Party of China (1939 - Present)

The Armies of the World:

Army Size / Manpower Available / Morale and Quality

British Empire: Medium (RAF/RN demands) / Medium / High
United States of America: Small / None (Volunteer Army) / Medium
Japanese Empire: Large / Substantial / Medium
Republic of France: Medium / Medium / Low
Kingdom of Italy: Medium / Medium / Low
German Reich: Very Large / Substantial / Medium
Soviet Union: Medium / Near bottomless / Very Low
Kingdom of Spain: Medium / Substantial / Low
Republic of Turkey: Medium / Substantial / Medium
Commonwealth of Australia: Small / Medium / High
Republic of China: Very Large / Near bottomless / Low
Union of South Africa: Small / Small / Medium
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Small / Small / High
Polish Republic: Large / Medium / Medium
Kingdom of Hungary: Medium / Small / Very Low
Portuguese Republic: Small /  Medium /  Medium

The Navies of the World:

Capability / Size

British Empire: Carrier-based / Very Large
United States of America: Carrier-based / Very Large
Japanese Empire: Carrier-based / Very Large
Republic of France: Battleship-based / Large
Kingdom of Italy: Battleship-based / Large
German Reich: Battleship-based / Medium
Soviet Union: Battleship-based / Small
Kingdom of Spain: Battleship-based / Small
Republic of Turkey: Battleship-based / Small
Commonwealth of Australia: Cruiser-based / Medium
Portuguese Republic: Destroyer-based / Medium
Republic of China: Destroyer-based / Small
Union of South Africa: Small vessel-based / Very Small
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Small vessel-based / Very Small
Polish Republic: Non-existent
Kingdom of Hungary: Non-existent

The Air Forces of the World:

Quality / Size

German Reich: First-Rate / Large
British Empire: First-Rate / Large
Japanese Empire: First Rate / Large
Republic of France: High Quality / Large
United States of America: High Quality / Medium
Kingdom of Italy: High Quality / Large
Soviet Union: Low Quality / Medium
Polish Republic: High Quality / Small
Commonwealth of Australia: Medium Quality / Small
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Medium Quality / Small
Republic of Turkey: Medium Quality / Very Small
Republic of China: Low Quality / Small
Kingdom of Spain: Low Quality / Small
Portuguese Republic: Low Quality / Small
Kingdom of Hungary: Low Quality / Small
Union of South Africa: Low Quality / Small

[Lumine]

EVENT

An Indian Prime Minister

Jinnah becomes first elected leader of the new Dominion of India,
Viceroy Amery patches up unlikely coalition, Muslims swing behind London,
Bose gains a second wind among Hindu nationalists, Hindutva to lead opposition

FOR: BRITISH EMPIRE, JAPANESE EMPIRE

The scene at the Parliament House in New Delhi was considered unthinkable only a few years ago, particularly after Ramsay MacDonald's plans for Indian self-government led the National Government to implosion in the House of Commons. Against the odds, and amidst - and perhaps because of - a dangerous revolt and a Japanese invasion, the old Imperial Legislative Council, a relic of colonial rule, was replaced with the Indian House of Commons and the Indian House of Lords, the new institutions of the British Empire's newest Dominion. Presiding over the session was Viceroy Amery, who is to surrender a number of his previously unlimited powers to the new Indian government. At the center of the ceremony sat Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the All-India Muslim League, who after a brief but intense debate submitted his plans to lead the next government and sought a vote of confidence. Amidst cries of betrayal from a number of Hindu Mahasabha deputies, he narrowly obtained it.

By and large, political observers believe London has made the absolute gamble after the shock decision to entrust Jinnah to become the first Indian Prime Minister. With the Muslim League having dangerously danced around outright separatism and demands for a new nation for Muslim Indians, and with Jinnah under severe pressure to join said struggle, his appointment is the ultimate test of Hindu–Muslim unity: if a Muslim can successfully lead a government - with Britain taking advantage of Jinnah's ambition -, those advocating a united India might be proven right in their goals. Should this unprecedented experiment succeed, the nation could well descend into ethnic and religious civil war, and partition might become the only way to avoid mass casualties. Princely States power broker Manubhai Mehta (Hindu) and Unionist leader Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan (Muslim) are expected to serve as Deputy Prime Ministers.

For now, Viceroy Amery has proved himself a priceless piece in the complex game of Chess, bringing the Unionist Party and the Princely States appointees - amidst accusations of patronage in the case of the latter - to give Jinnah a majority, and ensuring the designation of a friendly and pro-British House of Lords. Within the Parliament, the small Communist grouping is expected to lobby violently for outright independence, and the Hindu Mahasabha movement, alienated by the appointment of a Muslim Premier, has promised to be a brutal and relentless - if still pro-British for now - opposition to Jinnah. On the bright side for London, this gamble has had the effect of bringing Muslims are the forefront and perhaps solidify their loyalty to the Union, or at the very least, negate any potential inroads from Subhas Chandra Bose in that community. The response among Hindus, however, remains very much to be seen.

Thus far, the Indian National Congress, which boycotted the elections, appears to be sliding further into the pro-Bose camp, with Gandhi and Nehru increasingly at odds with each other and with more radical factions. All in all, whether this provides Bose with an opening after recent defeats, or whether Jinnah can prove a unifying figure in this historic moment, remains an open question.

EVENT

Second Spanish Civil War

Outrage after controversial decisions leads to failed Carlist coup,
Carlist, Catalonian and Socialist rebellions take place, splitting Spain,
Franco holds onto Madrid, but can he patch up his coalition again?

FOR: KINGDOM OF SPAIN, PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC

In many ways, the signing of the Treaty of Bilbao had been a bitter event for the bulk of the right-wing establishment in Madrid. Although, on the bright side, Gibraltar was finally back on Spanish hands and the hated British blockade was over, Franco's decision to pay reparations and, most importantly, to suddenly swing Spain into the Allied camp was too much of a drastic shift for many to accept, reminiscent of the events that had led to Hirohito being sidelined by the Japanese militarists. A decision to move ahead with a constitutional monarchy, while a very pleasant surprise for moderate centrist and right-wing parliamentarians, was also a further insult to conservatives. The straw that broke the camel's back, so to speak, was the decision to change the laws of succession - the first time in 100 years after the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830 - to establish absolute cognatic primogeniture, a notion unheard of even in the most progressive-minded monarchy.

Plots began to be made. The race to try and topple the hated Generalissimo was won by the Carlists. Disappointed by Franco's decision to stick with Alfonso XIII, absolute cognatic primogeniture was an insult to their century-long cause. Having gained substantial foreign support and weaponry, they struck, trying to provoke a general uprising by staging a coup. They failed. Despite great conservative resentment against Franco, a Carlist coup could only be directed at changing the dynasty, forcing the ailing King and the Alfonsist generals to - for now - stand behind their man. After several hours of fighting, General Emilio Mola put down the revolt in Madrid, securing the capital. Navarre, however, rose violently in support for Javier de Borbón-Parma, the designated Carlist claimant after the main Carlist line died out in 1936.

Despite the failure to seize power, the Carlists had ample support and the revolt - ably managed by General José Sanjurjo - seized control over most of northern Spain, from Galicia to the Basque Country. The weakness of the regime in Madrid was also seized upon by its left-wing rivals: in Catalonia, election-winner Lluis Nicolau d'Olwer and the moderate Republican Catalan Action used control over the new Generalitat to declare Catalonian independence, hoping to achieve what Esquerra had failed to do against Lerroux in 1935. The exiled former President of the Generalitat, Lluis Companys, is expected to be allowed to return to Barcelona alongside left-wing exiles to assist the new uprising, with Companys appealing to left-wing democratic regimes for support. In Andalucia and Asturias, new Soviets have been formed with the PSOE and PCE cadres that had been hiding from Franco, in the hopes of proclaiming a third Republic.

Spain, it is clear, is headed for round two of its civil war. It remains to be seen whether General Franco can rebuild a winning coalition - and whether he fully commits for moderate constitutionalism, whether he tries to win over the right, and whether he corrects course on the Alfonsist succession -, how foreign nations (and particularly Britain and Germany) will react, and crucially: what General Salazar will do from Portugal now that his neighbor has erupted in flames.

EVENT

Trouble in Latin America?

Fascism takes hold in Chile and Peru, democracy is on the retreat,
Peru and Ecuador go to war over territorial claims, fears of Chaco War 2.0,
As Mexico and Bolivia swing left, is Washington's influence on the decline?

FOR: ALL PLAYERS

In what is becoming an increasingly common sight for Latin America, non-competitive electoral contests took place in the Republic of Chile, featuring unopposed runs by the large, pro-fascist Popular Freedom Alliance that sustains the rule of two-time dictator General Carlos Ibañez del Campo. Ibañez's loyalists thus remade the dissolved Congress in their own image, with the Chilean Fascist Party capturing well over 40% of the seats despite accusations of fraud from outside the country. Ibañez, previously openly pro-Franco and pro-Atatürk - and now looking for new role models - is becoming an archetype o the new Latin American dictator: disdainful of democracy, a believer in protectionism, and more than prepared to pursue his goals by force.

Perhaps following his example, the pro-Fascist Revolutionary Union was able to prevail against the ruling conservative military regime in a coup d'etat, bringing Mussolini admirer Luis Alberto Flores to the Presidency. Despite the historic rivalry between Chile and Peru, Flores and Ibañez could well prove to be a new centerstage for Fascism to take hold in Latin America, particularly after Vargas' Brazil has seemingly moderated into an Atatürk-style regime. Flores wasted no time in seeking immediate popularity, following the example of Bolivia in its ill-fated invasion of Paraguay (the Chaco War) by having the Peruvian Army invade Ecuador to enforce Peruvian claims over its southern provinces. Due to the difficult terrain, many observers fear a repeat of the deadly Chaco War - the fallout of which destroyed the FDR presidency -, but is yet to be seen whether the Peruvians can outdo the Bolivians.

In Bolivia proper, revanchism and militarism have truly taken hold, but in the complete ideological opposite of Chile and Peru. Despite his youth and inexperience, socialist war hero General German Busch - who seized power in a coup in 1937' - has managed to survive various conservative and establishment plots, enacting a new Constitution based upon the relatively new idelogy of Military Socialism, a Bolivian-concept which Busch has filled with Tukachevsky-inspired ideals. This key leftwing stronghold has been further bolstered by developments in Mexico, as President Cardenas was able to - in near unprecedented fashion - "peacefully" hand over power to his designated successor after completing his six year term. Despite temptations to pick a more centrist nominee, Cardenas and his new PRI party chose minister and left-wing firebrand Francisco Jose Mugica, who went on to win a landslide amidst accusations of electoral fraud.

Mugica, a radical who may well be Mexico's most left-wing President in its history, has vowed to continue Cardenas' legacy and "not give an inch" to US and oil company-led sanctions as a result of Mexico nationalizing its oil industry. Critics already speak in fear of a "Soviet Mexico" - a claim Mugica dismisses as "imperialistic exaggeration" - as the continent moves further away from democracy, both towards the left and the right.

[Lumine]

MID YEAR NEWS - with Radio Crusader

"Wilhelm II dead at age 82. The long deposed Kaiser lived long enough to see the German Reich avenging the Treaty of Versailles, and Kaiser Wilhelm III - who has been in power for almost seven years - was the first to pay tribute to his controversial father..."

"Turmoil continues on Wall Street after executives discover the sudden withdrawal of unfrozen German assets back to the German Reich. In what has been described as a "brilliant financial maneuver", Deutsche Bank and the Reichsbank have successfully extricated key resources..."

"As fear remains high, Italians rush to answer to the Duce's call for a general mobilization to fight the Soviet invasion. Despite previous disagreements with Mussolini's regime, the Pope has issued a new call for international anti-communist volunteers..."

"New US-based pressure group ADEC ("Association against the Destruction of Europe by the Communists") stages major anti-Soviet and pro-Polish rally in Chicago, calling on the White House to immediately declare war on the Soviet Union..."

"Controversial former British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain dead today at age 71 after a brief battle with cancer. Mr. Chamberlain was deposed by his own party after signing the Treaty of Istanbul, a move that greatly expanded the influence of the Eurasian Alliance in the Middle East..."

"Anger in Capitol Hill as Democratic House and Senate leaders denounce German-US agreement, Speaker Sumners and Minority Leader Harrison demanded the resignation of Secretary of State Hanford MacNider, and claimed President Borah had been "duped" by Berlin..."

"In Jakarta, the Indonesian National Party - with full backing of the Japanese military occupation - has proclaimed the dissolution of the Dutch East Indies and the independence of a new Republic of Indonesia, with local revolutionary Sukarno at its head as the new President. Sukarno has urged collaboration with Tokyo and the Imperial war effort..."

"At a press conference in New York City, Governor Kennedy and Senator Lindbergh offered praise by recent overtures by the President to Berlin, describing it as "a first step to peace and to an end to the horror"..."

"In another defiant radio speech, Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands has pledged never to recognize Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies, calling it "blatant, unprovoked aggression." The usual acts of having Alfred Hugenberg ritualistically burn in effigy in non-flooded parts of Amsterdam are now said to include effigies of Marshal Sugiyama as well..."

[Lumine]

The Greek-German Alliance Against Foreign Aggression

Recognizing the need for all nations to set aside their differences and stand united against Communist aggression, the nation of Greece and German Reich hereby agree that effective immediately:

i) The nation of Greece shall issue an immediate declaration of war upon the Soviet Union and contribute troops to the ant-communist war effort in the east;

ii) The German Reich shall come to the defense of Greece should it ever find itself under attack from a foreign power.

iii) The German Reich may use Greek airspace and air force bases for refueling purposes.

iv) The nation of Greece and the German Reich agree to forgo tariff increases on domestic goods produced and exported by the other. Furthermore, the parties to this treaty agree in principle to future tariff reductions and further policy changes to facilitate free, unencumbered, and mutually beneficial trade, economic growth, and development.  

X Alfred Hugenberg, Chancellor of the German Reich

x General Ioannis Metaxas, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Greece

[Lumine]

The World War

1941 (Part One)

"Amidst the poisoned city, no sight hurt more to me in those days of fear than that of the trees and the cherry blossoms, of which we all tried to steer clear due to fear that they too were poisoned. They were a cherished symbol of every year, nature's way of rewarding us during the spring with their utter beauty and scent. But I lost track of how many of our young I saw playing with them shortly after the bombing... and whom I never saw again but loaded in carts for the Army's improvised incinerators. Even now, hundreds of miles from Tokyo, being far away as possible from a house I fear I may never be able to set foot on again... even now I fear touching the cherry blossoms. The punishment is too great to describe."

(Yasunari Kawabata, excerpt from Farewell, a short story)

Western Front

Fire and Fury across Belgium

Despite the seemingly insurmountable odds of trying to land a force in Europe against the Reich, the British Commonwealth was determined to keep at least one open front against the Germans. In this task, Lord Gort's Anglo-Canadian BEF had landed in Belgium and established himself around the Yser River, only to stall due to the logistical challenges associated with the enterprise and the still considerable Reichswehr presence. During the first half of the year Gort pressed on with added reinforcements - including the South African corps -, defeating Western Front commander Alfred Jodl at the Second Battle of the Yser River. Having opened the front, Gort pressed ahead whilst cleverly keeping the Germans at bay with strong use of Lewisite - a Chemical which, while far less deadly that Mustard gas, kept the ground contaminated for far longer - to secure his flanks.

The campaign then stalled around Ghent as trench warfare took place again, with substantial Reichswehr reinforcement trickling in. Unlike the British, the Germans had no hesitation to wield their entire array of chemicals, resulting in widespread carnage and, in particular, enormous civilian casualties. In one particular instance, the artillery bombardment of Commonwealth troops with the previously mysterious German gas (now identified as a "nerve agent", the apparent peak of chemical warfare) resulted in the virtual gassing of Ghent, subjecting most of the population to a slow and agonizing death. This time, King Leopold had had enough. While refusing to call for an uprising out of fear of Belgium suffering the fate of the Netherlands, he and the royal family made a daring escape into British lines, choosing to join the Government-in-exile in London.

Denied access to Ghent, the overconcentration of German resources and the widespread chemical warfare in such a small area turned most of Western Belgium into a poisoned nightmare, forcing columns of refugees to flee into Northern France. Despite Gort's best attempts and his own usage of chemicals to inflict significant casualties on the Germans, it became clear that pushing onwards was suicidal. Before long, the British position became untenable - with troops becoming sick simply by being on the poisoned region - and an evacuation was ordered by the BEF High Command. The Germans responded with a substantial aerial and naval effort to try and destroy BEF while it crossed the Channel, resulting in multiple skirmishes. Despite significant British losses, the BEF landed in England once again. This time, King Leopold was with them, alongside a few brigades of Belgian volunteers despairing about the fate of their homeland.

In Belgium proper, Jodl - now showing chemical burns after a friendly fire incident - celebrated the end of the British front. But as the Germans could soon tell, the Belgian population was outraged at the devastation of their country. Soon afterwards, reports emerged of German garrisons being harassed and/or outright attacked by local inhabitants.

The North Sea Dash

Keen to make the Royal Navy pay a dearer price for its blockade of Germany, the Kriegsmarine prepared to sail once again for a new confrontation. This time, they would be the bait, hoping to wield the Luftwaffe as the tool that would pound on the British vessels. Despite a daring penetration westwards into the North Sea and even the Channel, the German admirals were solely disappointed when the British failed to take the bait. Not only that, the Royal Air Force was in full alert as British resources seemed to gather close to the coastlines, all part of an apparent fear of invasion - a hysteria that soon reached London - which nonetheless failed to materialized. After a few weeks of almost pointless skirmishes, the Kriegsmarine had to return to port empty handed. They had expanded the North Sea perimeter under their control, but the depth of the British blockade - extending far into the Atlantic - remained far beyond the Reich's grasp.

The Flight of General Franco

Following the failed Carlist coup in Madrid and subsequent revolt, General Franco felt his grasp on power rapidly collapsing. Aside from the anger of the King, it soon became more than clear that the Carlist had full international backing from the Axis, as German, Polish and even French arms were seen crossing into Navarre. Soon afterwards, the Salazar regime in Portugal went into war as well, siding with the Carlist pretender and invading the Kingdom. In this crucial moment, the Generalissimo made up his mind. Concluding that Mola and the Spanish Army would not follow him into war, he gathered his family and - after a failed overture from the King - fled in a small airplane to the Balearic Islands. From there, a most daring flight ensued: to Cairo, where Franco refused to go to the British forces in the Suez, to Riyadh, and then, risking almost certain death, across the skies of war-torn India into Japanese lines in West Bengal.

After making an emergency landing in an airstrip controlled by Bose's partisans, Franco was taken to Japanese commander General Kawabe. After a brief conversation, Franco and his entourage boarded a long-range Mitsubishi G4M bomber, which refueled at Saigon, Taipei, and eventually, Tokyo. For the remainder of the year - evacuating with the rest of the government to Kyoto - the Spanish dictator became an exile, and a guest of the Japanese Empire.

Traditional Carnage in Spain

Across the entire year, the 2nd Spanish Civil War raged with violence and endless engagements. Perhaps unusually for new European standards, it was one of the few conflicts or fronts not to feature the use of chemical or biological weaponry - much it was suspected that both sides possessed them -, the result of an almost tacit agreement that Spain, ravaged by previous political conflict, could not afford the sort of devastation experienced by Romania, Poland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Serbia, Hungary and many other nations. The first major Portuguese offensive took place at sea, with its navy taking on Spain by attempting to seize Gibraltar. Despite the defections experienced by the Spanish - hereafter "Alfonsist" - military, the navy officers remained loyal to Alfonso XIII, denying the Carlists any naval presence of their own.

Three naval encounters ensued during the year (First, Second and Third Battles of Gulf of Cádiz), matching up Portuguese training and high morale against Alfonsist experience in fighting the Royal Navy. Despite early successes for Portugal, the availability of - old - battleships for Spain ensured a decisive victory on the third encounter, keeping Gibraltar firmly in Alfonsist hands. Not just that, the ceaseless battles littered the Strait of Gibraltar with wrecked ships again, ensuring that the vital trade route would be closed for the rest of the year in a significant economic blow to France and the League of Rome. For the Carlists, triumph would be secured early as General Sanjurjo fought a series of brilliant northern campaigns, overrunning Galicia and the Basque Country, and delivering a crippling defeat on General Cabanellas at Burgos.

In Catalonia proper, the lack of foreign support did not prevent the separatist government from securing control of Barcelona and the countryside. Although Alfonsist General Juan Yagüe fought bitterly and fiercely - often leading mass killings of suspected separatists - holding onto Catalonia became an impossibility. Yagüe - famed for being unflappable - managed to retreat in good order beyond the Ebro River, keeping his forces intact for the final stage. Despite their naval failures, the Portuguese forces stormed their way across Western Spain to link up with the Carlist, eventually doing so after a pyrrhic victory at Badajoz. Contrary to expectations of rapid collapse, Alfonso XIII and Prince Juan rallied the conservative and centrist elements, bringing the CEDA back into government while Mola stabilized the fronts.

This, in turn, increased Alfonsist cohesion and stopped the lightning drive to Madrid. For the next few months, trench warfare ensued, forcing the Carlist-Portuguese alliance to pay a dear price in men for every piece of ground captured. The campaign proved long and difficult, and it was only during the last weeks of December that the Carlists saw victory. Having to decide between encirclement or holding onto the capital, the government chose to live to fight another day. As Madrid fell and the Carlist pretender called his Regency Council into session, the Alfonsists had resettled in Toledo as Yagüe and Mola consolidated their forces. The Civil War was, for now, far from over.

The Appeal of July 14th

Stationed in London, General Giraud despaired regarding the fate of the French Republic following operation Vendemiaire. In this he was not alone, as an increasing number of pro-democracy deputies joined his entourage in Britain, including - in a key show of force - opposition leaders Édouard Daladier and Pierre Mendés France. As France hunkered down in expectation for the long-awaited general strike, Giraud finally obtained enough support to make his move. On July 14th, he was allowed to give a radio speech, broadcasted by the BBC across the entire world. In his "Appeal of July 14th", Giraud accused Prime Minister Maurras of being a dictator "trampling on the French spirit", of having been willing to return Alsace-Lorraine to Germany during failed peace talks, and of being a collaborateur with Berlin, using French neutrality to sideline the British naval embargo.

Informing his willingness to form a Provisional Government to uphold the democratic legality of France, Giraud issued a call for arms, urging Frenchmen to stand up and reject any collaboration with Germany. And then, he waited. In spite of predictions of a groundswell of support and/or even of Civil War, the results were not encouraging. Only a few thousand exiles reached Britain in the next few weeks, and by and large the Colonial Governors - backed by the strongly pro-Maurras navy - dismissed Giraud's appeal. In the end, the "Provisional Government" - with Daladier as President and Giraud as PM - only had two successes in the lesser colonies: French India and French South Pacific, which rapidly declared their loyalty; and French Chad, following a putsch by the anti-Maurras governor.

Eastern Front

Battles of the Dogger Bank

With the Soviet Baltic Fleet depleted and now holed up in Kronstadt as Franco-German units essentially dominated the seas, there was little expectation of Soviet naval action during the war. This proved to be a wrongful assumption, for Chairman Yagoda was prepared to be bold. Despite massive logistical challenges, Yagoda ordered the remnants of the Soviet Pacific Fleet to sail into the Strait of Bering and into Murmansk, in order to combine with the smaller Northern Fleet. Despite the loss of a few vessels and the need for multiple icebreakers to get the Pacific Fleet across the difficult seas over several weeks, commanding officer Admiral Kuznetsov was able to make the journey. After gathering his new command, Kuznetsov sailed his units into the North Sea, hoping to be able to ambush the overextended Kriegsmarine while it tried to goad the Royal Navy.

As Kuznetsov's own officers complained, it was suicide. Kuznetsov had plenty of destroyers and submarines, but only two cruisers while trying to match a Kriegsmarine that still possessed battleships. Bypassing the main body under Lutjens, Kuznetsov took on the German right wing under Admiral Langsdorff. Despite the odds, Kuznetsov fought brilliantly, outmaneuvering the Germans despite having inferior vessels and, at one point, forcing Langsdorff to panic. By the time the German squadron recovered and started gathering its strength, Kuznetsov had decided to call it quits. Judged as a tie due to higher German losses paired with a Soviet withdrawal, the Dogger Bank was nonetheless an achievement for the USSR after several naval defeats.

Smolensk Campaign

Following up on their costly victories at Orsha and Minsk, Erich von Manstein and Julius Rommel prepared for the ambitious 1941 Eastern Campaign. The goal was Moscow, in the hopes that the fall of the Soviet capital would deliver the knockout blow that would finally defeat the Russian bear for good. Accounting for the logistical difficulties of this challenge despite comparatively short distances, Rommel was entrusted with a third of the Axis strength (Army Group Belarus), being tasked with a feint offensive to draw Zhukov's forces long enough for Manstein to punch his way across the plains. It was not to be. For one, Smolensk had been heavily fortified with as many technological monstrosities as the Red Army and the NKVD could muster. For another, Zhukov refused to take the bait, forcing Rommel to fight for Smolensk while putting the bulk of his armies on the main road to Moscow. There would be no easy movements.

Thus, the bulk of the spring was spent on a bloody struggle for the city, featuring Polish offensives into Smolensk amidst substantial urban fighting, and German attempts to break Zhukov's lines and push forward in the long awaited Blitzkrieg. And Zhukov would not yield. Though his orders were to conserve manpower, soon he was forced to decide between opening the road or digging in. He chose the latter. Having gotten the lion's share of Soviet reinforcements, no sooner would the Germans break, encircle or destroy a Soviet division than another would be rushed into battle, even if lacking on training. All-female Soviet divisions made their first show of strength, humiliating a Polish Corps in the Battle of Yelnya before sustaining heavy casualties to mass chemical bombing.

Thinking of the long term, the Germans refused to deploy their worst chemicals in the battles to open up the Moscow road, knowing full well that the subsequent fallout would render their logistics - heavily dependent on horses - unable to support the drive on Moscow. Thus, they had to make do with the less deadly - yet still horrifying - concentrations of mustard gas. The Soviets, for their part, had more than a few tricks up their sleeve. Having already innovated in the field of biological warfare with some success in East Prussia and Belarus, this time they threw caution into the wind: soon the Axis armies were riddled with typhus and tularemia as the result of heavy biological artillery bombardment, affecting the "junior" Axis divisions in particular.

In the end, Manstein broke though, deploying another German surprise weapon - portable rocket launchers - that devastated the Soviet armored corps. Left without his best weapon to prevent a massive encirclement, Zhukov finally gave the withdrawal to prevent the loss of his entire command in Smolensk. The Red Army thus withdrew swiftly towards Vyasma, the Axis armies following right behind. Manstein had crossed the first gate, and it was now time for the second round.

Vyasma Campaign

Although Zhukov was in command at the frontlines, there was a new man at the scene. As part of Yagoda's efforts to reorganize the Soviet state and bureaucracy, the Chief Executioner of the NKVD, Vasily Blokhin, was swiftly promoted to General and given command of the homefront, with the key task of keeping Moscow safe. Thus Blokhin spent the entire Smolensk campaign preparing several defensive perimeters, and even planning to fight within the city if need be, by preparing to mobilize the population of Moscow to fight the Axis. Zhukov resolved to gain time, gathering up his best forces to - according to the new principles of Deep Operation - lead counter-encirclements every time the Axis achieved a breakthrough, all in the hopes of blunting or destroying Manstein's armored spears.

The Vyasma campaign resulted in constant, ceaseless attempts by the Axis to break the Soviet lines, resulting in three major meat grinders at Rzhev, Vyasma and Kaluga. Again and again, both armies danced in a performance of horror dwarfing anything thus far seen in the war or even in the last one. Perhaps decisively, the superiority of Axis airpower came a long way in enabling mass bombardment of Soviet positions, making it possible to move forward despite the enormously high cost. Whatever it may be said of the Red Army's shortcomings as an inexperienced conscript force, it did not lack in tenacity. Soviet soldiers fought until the end, reminding uncomfortable German officers of the French experience in 1812.

The latter phenomenon only grew worse as tales emerged of the brutality of both sides in taking prisoners, often resulting in mass executions or being marched to camps without the sufficient means to provide for basic needs. The days were spent in mass attacks disrupted by the appearance of chemicals, forcing soldiers to cower under their deficient rubber masks. The nights were illuminated by Soviet rocket artillery and Axis incendiary bombs. Civilians who did not flee became unwitting casualties from the scale of the disaster. And the less said about the fate of Soviet female units that chose surrender over death, the better. In the end, Manstein prevailed again, breaking the back of Zhukov's counterattacks and destroying an entire Soviet army at Mozhaysk.

There was no mistaking it now. Although Axis casualties in Central Russia had now reached a horrific stage of attrition, Zhukov's forced had melted again. And Moscow was open for the decisive blow.

Prelude to a Showdown

As the final remnants of the Soviet divisions tricked back to the outer defensive perimeter of Moscow, inhabitants faced their first taste of true horror. Over the course of a few hours, multiple cases of disease were detected across several civilian neighborhoods, and soon enough it was clear enough that a cholera epidemic was in progress as a result of the intentional poisoning of the Moskva River. Naftaly Frenkel, the new bureaucrat in chief, acted swiftly alongside Blokhin. The NKVD conducted a mass sweep of the city, capturing several suspected foreign agents and, as far as they could determine, the culprits: a group of Hungarian agents, seeking revenge for "the plunder of their homeland". The news would be loudly trumpeted across the city by Blokhin. Despite Zhukov's fears that it would spark panic into the local population - and it did - it also provided them with a sense of outrage and finality: if the city fell, their too would suffer the unspeakable.

Soon after, and even as thousands of civilians were evacuated towards Leningrad, Stalingrad and other major cities, Muscovites took to the streets to help build fortifications, to man posts, to enlist as volunteers, and so on. They would fight for their city. Getting a new wave of reinforcements, Zhukov placed his divisions in the final defensive line: from Kalinin to Moscow to Tula. Knowing he had stretched himself thin, the Soviet general hoped to prevent an encirclement, forcing the Axis to fight for Moscow street by street. And still, there were fears of panic, and of what would happen if the government collapsed at the mere sight of the Germans. Against the hopes of the Axis commander, it was not to happen. While the government started its preventive evacuation to Kuibyshev, far away to the east, the most prominent figures stayed. Chairman Yagoda was seen everywhere, often in a manner that seemed impossible to observers.

As summer gave its way to autumn, the Axis were given a clear schedule: three months for seizing the Soviet capital... or winter would come. The world held its breath.

[Lumine]

The World War

1941 (Part Two)

The Battle of Moscow

Von Manstein was optimistic. Despite repeated warnings about the dwindling morale of the Axis troops, subjected to disease, chemical burns and the horrors now forever etched in their minds, the main target was now well within. "One more push" - Walther von Reichenau proclaimed in Berlin - "and Marxism will crumble for good." To his credit, Manstein chose to attempt an encirclement rather than risk the direct assault Zhukov seem to be forcing him to do, scrambling the armored divisions for a pincer movement to encircle the capital and, in a best case scenario, capture the Soviet leadership before they could flee. Over the next three weeks, the remaining Soviet and Axis tanks fought it out in a duel to the death. At Kalinin, the Soviet line held against encirclement, aided by ceaseless Katyusha barrages. But in the south, Heinz Guderian's armor won two decisive battles at Tula and then Ryazan before grinding to a halt.

The combination of German anti-tank weaponry and the Soviet rocketry had all but destroyed their respective tank forces, putting an end to the war of movement. There would be no Axis encirclement of Moscow... but Guderian's push had cut off two of Moscow's four remaining lifelines, cutting off any chance of reinforcement from Southern Russia and Ukraine. For now, the city would rely on the road to Leningrad - vulnerable to the Luftwaffe - or the road east, towards the Urals. At the Battle of Podolsk, the German infantry broke out away with a superb effort, pushing Zhukov into Moscow proper. It was make or break time. Pressed by Yagoda, Zhukov and Blokhin prepared to fight in the city proper. For the next two months, Moscow - a city of four million inhabitants - was the main battleground.

By the end of it, much of the Soviet capital would be in ruins. And those civilians who did not evacuate... would soon envy the death. This time, there was no obstruction to the Axis usage of their thus far mysterious chemical... which, to their horror, they saw being used against them. Although boasting only small quantities of it, the appearance of these revolutionary "nerve agents" - as the foreign press reported them to be - in Soviet hands was a nasty surprise. Street by street, factory by factory, the Red Army, the NKVD and the people of Moscow fought the Axis shock troops, in a brutal frenzy of blood, fire, disease and poison. Entire neighborhoods were razed, historic buildings turned into rubble, and many Soviet deputies to the Congress who refused evacuation died with a rifle on their hands.

To their mounting frustration, the Axis commanders could see the battle stalling on and on as winter rapidly approached, forcing them to double down on the attacks. Scores of brilliant Soviet and Axis officers were cut in their prime by attempting to lead doomed charges, being covered in chemicals as soon as they took over another street or monuments. For the first time in the war, mutiny took place, as a number of Axis units - a phenomenon which the Soviets would soon experience in Hungary - refused to charge out of fear of Soviet chemical or bacteriological response, and would have to march at gunpoint. Soon, commanders lost positive control. It had turned into a battle of sheer intimacy and brutality, a personal war of close combat every bit as horrible and demanding as the worst moments of Verdun or the Somme.

Yagoda and the government evacuated to Kuibyshev during November 1st, as the temperature dropped sharply due to the arrival of a particularly harsh winter. Blokhin disappeared into the streets of Moscow, last seen leading a charge in the hopes of protecting the Kremlin. Zhukov took whatever was left, joining columns of refugees in taking the road to the east to re-establish his command center in Vladimir and beyond. On November 20th, the Polish and German flags were waved across the Kremlin in a major propaganda coup, giving the Axis soldiers the resolve to move on. During the last week of November, organized resistance slowly died on as groups of soldiers and civilians carried on with isolated acts of defiance. On November 30th, 1941, Manstein radioed out to Berlin.

"Moscow has fallen."

Galicia: Verdun on Steroids

Having been the stage for the most intense fighting of the war in the East until Moscow came along, the once prosperous region of Galicia was already devastated to hell during the previous campaigns, turning the ground into a blackened, poisoned, bloodied and almost unrecognizable mess, all littered with fortifications and the unburied corpses of hundreds of thousands of men. August Kork, one of Tukhachevsky's deputies, took over the front with the mission to take into the offensive and break the stalemate. In doing this, he fell right into Polish calculations, as General Maczek, who had also been commanded to attack again, had been given permission to switch to a defensive approach if threatened. This Maczek did, buying time while his depleted armored forces got sufficient reinforcements. Kork clashed into the Axis lines with a ferocity that reminded many of the late Marshal Yegorov, creating hopes that Krakow would soon see within sight.

For once, and as it would become apparent all across the southern Eastern Front, the Red Army had overstretched itself too far on too many fronts. Already depleted by the sheer cost of the 1940 dash towards Italy, and further weakened by the Soviet policy of switching reinforcements to Moscow first, Kork did not have the forces to sustain a strategy of attrition against the Poles. It was sheer unrelenting carnage, once again subjecting his men to indiscriminate chemical bombing from the skies. Soon Kork was forced to call off the offensive. Contrary to expectations, Maczek found it impossible to attack immediately. Kork had been given orders of last resort, and he put them to the test. For two weeks, Soviet artillery mercilessly bombarded the ground as the Red Army withdrew, depleting their local stocks of their new nerve agent... and of bacteriological munition.

Afterwards, Maczek found the entire region of Galicia so thoroughly poisoned that soldiers got sick simply by breathing the air for small periods of time, with many remaining civilians becoming what can only be described as hollowed husks of broken men emerging from the inferno. It took months for the air to clear sufficiently for an offensive attempt to be made, fueled by having replenished the Polish Armored division with French-made tanks. To the Soviet's surprise, the French tanks proved every bit as efficient, and in some aspects actually surpassed the quality of the other Axis vehicles. Maczek's offensive, heralded as the last big push to open the door into the Ukraine, made progress. Despite the heavy cost in men, robbing Poland and Hungary of many of their priceless veterans, Maczek cleared several fortified lines and seized the fortress city of Przemysl yet again, and then Lwow close to the end of autumn.

There he finally stalled, as reinforcements from the south and the east helped Kork close the gap and prevent complete disaster. For all purposes, the Red Army had been almost expelled from Poland, but still held on to its final defensive line before Ukraine.

Raid like it's 1242

Never lacking in imagination, Chairman Yagoda decided the time was ripe to remind the Magyars of their grim past. Among the reinforcements sent to the Hungarian front there was a corps of Tuvan and Mongol cavalry divisions, all of them battle-hardened in the on and off struggles against the Chinese and Japanese armies in the Gobi desert. The order of the day was to invade Slovakia and finish off the retreating Hungarians and their Hapsburg King, spreading fear while Gamarnik did its best to consolidate the Soviet position and fortify the occupied country under its new regime. Thus the Mongols broke through the Slovakian countryside spreading fear and terror, going as far as to approach the sight of Bratislava.

There they met much of the Royal Hungarian Army, backed by a number of Axis divisions from different nations and by wide swaths of Slovakian volunteers, who rose by the thousands of avenge the late President Tiso due to his previous assassination by the USSR. And at the Battle of Bratislava, the fearsome Mongols broke, the cavalry divisions disintegrating under the effects of chemical warfare as the horses suffered the worst.

Clash at the Marius Line

Westward, the Kingdom of Italy wasted no time in mobilizing its forces to the extent that it could, as thousands upon thousands of conscripts marched their way into the Alps while crews furiously prepared new fortifications. Marshal Graziani, the new commander sent directly from Rome, called it the "Marius line", predicting that the Soviets, much like the German invaders of c. 100 BC, would crash into the heirs of Rome. From Tarvisio to Fiume, the Italians prepared for the Red Hordes and their onslaught, all while the Regia Aeronautica squashed the survivors of the Red Air Force and mercilessly bombed the Soviet supply lines - going as far as to use their own chemicals previously tested in Serbia -, only to sustain increased casualties of their own as the Soviets employed every anti-aircraft resource at their disposal.

Contrary to Rome's fears, the Soviets had not chosen Italy as their main target. They had, however, planned to further disrupt its Balkan empire. While the Italians fortified themselves, the Soviets turned towards partisan warfare, helping Tito's forces grow exponentially as they liberated much of Croatia's eastern countryside. Soon, they marched into Zagreb and towards the Adriatic, hoping to infiltrate behind the Italian lines. That they failed to do so had less to do with the Ustashe regime - which, holed up in Zagreb, lost control over the situation - and more with a vital truce secured between Rome and the HSS, which saw Vladko Macek and all HSS prisoners released in return for a truce. Despite some HSS-Ustashe skirmishes, both sides generally upheld the agreement, with Macek gathering up strength in the west and the former Croatian coastline and successfully resisting Tito after denouncing him as a Soviet puppet.

The arrival of new reinforcements into Hungary proper meant that a tentative push towards the Marius Line could now begin, at least in the hopes of overrunning the rest of Slovenia and Croatia. Although in Budapest this was conceived as a sideshow, Grazani thought otherwise. Ordering his forces to stand his ground, the Italian forces fought with utter desperation - fearing an all out Soviet offensive - and won several smaller battles against the Soviet-Partisan force. As the situation in Hungary deteriorated further, Graziani press onwards to avoid losing his opportunity, ensuring the Italians would contribute to the decisive battle for the occupied nation.

The Fate of Hungary

To the frustration of the Hungarian Royalists, the early year was difficult to endure due to high casualties in Galicia and an incident with the Romanian government, which, by abiding to its treaty with the Soviets, refused the launching of raids from Transylvania. When a Red Army offensive aimed at overruning the Banat and Hungarian-occupied Serbia was launched, it was feared that the gains from the Fourth Balkan War would be all lost. But as the Chetniks failed to properly support the Red Army - intentionally or not - the Soviet push clashed into a Hungarian force reinforced with Bulgarian and Greek "volunteer" divisions. In the battle of Novi Sad, the Hungarians prevailed at last, pushing the small Soviet expeditionary corps back into main Hungary proper. This success, a key morale boost, provided a further push for King Otto to attempt the liberation of his land, at any cost.

With Budapest so thoroughly ruined, Debrecen was chosen as the capital of the new Hungarian Soviet Republic. Bela Kun, a familiar and infamous face to Hungarians, would be its leader, ruling the revived Communist Party of Hungary with an iron fist and a desire to triumph where he had failed after the Great War. During the year of its life, the Soviet Republic proved to be every bit as ruthless as the Royalists feared. Factories and gulags sprung everywhere, whipping the war-torn and debilitated population into making weapons for the defense of the new Socialist nation. As the Hungarian-led coalition prepared for the push, Gamarnik and the Red Army applied Yagoda's instructions to the letter: minefields were laid, chemical artillery bombardments deployed at every sign of enemy concentration of force, bounties were placed on Otto and Admiral Horthy (resulting in the latter's assassination by a local Communist in Bratislava), and units made up of criminals, mercenaries and other undesirables put on the field.

The two-month campaign that ensued can only be described as the Hungarian Gotterdamerung. At great sacrifice and great cost, Archduke Joseph August made its way across the minefield that separated him from Budapest, eventually retaking the old capital in a brutal battle. From the south, the League's forces combined with Graziani's vanguard, winning several battles in Western Hungary and forcing Gamarnik back beyond the Danube. Then the Tisza was forced, and finally, the siege of Debrecen ensued. A few weeks before the end of the year, Gamarnik evacuated with his surviving men, the last remnants of the major Soviet force that had led the dash the year before. Initially hoping to cross via Romania, he was swiftly rejected by Bucharest - again abiding by the specific terms of the treaty -, forcing his troops to cross the still held Carpathians to finally bolster the remaining Soviet troops in Galicia.

After the fall of Debrecen, in which Bela Kun found his death at the hands of a mustard gas-filled shell, Hungary was declared liberated and free of Soviet rule. But the harm committed to it equaled the devastation and desolation of Serbia. Dozens - hundreds - of thousands of civilians laid dead as casualties of war, the result of famine, being overworked in the gulags or by the sheer chaos instigated by Soviet doctrine. The Royal Hungarian Army had prevailed, but it was hollowed out as a force. Admiral Horthy had been lost. And still, once again, King Otto had defeated the odds. But the price paid for the nation had been incommensurably high.

The Winter Counteroffensive

The fall of Moscow was a major blow for the Soviet Union. Although the morale effects pointed in the opposite direction, with support for the war hardening as Soviet citizens increasingly saw it as an existential fear, the city was the nation's major transport and logistical hub. Perhaps realizing that little remained between the Germans and great territorial gains before winter fully set in, General Kirponos - the "hero of Kabul" - took command of the Central Front on the rearguard of the Polish battleground. Gathering the reinforcements that he had - bolstered by transfers from the Far East - Kirponos launched a final desperate offensive during December, hoping that the cruel winter would leave the Axis supply line from Minsk to Moscow vulnerable. Facing difficult odds, Kirponos shocked the Axis rear commanders with a series of daring tactical movements, threatening to jump out of the Pripyet Marshes and into Belarus proper. Only a last ditch effort prevented a final Soviet breakthrough, and only at a high cost.

The Ukrainian Revolt

The last surprise of the East during 1941 was experienced in Ukraine. Contrary to Belarus, where the people had sided with the Soviet war effort and resisted the Axis' occupation, Ukraine's attitude to the war had been far more ambivalent, particularly due to fresh memories of the OUN's successful attacks in 1938 and the constant speculation on an eventual Polish entry into the region, mimicking Pilsudski's ultimately unsuccessful effort in 1920. Unaware of the sheer cost for the Axis armies regarding their triumphs - all but erasing their previous qualitative advantage -, the liberation of Hungary, fall of Moscow and Polish offensives all conspired to make Ukrainian nationalists believe the decisive moment had arrived. The OUN declared a national uprising, which, while rapidly and violently squashed in Kiev and other key cities by the NKVD, did spread across the countryside in Western Ukraine. For the first time in two decades, armed militias threaten the Soviet hold over the nation.

Balkan Front

The Raid on Bulgaria

Although unable to punish Bulgaria - as a member of the League of Rome - via land, it was decided by STAVKA and Chairman Yagoda that Tsar Boris needed to be taught a lesson. Thus the Soviet Black Sea Fleet sailed out of Sevastopol, swiftly moving towards the Bulgarian coastline while the Turkish naval alert system - intended to warn of such approaches - experienced technical difficulties, missing the Soviet deployment entirely. The Bulgarians, however, had been counting on such a possibility for years in the past, and had thoroughly mined their sea approaches with that in mind. The Black Sea Fleet, while efficient enough to move in such a way as to avoid most of the Bulgarian mines, had to lose valuable time in doing so, all while the - admittedly small - Bulgarian Air Force intensely patrolled the seas and skies. Before the Black Sea Fleet could strike at Varna and Burgas, they were detected.

In the end, the usage of experimental rocketry would enable the Soviets to sink the small Bulgarian navy, but the ports themselves remained out of reach as the Bulgarian pilots - far better equipped and trained than what STAVKA assumed - kept the Soviet vessels at bay. For all purposes, the raid was to be disappointing for the Soviets, and a non-insignificant propaganda boost by the Tsar amidst complains of extreme Bulgarian casualties in Hungary.

Albanian Campaign

Following a surprising and unexpected defeat in the mountains of Albania at the hands of a rebuilt and foreign-supported Albanian force, Il Duce acted decisively. The local commander, Vittorio Ambrosio, was summarily sacked. Giovanni Messe, one of the Kingdom's most promising commanders, was promoted to Marshal with the task of keeping Tirana safe from King Zog's revolt. That in the subsequent Battle of Tirana the Italian Royal Army was brutally defeated came as an utter shock to Rome and even to Messe himself, leading the Marshal to accuse his entire staff of "near criminal incompetence". Defeated in the field and facing encirclement, Messe lead a daring counteroffensive, essentially trading Tirana in return for saving his army and redeploying in Northern Albania.

Crowds cheered Zog as he made his return to Tirana, celebrating the apparent end of Italian occupation despite Messe's entrenched position and the Italian control over the Adriatic. But what was supposedly a simple revolt now threatens to escalate, as Messe's research has uncovered the extent of foreign support for Zog: not only there were Muslim and Arab volunteers from several nations, but the capture of several spies trying to infiltrate Bosnia and Macedonia has made the presence of the Turkish Army impossible to hide. To make matter more complex, the depth of Turkish support and deployment for Zog is incompatible with the Italian control of the seas, leading Messe to accuse the Greek government, in public, of having granted Zog's forces land transit into Albania.

[Lumine]

The World War

1941 (Part Three)

African Front

The Suez Raid

As per the terms of their newest treaty with Greece, Germany had obtained a number of rights regarding the refueling of the Luftwaffe. And, in spite of a clear desire by Athens not to antagonize London, Berlin had seemingly made up its mind that delivering a major blow to the Empire was more important than such concerns. In a highly coordinated operation, Air General Albert Kesselring gathered an elite Luftwaffe long-range bomber squadron in Crete, only to then deploy them in direction to Egypt without informing Athens. With British forces in Egypt confined to the Suez Canal as a result of their earlier arrangement with King Farouk, the Germans were able to achieve surprise, resulting in the intense bombing of the Canal with the strongest explosives the Reich could muster.

While straying far from the German dreams of total destruction, enough ships were destroyed and installations damaged to make the Suez Canal utterly impassable, fully blocking all neutral trade - including Saudi oil - into the Mediterranean. Around the same time, German bankers bet heavily in the Berlin and Paris stock exchanges against companies that relied on Mediterranean trade, hoping to make a killing against British companies. Most of these had already left Paris following the coup and after the Appeal of July 14th, leaving neutral companies - particularly French and Italian - to unexpectedly bear the brunt. In subsequent days, German companies earned major financial gains in both cities, sending the Italian and French financial markets into turmoil as the Mediterranean was, at least temporarily, closed to them.

Outraged by the use of their airfields to hit the British government, Athens rapidly withdrew its Expeditionary Corps from Hungary and cut all ties to the Reich, declaring their treaty null and void. In subsequent days, the oil-producing nations of the Eurasian Alliance (Iraq and Iran) would also stop all oil shipments to Germany, cutting one of the apparent lifelines of the Reich that have been able to sideline the British blockade thus far.

South African Civil War

Despite the emergence of intense Afrikaner protests against Jan Smuts in the aftermath of his greatest electoral triumph, not many expected them to escalate. And certainly not the leaders of the National Party, who seemed to be doing an effort to, at the very least, postpone such signals of dissent until a more convenient time. And yet matters quickly escalated beyond their control. Smuts - who doubled down on his chosen policies - denounced the protests as being backed by Japan, going out of his way to portray them as intended to empower Black Radicals. For the white nationalists, the mere suggestion that they could be willful tools of that specific group turned anger into fury, resulting in further escalation and clashes with the local police.

Ultimately, what caused an explosion of hatred was the publication - only in Afrikaner areas, as the SAP was efficient in suppressing it in Cape Town and other key regions - of a rumor accusing Smuts of having had a love child with a Black mistress... only to have them both murdered out of fear of being discovered. For a majority of the White population - and those who backed the SAP - it was just too absurd to be taken seriously at all. For the Afrikaner radicals, and for the National Party hardliners of Malan... it was a declaration of war. And this time, Cape Town was caught off guard, for the protests turned into full-blown uprisings as the Afrikaner militias suddenly showed themselves to be very well armed and supplied. Soon, much of South West Africa and the Orange Free State fell to rebels, only for those very same uprisings to fail disastrously in pro-Smuts areas.

As the smoke cleared - and to the utter bewilderment of Black South Africans - it was clear that the rebellion posed a very real danger, but that it was also far from representing even a majority of the White population.

East Asian Front

Return of the Kwantung Army

The Civil War in China came to a sudden and unsuspected end as, once again, Generalissimo Chiang and Marshal Zhang reached a new accord of their own. As both men later clarified to an increasingly outraged nation - particularly after the events of Nanjing took place - there would be no separate or negotiated peace with Tokyo. China would fight on... to the death if need be. Thus, with the Southern Coalition gone and the Northern Coalition returning to its borders, Chinese forces would at last fight united in yet another year of carnage. For the Japanese, having tasted disappointment in India yet boasting of a large multi-continental empire, it was time to get back to basics. The KMT and the warlords had to be hit, and to be hit hard to cease the - for Generals in Tokyo - stubborn and pointless resistance.

Among other fronts, Manchuria was selected for this. Concentrating forces in Korea and rebuilding the old Kwantung Army, multiple Japanese divisions crossed the Yalu River and lead the long awaited offensive. Fully supplied and enjoying a level of equipment that the Northern Coalition - starved of military supplies like most Chinese armies - could not boast, Zhang was forced to fight a defensive campaign, trying to use the new fortifications to hold the IJA at bay. Eventually, Japanese superiority in the field proved too much. With tears on his eyes, Zhang Xueliang was forced to abandon Harbin again after a brief return, allowing Puyi and the Manchukuo court to return from Seoul and take back their former positions.

Zhang was defeated, but not completely beaten. Japanese hopes of encirclement failed to materialize as the Young Marshal took his armies back into the mountains, and a renewed IJA push southwards into Beijing also stalled due to extensive fortifications left behind from 1936-37 and ably manned by the Chinese troops. It was a clear victory for Tokyo, but not an absolute triumph.

Farewell Nanjing

In many ways, the NRA had reason to be optimistic about Central China. Again and again, the IJA had crashed and stalled against the capital, buying valuable time and preventing a deep Japanese penetration into key cities. Having returned to their defensive positions after disrupting a Japanese offensive, the NRA left them again... and so did the IJA. For the umpteenth time both armies clashed in Jiangu province, resulting in another multi-month campaign that quickly degenerated into trench warfare. Once again, the Japanese experienced higher casualties due to the extent of Chinese fortifications and strongholds, and once again their push to Nanjing was disrupted. The city celebrated. It was to be their last celebration.

During the rest of the year, dozens of thousands of Chinese civilians were marched westwards towards the sea by the Japanese army, and forced to start construction on a mysterious and massive infrastructure project. Unaware of its significance, the Chinese kept their aggressiveness despite the difficulty to obtain ammunition, having rising star Xue Yue redouble the push into the Shandong Peninsula. This he did, slowly gaining ground as Qingdao was more and more threatened. By the end of the year, Xue Yue had the IJA into a defensive posture, capturing most of the peninsula while the enemy held onto the fortified ports and cities. And then, to Xue's south, the NRA commanders in Nanjing began to notice the flooding.

Relying on mass forced labor, the Japanese commanders had managed to build a massive and improvised dam in the city of Shanghai, essentially closing down the Yangtze River's access to the Pacific Ocean. This, in turn, was intended to dry out the river, to allow for a further blow later on. Contrary to Japanese calculations, the Yangtze flowed eastward to pour itself into the sea, ensuring that, rather than a drought, floods would take place across several provinces as the water level rose higher and higher. Soon much of Central China was wrecked as large extensions of land were placed slightly underwater, ruining the harvest and causing local famines. Many of the approaches towards Nanjing started to flood as well, sparking some panic and evacuation, but also some relief at the idea that the floods - which did not touch the capital - would prevent the Japanese from marching in.

The second part of the Japanese plan however, called for the blowing up of the dam, releasing water from the South China Sea back into the Chinese mainland... and towards Nanjing. And this worked as intended. The explosion, big enough to cause a minor earthquake, sent a wall of water towards the city. And although Chiang and the government had evacuated in time, the remaining population - well over half a million - had not. Like Atlantis of old, Nanjing was almost entirely flooded, killing hundreds of thousands of civilians. Once it cleared and water levels started to recover - slowly but surely - the farmers and peasants started dying all the way to the West. Then the urban population. And then anyone foolish enough to drink the Yangtze's water... thoroughly poisoned with Cholera.

Where the death toll of the 1941 floods and Cholera epidemic stands at remains a matter of speculation, with estimates ranging from several hundred thousand... to a handful of millions of civilians.

The Struggle for the South

As the Southern Coalition dissolved itself and the warlord armies entered KMT oversight - for control would be a strong word -, the IJA decided to double down on its attempt to overrun the Chinese coastline and end even the most remote threat of supplies reaching their enemies. In Hainan Island, ongoing resistance had long since degenerated into guerrilla warfare, with the final traditional forces being defeated in battle after running out of supplies due to the blockade of the island. By the end of the year, Japanese forces had secured it. A similar success took place in Hong Kong, resulting in an extensive amphibious effort with IJN support to counter the Chinese reinforcements that had bolstered the small British garrison. In the end, superior Chinese airpower won the day, forcing the British-Chinese force to make an orderly withdrawal while surrendering the islands and the New Territories as well.

The main Chinese effort, on the other hand, targeted Guangzhou for liberation, resulting in several mass attacks against the Japanese defensive perimeter. Despite the odds, strong Chinese morale and heavy bombardment secured victory for the attackers, sending the local IJA commander into a panic. Forced back into the city proper and at risk of defeat, the Japanese sprayed most of the outskirts of Guangzhou with Lewisite, essentially preventing further Chinese attacks while - for once - minimizing casualties. While frustrated in Guangzhou proper, a secondary offensive from Kunming into Burma proved somewhat more successful, pushing away the Japanese forces - weakened by difficult logistics - and adding pressure into the Burma Road. While still away for the KMT, new victories in the area could mean a reopening of the vital lifeline into the Dominion of India.

Operation Mikado: The Anthrax Bombing of Tokyo

Plainly speaking, London had had enough. With its Empire besieged in Asia by the Japanese Empire, and unable to fully commit to fighting Marshal Sugiyama as a result of continued German success in Europe, a breaking point had been reached. As a minister would later say to Lord Beaverbrook: "it's time to take the gloves off".

Following the Coral and Bismarck seas raids, the main units of the enlarged British Pacific Fleet prepared for a new operation. As Admiral Mountbatten remained in Northern Australia to protect the nation against Japanese action, and while other units sailed westwards, two squadrons geared up for Operation Mikado, with Admiral Vian's raiding squadron and Admiral Sommerville's carrier fleet sailing out of Australia for what looked like a suicide mission. After refueling at the Santa Cruz islands, they narrowly crossed Palau without being seen, travelling close to the Philippines before making for the Sea of Japan. Vian struck first, taking his raiding squadron into Kobe and Osaka to bombard and destroy Japanese naval installations. Despite successful entry into the Osaka Bay, Vian's luck ran out after being discovered by Japanese airmen.

After a light bombardment of Osaka - which, nonetheless, shook up the locals - Vian was repeatedly harassed by the Japanese air units before being pushed into a kill zone by the main Japanese naval reserve: Shiro Takasu's 1st Fleet. At the Battle of Osaka Bay, Vian fought bravely, only to fall victim to superior enemy airpower. Having bought enough time for a number of his ships to flee - and take refuge in the neutral Philippines -, Vian went down with the cruiser Ajax, his flagship. At that moment, Admiral Takasu celebrated his victory, unaware that Sommerville's carrier squadron had passed him by on the east. Unmolested, Sommerville stationed himself on Sagami Bay and gave the order of the day: "Give those b____s hell." At dawn, the carrier groups split in two. The first one targeted Yokohama with experimental incendiary weapons, causing chaos and confusion despite the limited damages to Japanese infrastructure.

The second one flew over Tokyo itself, targeting two key city wards, including the government area that held the Imperial Palace. Just as the Japanese Zeros sortied out, and despite intense air combat, the British pilots dropped their entire payload. At the moment, the limited nature of it confused Japanese air defenses, who rapidly interpreted the strike as more of a symbolic attack than a serious strike against the city. Sommerville, having waited as long as possible for his surviving pilots to return, immediately sailed back. For several days he was chased by Japanese submarines and air raids coordinated from the Mariana Islands, only to be saved at every turn by thick cloud cover or a series of fortunate decisions. Having feared the entire destruction of his command, Sommerville saved the bulk of it, with his biggest blow being the loss of his flagship carrier Ark Royal (further enhancing the Japanese numerical advantage in carriers).

Soon afterwards, hundreds and then thousands of civilians in Tokyo showed painful sores and then ulcers. Then the first victim dropped dead. And then another, and another. And once the link between the British bombing strike - which had shaken Japanese morale - and the new disease became apparent, panic spread. The dead piled up in several parts of the city, and even those sent to collect bodies began showing signs of sickness. Several high ranking officers took ill, and efforts to decontaminate key buildings proved unsuccessful as well. And then several members of the Imperial Family took ill. After the sudden yet painful death of Prince Takahito, the government realized it was a full blown crisis. Against the will of Prince Regent Yasuhito, the entire Imperial Family and the government were relocated to Kyoto after it become evident the government quarter of Tokyo was contaminated beyond repair.

Although it became clear to scientists that the mysterious disease was not traditionally contagious between people, the rapid rates of infection and the sheer virulence of it - which escalated further and further the more people died - showcased that this was an altogether different biological weapon: one that contaminated an area so thoroughly, what whoever remained there would get sick even after days, weeks, and months... To add to the tragedy, although the disease did not appear to be as deadly as the other pathogens used in bacteriological warfare by the Soviets, Japanese and others, the abnormally high population density of Tokyo - with well over 7 million citizens - caused disproportionate casualties, reaching a death toll of 100,000 by the end of the year. Soon, military microbiologist Shiro Ishii was able to give it a name: Anthrax, and a strain of unforeseen ferocity.

Amidst all the panic and the casualties, the evacuation of the government and the Imperial Family soon turned into an all-out evacuation of Tokyo, which much of the city being rendered virtually uninhabitable by the continued effects of the persistent Anthrax spores. This, in turn, entirely disrupted the Japanese economy and its logistics, as millions of civilians - as much as 1/10 of the total population of the Home Islands - flooded the countryside and other cities in search for shelter. The chaos has significantly disrupted the Empire and its efforts to keep its large overseas empire coordinated and supplied, removing the industrial heart of Japan.

As for the Imperial Capital, now increasingly resembling a phantom city despite the stubborness of many residents and their desire to keep living on the outer districts, there is a fearsome question to be answered from Kyoto: if Tokyo has indeed been rendered uninhabitable for now... for how long will the effect of Anthrax last?

[Lumine]

The World War

1941 (Part Four)

South East Asian Front

Japanese Invasion of Indochina

Isolated from mainland France and unable to get reinforcements or supplies on account of the IJN's tight naval blockade, few options were available to General Weygand in Hanoi. Following instructions from Paris, the General sought a political solution to his dilemma, releasing his "Indochina Declaration" via radio and newspapers promising full domestic autonomy for the constituent nations of a new French Community in Indochina. It was widely seen as "too little, too late" for most groups, with moderate nationalists hesitating to endorse the declaration with the Japanese troops advancing into Hue and towards Hanoi. In the end, it was Weygand's loyal deputy and Chief of Staff, General de Lattre de Tassigny, who successfully cut deals with Vietnamese Catholic militias - strong in the North - to back the deal.

Ultimately, the military campaign was swift. The puppet Vietnamese administration in Hanoi all but abandoned the French, and de Lattre's initial victories with his colonials against the IJA failed to sway Weygand regarding the perceived hopelessness of the situation. In a dramatic scene, Weygand ordered his subordinates to surrender, disobeying orders for a guerrilla campaign by considering them "as dishonorable" course of action for a French soldier. Soon enough, the Thai-Japanese army overrun the northern cities, seizing Hanoi and restoring Bao Dai - who was only too glad to ditch the French and denounce them furiously as "imperialistic colonizers" - as Emperor of Vietnam proper. However, the Emperor would not get to rule Cambodia or Laos. Perhaps wisely, Japan chose to strengthen its relationship to Thailand by massively expanding its borders, entrusting them with maintaining control while gaining much popularity in Bangkok.

The war in Indochina, however, had just begun. In a fiery declaration, Ho Chi Minh, head of the anti-French Communist Party of Vietnam, declared war on the Japanese as well, arguing that Japanese domination was no better than French domination, autonony or no autonomy. Seeking to expand his appeal, Ho has formed the "Vietminh", a large resistance group which has already begun to hit at Bao Dai's administration and against the Japanese. Others resist as well, as criminal syndicates (the Binh Xuyen) and religious sects (he Caodaists and the Hoa Hoas) form private armies of their own to wield power in Hanoi and Saigon. General de Lattre, betraying his old mentor, staged a mutiny and refused to surrender, fleeing into Laos with a handful of French and colonial units.

Up north, the KMT did its best to take advantage of the situation, sending a small army into Thailand in hopes of reaching the Indian Ocean and disrupting Japanese logistics. At the Battle of Chiang Mai the battle-hardened NRA veterans handed over a defeat against the Thai Army, but the extremely difficult terrain and complex logistics made it impossible to continue the offensive.

The Battle for India, Part II

Once again, all eyes were on Ceylon/Sri Lanka, with the redeployment of the bulk of the Combined Fleet to the east giving hope to Britain that the island could be saved at the last possible moment. In the hopes of achieving that miracle, Admiral Philips sailed into the Palk Strait with his reinforced fleet as soon as it became clear there would be no Japanese push towards Africa, and just as General Kuribayashi besieged Colombo. At the 2nd Battle of the Palk Strait Admiral Philips was unable to break the Japanese dominion of the seas, all but dooming the key island. In spite of this, Admiral Nagumo mourned his costly victory, as Philips had both sustained smaller losses and destroyed another of Nagumo's carriers with a successful air raid. A few weeks later, Colombo surrendered to Kuribayashi, leaving only a substantial pro-British guerrilla movement on his rear.

In the aftermath of the twin British triumphs at Bezawada and Cocanada, General Montgomery pressed ahead to capture and destroy Mutaguchi's Visakhapatnam bridgehead, an achievement that could go a long way in further stabilizing the Indian campaign in the Empire's favor. Although the Royal Navy could not assist, "Monty" launched his offensive without hesitation, being repeatedly slowed down by Japanese air raids on Indian airports and on military infrastructure all across the Madras Presidency. As Montgomery reached the bridgehead, Mutaguchi stood his ground, fighting far more effectively now that his supply lines were shorter, if still defective. As Bose-aligned Indian volunteers bolstered Mutaguchi's forces, a long and bitter campaign ensued, pitting the newly reformed elite - and slimmed down - Royal Indian Army against the almost suicidal valor of Mutaguchi's men.

Montgomery won the day with a decisive victory at the Siege of Visakhapatnam, collapsing the entire bridgehead and ending the Japanese attempt to seize Central India for the year. To his immense frustration, Nagumo's IJN staged a successful evacuation, bringing the bulk of the survivors - Indian and Japanese - to Bose's stronghold of Calcutta. Mutaguchi, ashamed by the defeat and assailed by scores of angry subordinates, was found dead afterwards. Few could tell if he truly had committed voluntary and honorable suicide. Over the early part of the year, the isolated pro-independence areas in Western India were put under siege by the traditional Anglo-Indian Army, now under the direction of the devolved government and featuring a growing number of Indian officers replacing British ones. Enjoying superior weaponry and training, the new AIA won its first battles, drastically reducing the scope of the rebellion in the west.

And yet, Bose was anything but discouraged. His control over Calcutta now absolute, he abandoned hope of bringing the INC leadership with him and fully reformed his movement as a functional government, formally declaring the creation of the Azad Hind, or Provisional Government of Free India. His militias became the Indian National Army, ably organized and trained by General Jaganath Rao Bhonsle. Even as several IJA divisions were withdrawn for the fight in China, Bose fought a successful Bengal campaign as Slim was left unable to hold onto a position due to extreme hostility to the locals. Although European and American attitudes to Operation Mikado were quite ambivalent, the British attack on Tokyo proved to be a useful rallying cry for Bose, who denounced it as the ultimate attack on the "free peoples of Asia" by the "most evil of Empires".

With new recruits joining the Indian National Army and giving Bose further credibility, much of Eastern India consolidated behind him just as the West was doing for Jinnah. The Indian National Congress, torn apart by internal dissent and the growing temptation to side with Bose, was left further alienated from the British government over the Tokyo events as well, leading to intense discussions between Gandhi and Nehru about the need for action. Whether this will mean that the INC will resume a campaign of non-violent resistance to bring down Jinnah remains unknown.

Pacific Front

Australia: Waking the Beast

Just as the dilution of Japanese naval power allowed the British to deliver their blow on Tokyo, so did the dilution of British naval power provide Japan with an opening. The bulk of the Combined Fleet - under Admiral Nobutake Kondo - sailed westwards and resupplied itself at Port Moresby, intending to stage a raid all the way across Northern Australia. Only a third of the British Pacific Fleet was left to respond, with Admiral Mountbatten nonetheless responding to the challenge. At the Battle of the Gulf of Carpentaria the British were defeated through the skilled action of the Combined Fleet's air carrier groups, with Mountbatten himself killed when his flagship, battleship Warspite, was blown to bits. As the fleet withdrew back to Brisbane, the Japanese staged two major air raids at Cairns and Port Darwin, blowing both ports to bits and drastically reducing their strategic importance.

It was not the only blow Australia would receive. In a phenomenon that increasingly baffled specialists, an unprecedented number of shark and crocodile attacks across beaches and rivers took place, killing dozens of civilians. The matter threatened to escalate into a media frenzy of speculation until agents of the Australian Investigation Branch (IB) made several arrests: they subsequently uncovered the existence of an Abwehr spy ring, with multiple suspected German agents being charged with having purposely chum the waters in order to cause the attacks in the first place. The announcement initially met with outright derision, only for further such findings by the IB proving to a bewildered population that Australia was not only attacked from afar, but also from inside.

A wave of popular anger ensued, a contributing factor to Prime Minister Hughes' landside electoral victory as the mood of the public swung firmly behind support for the war against not just Japan, but Germany as well. On the night of Hughes' reelection, there were reports of both Chancellor Hugenberg and Marshal Sugiyama being burnt in effigy in major Australian cities.

[Lumine]

End of 1941

In the News:

TIME PERSON OF THE YEAR: Winston Churchill

NOBEL PEACE PRIZE: Not awarded (No suitable candidate)

Oil Production, January 1942

Country

Market Share

United States		54,0% (-3)
Venezuela		16,0% (+2,5)
Soviet Union		11,0% (+1,0)
Eurasian Alliance*		8,7% (-0,8)
Mexico		2,7% (+0,3)
Japanese Empire		1,5% (+0,5)
Colombia		1,3% (=)
Trinidad (UK)		1,2% (=)
Peru		1,1% (+0,1)
Argentina		1,0% (=)
Canada		0,6% (=)
Egypt		0,4% (=)
Saudi Arabia		0,5% (+0,3)

* IRAN: 5,5% /  IRAQ: 3,2%

Australia: Full Speed Ahead

Buoyed by decisive leadership and foreign attacks, UAP wins again,
Already 79, PM Hughes secures a straightforward majority,
Australian public appears to back a continuation of the war

Having vanquished Jack Lang in the 37' contest, Billy Hughes and his United Australia Party (UAP) appeared to be placed in a decent position to remain in power, but one that was by no means secure. For one, Australia's position appeared to be perilous after the massive expansion of the Japanese Empire all the way across the Pacific. For another, Hughes' policies of total mobilization were having a major impact on the Australian economy, as well as creating the risk of serious exhaustion or fatigue as Australian industries were open day and night churning out weapons for the defense of the nation. However, and in a similar manner to the UK - and in direct contrast to South Africa and Canada - the Prime Minister had had the foresight of bringing his parliamentary rivals on board at every step, lessening the risk of a particularly heated campaign.

The campaign - with the election set for December - was thus fought not on whether Australia should remain in the war, but how should it prosecute it. For the UAP, this meant staying the course. For the right-wing Nationals, to cease participation in Europe to focus solely on Japan. For the Australian Labor Party, to soften Hughes' aggressive industrial mobilization. Cleverly - if at the risk of seriously angering the Nationals and the conservative UAP members -, Hughes also made concessions to Jack Beasley's ALP to minimize the risk of strikes, while enacting a public health insurance scheme not unlike the controversial - if popular - measures once proposed by Jack Lang. Thus, it was generally believed that the UAP was on course for a decent victory, perhaps with some minor erosion due to the cost of the conflict.

That is, until the Battle of the Gulf of Carpentaria and the Japanese air raids, which, coupled with the arrest and trial of several Abwehr agents, substantially raised the stakes and roused a sense of anger and indignation from the public. As Hughes had warned, Australia was under siege, and the public responded with a keen intent to take revenge. Coincidentally, the success of Operation Mikado - and the blow to Tokyo - also raised spirits among the Australian public, creating a sense of optimism amidst the heavy damage that Cairns and Port Darwin had endured. As Labor slumped and the Nationals took a minor blow, the UAP coasted to victory, giving Hughes a renewed mandate to prosecure the war on his own terms. The only cloud on the horizon, it seemed, was the unexpected growth of the Communist Party of Australia, which came surprisingly close to obtaining parliamentary representation.

1941 Australian General Election:

Party/Alliance		Votes (%)		Seats
United Australia Party		43% (+4)		43 (+6)
Australian Labor Party		31% (-3)		17 (-5)
National Party		16% (-1)		12 (-2)
Communist Party		4% (+3)		0 (=)
Social Credit Party		2% (-2)		0 (=)
Other		4% (+1)		2 (+1)
Total				74 Representatives

Incoming Prime Minister:
Billy Hughes (UAP)

Incoming Government:
UAP Majority (12 Seats)

America: A Rising Spectator

As the war continues, America remains deeply divided on what to do,
Foreign policy divides both parties, but anger against Tokyo and Berlin rises,
As Borah's previous measures are put into question, what will Washington do?

By and large, observers saw Borah's defiant stance against Tokyo and Berlin to signal the return of the US as an active global player, following years of domestically-imposed inactivity caused by the downfall of FDR. Said observers were in turn surprised by the US-Germany agreement, initially heralded by isolationists and disliked by internationalists before Wall Street experienced substantial turmoil after the sudden withdrawal of unfrozen German assets. For all purposes, it seemed as if Washington had given up its leverage against Berlin for very little gains, alienating the very same internationalists who had been encouraged by the President's previous stance. All across the spring and winter, Capitol Hill howled for the resignation of the beleaguered Secretary of State, all while isolationists grouped to defend him on the matter of principle.

As the war escalated across 1941 through several acts of horror, so both factions were emboldened to press their respective points. While America First made much of the European carnage as a warning for America not to involve itself in such horrors, internationalists rallied against the flooding of Nanjing, the evisceration of Hungary, and the ever increasing growth of German influence - particularly after the signing of several treaties with Latin America - as reasons to act. Ironically, attempts to champion the poisoning of Tokyo to turn public opinion against Britain found few sympathetic ears during the year, partly due to growing opposition of Japanese imperialism, and partly due to a tacit - and horrifying for Japanese-aligned Asian states - dismissal of Japanese casualties as less relevant than European ones.

Sanctions also proved less satisfactory than expected, as it became evident early on that, after the initial - and major - economic blow, both Tokyo and Berlin had secured economic lifelines of their own, essentially sidelining Borah's measures. All of these factors raise difficult questions for the President, whose style in office had generally pointed towards carefully constructed consensus. Should the White House provide firmer foreign policy leadership to re-order the paralyzed party system? Should America First and the Association against the Destruction of Europe by the Communists be appeased, or should the internationalists be listened to? Should Washington sit idly by as Japan reinforces its Empire and the German flag is flown from the Rhine to the Moskva? And, perhaps most uncomfortable of all: should the White House make good on its threat to sanction neutral countries who continue trading despite the repeated warnings?

Borah: Year Five

President Borah and new "Conservative Coalition" join forces,
US economy on the rise as New Deal is axed, Wall Street sees record gains,
As midterms approach, both main parties are as divided as ever

Amidst this growing paralyzation of the main political parties, pitting an isolationist Democratic minority and Republican majority against an internationalist Democratic majority and Republican minority, President Borah shed his previous passive attitude towards domestic affairs, turning his second term into something altoghether more meaningful. Joining forces with Conservative Democrats and Conservative Republicans - a new "Conservative Coalition" which boasts a narrow Congressional majority - Borah went on the warpath against the last remnants of the New Deal. Aided by a Supreme Court with a strong GOP majority, Borah systematically overturned Wall Street regulations, reduced AAA farm subsidies, and ended the mandate for New Deal-created agencies. Where Republican support could not be found, Borah declined to fight Congressional battles and resorted to executive action. When executive action was not enough, the Supreme Court stepped in.

For the most part, this put the final blow into the legacy of the disgraced FDR, fully committing the United States into pre-Depression policies with the exception of a more pro free-trade outlook and greater - but not dramatically so - domestic executive power, coupled with greater congressional oversight of foreign policy. Despite the disruption caused by German economic tactics, the United States has profitted inmensely from the past years of neutrality, and the recently unleashed Wall Street has seen record profits with the loosening of regulations. The economy has rebounded and unemployment is decreasing, sparking debate among economists on whether America is experiencing a "mirage", or whether Borah has truly found a way to prevail where Hoover and FDR did not.

One thing is certain: the administration has taken a firm domestic stance a year away from the midterms, rallying conservatives in both parties while alienating the smaller GOP progressive wing, and courting new voters while taking risky gambles with the German-American voting bloc as well as the farmer vote. Next year, a new electoral verdict will be released, pitting Borah against Democratic House and Senate leaders Hatton Sumners and Pat Harrison for control over Congress in years seven and eight of the second term.

The Great Rebirth, Part II

Chairman Yagoda consolidates power despite battlefield setbacks,
New Opposition fully purged, Yagoda loyalists form new "Rebirth" faction,
Congress of Soviets split on cultural matters despite new governing majority

Although the eventual loss of Moscow and temporary relocation to Kuibyshev could well have caused the same sort of political upheaval that brought down Stalin, Kirov and Kamenev, the USSR's new leader proved to be made of different stuff. Amidst his grand reorganization of the government, Yagoda surprised many early in the year by declining any additional new titles, sticking to his previous role as the Chairman of the State Defense Committee (GKO). But whatever titles Yagoda refused fo himself, he very much destined them to old friends and allies. Aside from Vasily Blokhin's major battlefield role until his disappearance in the ruins of Moscow, Yagoda further solidified his alliance with the Right Opposition by elevating Mikhail Tomsky to handle industrial relations, while promoting faithful supporter Naftaly Frenkel to head the entire Soviet bureaucracy. Both men proved invaluable assets, doing much to relocate industries and whipping Central Asia into shape to keep the war machine going despite the loss of the capital.

That, naturally, was the carrot. The stick was provided fully to the New Opposition, the remnants of which were purged from the Congress of Soviets and across the party bureaucracy, all replaced with loyal supporters of the new Chairman. Although show trials were kept to a reasonable level, New Opposition faction leaders Ivan Smirnov and Karl Radek had a high profile appearance before the ruthless Prosecutor General Nikolai Krylenko, who described them before the public as the "dregs of society" before having them sentenced and shot by firing squad. In the aftermath of the purge, the remnants of the Stalinist faction are said to have been broken as well, with a number of members joining Mikoyan in denouncing their colleagues for arrest and execution. In the meantime, Yagoda put in place the beginnings of a propaganda apparatus to elevate his image as an "accessible and approachable" leader, although his public image remains reportedly very distant to that of the "martyr" Tukachevsky.

All of the previous events and the continuation of the "Great Rebirth" have had a major impact in the Congress of Soviets elected in 1938, which has seen its factions split and/or evolve. The Tukhachevist faction was essentially replaced with a smaller and more ideologically coherent version: Revolution / Revolyutsiya, committed to the Permanent Revolution. Tukhachevist splitters formed a breakaway of their own, Control / Kontrol, devoted to the quest for strong, centralized power in the Stalin mold while rejecting the basic tenets of Stalinism. Trotsky and Krupskaya's supporters joined forces, remaking the Left Opposition into Emancipation / Emansipatsiya. The Right Opposition, in turn, reformed into a loose confederation of smaller groups under Bukharin and Rykov, called Prosperity / Protsvetaniye. Yagoda's supporters (Frenkel, Pavel Bulanov, Ivan Zaporozhets, Ida Averbakh), having grown exponentially after being appointed to the vacant seats left by purged or dead deputies, became Vozrozhdeniye, or Rebirth.

Yagoda's practical alliance with Prosperity and with Revolution has ensured a majority for the GKO Chairman in the Congress of Soviets, but by no means a foolproof one. Several factions have bitterly resisted Yagoda's plans to expand female participation and to loosen cultural and religious expression, resulting in bitter debates and, at times, the stalling and/or outright defeat of GKO-proposed measures. But whereas legislative debate could have brought down other leaders in the past, the system created by Tukhachevsky has given the USSR with a surprising amount of government flexibility, enabling Yagoda to continue his efforts. With the USSR now under direct threat by the Anti-Communist Axis, many wonder how this new system will continue to develop.

Congress of Soviets, 1942 Estimate:

Faction

Seats

Rebirth (Yagodaism)		387 (25,8%)
Prosperity (Bukharism)		328 (21,9%)
Revolution (Expansionist Tukhachevism)		316 (21,0%)
Emancipation (Trotskyism)		226 (15,1%)
Ethnic and Regional bloc		123 (8,2%)
Independents		67 (4,5%)
Control (Authoritarian Tukhachevism)		53 (3,5%)

Total Seats: 1500 Delegates

[Lumine]

France: whoever blinks first loses?

Widespread fears of a General Strike fail to materialize,
CGT and Maurras government locked in standstill as econonmy grows,
French right divided over recent foreign policy challenges

Despite the major success of Operation Vendemiaire, the consolidation of power behind President Pétain and, more precisely, Premier Maurras was very much a work in progress. Maurras' legitimacy was to be directly challenged from abroad, leading to Giraud's Appeal of July 14th and the formation of an alternate Republican government, as well as the loss of Chad and other minor colonies. Despite the instructions given to Weygand, French Indochina collapsed under Japanese aggression, causing the indignation of many conservatives who previously saw Tokyo as a potential partner. None of these challenges, however, stood a direct chance of toppling the new regime in France proper. The biggest domestic threat was posed by the still powerful French trade unions and by the French Communist Party (PCF), which unlike the SFIO had mostly survived the political purge and stood ready to cause trouble.

Thus, the months after Vendemiare led to enormous tension in Paris, Lyon, Marseille and other major cities, always in the expectation that either the unions would declare a general strike to try and bring the country to its knees... or Maurras would send the army and the DGSI against them first, causing a second wave of repression with unforseen effects. And to the profound surprise of Frenchmen - particularly of Parisians - neither happened. Despite ceaseless threats and provocations against the new regime by the Communist-influenced Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT), at no point a call for a general strike was issued, with the Union leadership calling on its members to avoid bloodshed and focus on non-violent means of resistance. This, in turn, deprived Maurras of the justification for a major offensive, with government plans seemingly resting on a reaction to an early strike.

Ultimately, only a number of small splinters from the CGT - particularly those led by anarchist trade unionists - launched significant efforts, only to be bloodily crushed by the Army and then subject to DGSI mass arrests while the CGT almost looked sideways. This odd situation thus prevented major domestic disruption over the year as employers negotiated with the CGT on their own, but both sides remained locked in a tense stand-off as neither took the first step. In the meantime, the PCF continued to evade the DGSI, leading to suspicions that most of their leading members are not only residing outside of France proper... but that they have been doing so for a long time. Thus Maurras was denied his final struggle with the French left, an outcome that was to prove extremely beneficial for the French economy.

Two years of demobilization and neutrality - other than Indochina - had done much to bolster the French economy as trade experienced a major boom, leading in turn to major suspicions that the French Republic could be handling as much as an actual majority of European trade to sanctioned nations and/or thanks to the closure of the Mediterranean. This economic phenomenon - amidst rumors that the nation is flooding in foreign currency as other countries rapidly empty their currency reserves - has also greatly aided the gradual reconstruction of Northern France through the major mobilization of volunteers. Although entire areas have been ravaged and are expected to be uninhabilitable for years, others have been slowly recovering, allowing residents to return even as agricultural work is extremely discouraged due to the chemical poisoning of the local crops.

This newfound prosperity was nonetheless shaken by recent German economic speculation over the Suez, with the Paris Stock Exchange experiencing a major downturn which almost led to outright panic. In the aftermath of the new foreign challenges, the government is seemingly split between those who demand retribution against Britain for backing up Giraud... and those who demand Japan be punished instead for daring to defile the French Colonial Empire. Outside of the government proper, Francois de la Rocque's PSF has taken up the banner of anti-German sentiment from the right, demanding that Paris take action to ensure retribution from Berlin regarding its financial speculation and the long-term damages caused to Northern France.

A War of Horrors

1941 judged as the worst year of the "Second Great War" thus far,
Nanjing, Tokyo, Hungary and Moscow horrify neutral nations and spectators,
Atrocities cause major disruption, but is national morale declining for belligerents?

Rivers of ink have been published across 1941 to explain or denounce the various atrocities that have taken place thus far, of a scale that - in this fourth year of war - has finally dwarfed the Great War, if not in casualties, at the very least in the depth and scale of the horror. With the German flooding of the Netherlands and the widespread and escalating use of chemicals having earned the share of denounciations thus far, the introduction of biological warfare as well as the destruction of entire cities and/or nations have further horrified much of the neutral world, with the added effect of starting to discourage non-belligerent nations from considering an entry into such a frenzied orgy of destruction. To various degrees, the British Empire, Germany, the Soviet Union and Japan have all earned condemnation - even as the League of Nations descends into being outright irrelevant -, but opinions tend to vary as to who is more deserving of blame.

For the Japanese Empire and its new allies - the new Empire of Vietnam, Siam, Indonesia and Bose's Azad Hind - the attack on Tokyo has represented the ultimate insult and the trampling of the peoples of Asia by British Imperialism, a total disregard for the lives of millions of civilians. For many neutrals in Europe and America, the attack is not as harshly condemned as those that have taken part in Europe, partly due to negative racial attitudes against the Japanese - who, as of this year, are now being formally prosecuted, harassed and interned by the Peruvian dictatorship -. For Britain, the attack was only criticized by a handful of Progressive and Labour MP's who subsequently abandoned the government benches as well as the Communist Party, with even Oswald Mosley - a persistent government critic - hailing Churchill for "delivering a crippling blow on the yellow race".

Having suffered the effects of German air raids in 1939, the British population has not appeared to question the morality of the anthrax attack, resulting in a wave of cheers after Churchill explained the measure before the House of Commons. "Britain will not go down", the PM vowed, and MPs appear most unwilling to question the methods of a war of survival. For anti-communist groups, the destruction of Hungary by the Soviet Union has been denounced as an act of utter barbarity, with ceaseless publications speaking of "The Rape of Hungary" as anti-communist dictatorships - and the Vatican - rapidly mobilize international support for its traumatized and depleted populace. For anti German voices, the effects of the Battle of Moscow are coupled with the biological poisoning of the Moskva and the destruction of the Netherlands as symbols of German brutality, often depicting Hugenberg - instead of his monarch - in the same manner that the Kaiser endured in the first Great War.

For Germany proper, the major battlefield successes and the trauma from the Ulm Attacks have done much to negate the morale effects from such losses in the field, even as reports from increasing acts of mutiny - affecting all armies in the Eastern Front - continue to emerge. Chancellor Hugenberg, however, endured a rare misstep after allowing the voluntary screening of "The Great Dictator" - which was to sweep the Oscars - only to subsequently crackdown on all cinemas that decided to show the film. Planned as a show of force, it was to be badly received by the population and even in the conservative-dominated Imperial Diet, leading the unoficial opposition leader Carl Friedrich Goerdeler to describe the Chancellor as being "too clever by half as a tyrant". These, however, are but grumblings of opposition, drowned in thus far victorious campaigns even as the Reich's economy endures ever rising challenges to remain afloat.

Tokyo's efforts to denounce the British anthrax attacks have also been greatly undermined by the flooding of Nanjing and the deaths of hundreds of thousands - possibly millions - of civilians. Even as the KMT has endured a major blow which is sure to disrupt its military operations, the local reaction has been one of utter anger, further solidifying Chiang's hold in power after his latest anti-Japanese turn and his alliance with Marshal Zhang. Pro-peace forces, often represented in the figure of Wang Jingwei, seem to be at the weakest point, leading to speculation that Wang himself could soon face expulsion from the KMT. Although China remains utterly blockaded and unable to receive aid, the so-called "China Lobby" in the US has been ramping up the calls for America to take further action to save China from further atrocities by Japan.

Generally speaking, the atrocities committed across the year will do much to weaken the capabilities of all belligerent nations: Japan faces the loss of its capital and economic center; the Soviet Union has been driven from its capital and logistical center; the Axis have seen one of their key partners ravaged and their ranks diminished by death; and China has seen its capital and countless citizens disappear beneath the floods. And yet, none of these events appear to have weakened national morale and/or a resolve to continue the war, thus far dispelling any notions of a terror attack strong enough to collapse the enemy's resolve.

As the Second Great War enters a fourth/fifth year, even as major cities are turned to rubble and the ground poisoned for good with chemicals and bacteria, there is as of yet no end in sight.

[Lumine]

Turn XI: 1942

The Cast:

German Reich: Chancellor Alfred Hugenberg (Mr. X)
United States of America: President William Borah (S019)
British Empire: Prime Minister Winston Churchill (Dkrol)
Soviet Union: Chairman Genrikh Yagoda (Spiral)
Empire of Japan: Prime Minister Hajime Sugiyama (Lakigigar)
Republic of France: Prime Minister Charles Maurras (YPestis)
Kingdom of Italy: Duce Benito Mussolini (KaiserDave)
Republic of China: Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek (Kuumo)
Republic of Turkey: President Ismet Inonu (LouisvilleThunder)
Union of South Africa: Prime Minister Jan Smuts (Ishan)
Kingdom of Hungary: King Otto II Hapsburg (AverageFoodEnthusiast)
Polish Republic: President Adam Koc (Windjammer)
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Tsar Boris III Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (OBD)
Commonwealth of Australia: Prime Minister Billy Hughes (GoTfan)
Kingdom of Spain: Prince Regent Juan of Bourbon (Dereich)

Economic Performance:

United States of America: Very High
Republic of France: High
Union of South Africa: Moderate
Kingdom of Bulgaria: Moderate
Kingdom of Italy: Weak
Empire of Japan: Weak
Commonwealth of Australia: Weak
Polish Republic: Weak
British Empire: Weak
German Reich: Weak
Soviet Union: Weak
Republic of Turkey: Weak
Kingdom of Spain: Weak
Republic of China: Very Weak
Kingdom of Hungary: Very Weak

Popularity:

Prime Minister Hughes: High
President Koc: High
Tsar Boris III: High
President Inonu: High
Prime Minister Churchill: High
Chancellor Hugenberg: High
Prime Minister Sugiyama: High
President Borah: Moderate
King Otto II: Moderate
Prime Minister Smuts: Moderate
Duce Mussolini: Moderate
Chairman Yagoda: Moderate
Generalissimo Chiang: Moderate
Prince Regent Juan: Moderate
Prime Minister Maurras: Low

Mobilization Level:
Total Mobilization: Soviet Union, German Reich, British Empire, Polish Republic, Kingdom of Hungary, Commonwealth of Australia, Kingdom of Italy
War Mobilization: Republic of China, Empire of Japan, Kingdom of Spain
Partial Mobilization: None
Conscription: Republic of France, Republic of Turkey, Kingdom of Bulgaria
Volunteer Army: United States of America, Union of South Africa
Demilitarized:

[Lumine]

German Reich:

Chancellor,

The black, white, and red Imperial Flag flies on top of the Kremlin. Like Bismarck, you've been able to march into Paris; and like Napoleon, you've been able to see your armies march into the burnt remains of Moscow. It is a remarkable accomplishment, coupled with the expulsion of the battered Red Army away from Poland and Hungary and into the Ukraine. The cost, however, has been enormous. The Reichswehr not only has lost many of its veterans, it is suffering - like all other armies in the East - from the enormous cost of biological and chemical warfare. For a majority of the General Staff and the Kaiser, however, peace is not exactly on their mind. The Eastern Front stands on its seemingly decisive moment for the Axis, and you face a monumental decision. Go all out to finish the Bolshevik threat for good? Or seek moderation in victory?

Through clever problem solving, you have kept the German economy functioning, aided in this task by the collective resources of the Anti-Communist Axis. Unlike the Great War, there is and there won't be famine, and a new U-Boat fleet is ready for deployment. But like the hydra, whenever you cut off a head, another emerges. This time, Von Krosigk notes that although Germany has been able to sideline blockades to acquire key resources, having to pay for them has drained the currency resources, creating the question of how to pay for everything the Reich and its allies have to import to keep the war machine going. Not just that, the ever rising manpower demands of the Reichswehr conflict with the industrial demands for more workers, particularly since Germany provides much of the Axis' weaponry. With the German National Front harshly opposing the mere notion of women entering the workforce, there is already talk of drafting the Russian population in occupied areas as forced labor, as punishment for what the Soviets already did to Hungary. Where will you find the means to keep paying for imports, and how will you address future industry manpower shortages if battlefield losses continue to mount?

Amidst all the challenges up ahead, a curious development has emerged within the House of Hohenzollern. Kaiser Wilhelm III has no shortage of heirs, but his zestful eldest son, former Crown Prince Wilhelm, was taken off the succession in 1933 by Wilhelm II when he married Dorothea von Salviati, a member of the lesser nobility. This, in turn, left the more intellectual Louis Ferdinand - married to Russian Grand Duchess Kira, sister to Grand Duke Vladimir, the senior Romanov claimant - as the new heir. The death of the old Kaiser has reopened the question of the succession, amidst debates on whether Wilhelm's marriage (highly popular with the German public) ought to be recognized and the former Crown Prince restored to the line of succession... or whether the late Wilhelm II's views on the purity of royal blood ought to stand. How will you navigate the politics of royal succession?

British Empire:

Prime Minister,

At long last, Britain has avenged the humiliations imposed on the Empire by the dastardly Japanese Empire, with the attack on Tokyo opening up a brilliant new chapter in the history of military innovation. Despite the squeamishness of neutral countries and a few dissidents in Parliament, Britain has proved that it has the means to hurt its enemies, but the costs of the near suicidal Tokyo run and recent naval losses in the Far East make it a difficult - if not outright impossible - proposition to repeat the blow against the Japanese mainland. This, in turn, raises the difficult question of whether you dare use these new weapons - of so called mass destruction - on European soil, with the risk of far greater international pushback should European lives (instead of Asian) be the victims. Is there really room for moderation with the Empire still in mortal danger? Or should Britain seek victory at every and any cost?

Your successful neutralization of the Kingdom of Spain as a foe has been put into mortal danger with the emergence of the Second Spanish Civil War. With Franco gone and the Alfonsists trying to stabilize the situation against the German-backed Carlists and Portuguese, there is no room for Spain to contibute to the British war effort, and the attack on Gibraltar has enhanced the harm inflicted to Britain's strategic positions in the Mediterranean by the Suez raid. The Foreign Office and the Imperial General Staff are deeply divided on the matter of the Iberian Peninsula. Intervention could yet safe Alfonsist Spain as a vital ally, at the cost of opening yet another front when - even after the Belgian debacle - Britain is already overstretched. To not intervene could see the entire region become yet another German vassal, all while Portugal turns from reliable ally into newfound foe. What will you do regarding Spain?

As part of a deal with the Halifax government, King Edward VIII has been a vocal and stalwart supporter of the war effort and a powerful advocate of anti-German (previous sympathies notwithstanding) sentiment, helping shore up morale with repeated tours across the nation. He has done so with the understanding of being allowed to marry Mrs. Wallis Warfield (previously Simpson) after the war is over, despite the unyielding opposition of the Church of England and much of your establishment. But as the conflict drags on, Edward - who views you as a personal friend - has reiterated his intent to marry, stating that he's waited long enough. To allow him to do so would surely put the King - and his future consort - firmly in your camp and attain great appeal among the lower classes, at the risk of alienating the Church, the middle class and conservative sectors in a key moment of the war. Warfield's American nationality is certain to be a factor as well. What will you say to His Majesty?

Republic of France:

Prime Minister,

Despite predictions of the final, climactic struggle with the leftist trade unions and the French Communist Party, these have failed to materialize. Only a handful of Anarchist-controlled unions tried to strike, and were promptly smashed by the police and the growing DGSI. Simply put, it appears as if the CGT and its wide array of unions are keeping their powder dry, forcing you to rethink your approach when it comes to smashing the remnants of the French left for good. Not just that, the emergence of an alternate French government based on London is also cause for concern. Not of the immediate variety given its remarkable failure at attracting institutional support in mainland France proper, but a factor to be taken into account. As France enters another year with its Republican institutions dissolved, and amidst speculation on what your ultimate goals are... what will you seek to achieve?

The recent closure of the Mediterranean through German action and the manipulation of the Paris Stock Exchange have left a bitter taste, not enough to ruin the newfound economic prosperity, but certainly enough to cause major disruption. The result has been ceaseless debate within the ranks of the government on whether the current stance of partial collaboration with the Reich is still as desirable. Whereas many champion it still and urge the government to take a stand against the British Empire for daring to prop up Giraud, others discuss a range of measures to respond to this crisis. From outside the government but still within the ranks of the right, Francois de la Rocque and his PSF are organizing anti-German rallies in Paris and other major cities, demanding retribution and reparations for the major harm inflicted to French soil by German chemical weapons. Will you attempt to walk this difficult tightrope, or risk taking a firm stance?

Although mainland France stands intact - with the continued hold over Alsace-Lorraine a major source of stability for the government -, the French Colonial Empire has been steadily collapsing over the past few years, sparking outrage among many conservatives against a minority that has seen the colonies as more of a nuisance. Losses to the Germans - and then the British - have now been coupled with the collapse of French Indochina to Japan, sparking talk of a full declaration of war and/or some other way to take revenge on the Japanese. And more recently, the Syrian Arab Republic has informed Paris that, according to the Víenot accords, French usage of land and air bases, as well as the use of the Latakia naval base, have come to an end, with Damascus fully intending not to renew further usage. This, in turn, would see Syria fully leaving the French obit, leaving French Lebanon on its own. Is the Colonial Empire worth saving? Or, at the risk of alienating your own base, should France devote itself to a different goal?

United States of America

Mr. President,

Six years into office, you face a new electoral challenge ahead of you: the 1942 midterms. The longevity of the administration has staffers worried about the so-called "six year itch" that has befallen other two-term Presidents in their second terms, raising the spectre of major Democratic gains in Congress. With the House solidly Democrat, all eyes are in the tied Senate, which will see the Democrats defending almost twenty seats in the Solid South, and the GOP defending all of its vital Midwestern gains made during your original victory in 1936. Other high profile races will include the Governorships of Massachusetts and California (where Democrats Joseph P. Kennedy, co-leader of America First; and Upton Sinclair, Socialist stalwart, will defend their seats) and, most particularly, New York. There, a bitter primary is pitting isolationist (pro-Borah progressive) Thomas Dewey against internationalist (anti-Borah progressive) Fiorello La Guardia, with the winner taking on 1940 Democratic nominee Wendell Willkie. How will you fight the 42' midterms? And will you middle in Republican primaries to push critics out, or to promote candidates from a particular wing of the party?

Following the debacle of the German-American arrangement, the recent developments in Latin America, and a relentless assault by Congressional Democrats, Secretary of State Hanford MacNider has offered his resignation. MacNider has faithfully implemented your policies, but the extreme growth of German, Italian and Soviet influence from Mexico to Chile, the Peruvian invasion of Ecuador, and the increasingly left-wing turn of Mexico and Bolivia has internationalists howling for action to, in their words, uphold the Monroe Doctrine against European infiltration of America's neighbors. You must now decide not only whether to retain MacNider and/or with whom to replace them, but whether you dare change course and take active action in Latin America, or whether it is best for the United States to remain in a non-interventionist stance to occupy that political capital elsewhere. Of equal importance is the fact that many neutral nations have ignored the threat of sanctions to continue trading with Japan and/or Germany: will you dare put those sanctions in place?

By and large the Republican offensive on the New Deal has finally succeeded, wiping away most of what was left of FDR's legacy other than a few piece of politically unassailable legislation. The anger from the unions, farmers and other groups is palpable, but conservative and moderate Republicans have by and large hailed the White House for saving the nation from "socialist tendencies" (progressive Republicans, on the other hand, stand alienated). Having thus fulfilled a major goal with a friendly Supreme Court to rubber-stamp those decisions, the Cabinet wonders what is next. Should the Administration pursue another major domestic offensive on the eve of the midterms, and try to deliver or pick a fight on a specific issue? Or will you sit content with the repeal of the New Deal, seeking to profit from the so-called "return to normalcy"?

Soviet Union

Comrade Chairman,

As you survey the Volga River - and the thousands of refugees orderly crossing it - from the Palace of Culture in Kuibyshev (formerly Samara), the inmensity of the situation dawns on you. Moscow has fallen for the first time in a century and a half, the Red Army has been expelled from Eastern Europe and returns to the Motherland with Trotsky and Gamarnik, and the Ukrainian rebels have taken up arms at least. These are perilous times, in what constitutes the most difficult moment for the Soviet Union since the Russian Civil War. And yet, the war is far from over. The Congress of Soviets maintains its morale, and millions of volunteers march westwards as the reorganized factories churn out new weaponry. The Soviet state has developed its own weapons of mass destruction, and the battlefield defeats have not yet eroded your hold on power, which shows improvement from the turbulent times of Stalin, Kirov and Kamenev. It is make or break for the Soviet Union: how will you prosecute the war despite the loss of the nation's logistical centre?

The Congress of Soviets has relocated with you, with the emergence of new factions and new alliances helping create a majority that can be reasonably expected to aid with the prosecution of the war. It is not, however, all smiles. Despite a tight relationship to President Bukharin and Prosperity, the reliance on Tukhachevist deputies - now split in two factions - conflicts with their steadfast refusal to give in when it comes to flexibilization of cultural policies and the incorporation of women into the army and workforce - even after the sacrifice of Soviet female division in the Moscow campaign - as part of the war effort. This, in turn, poses something of a dilemma. The Congress' existence has seemingly done much to mobilize popular support for the war, but that same existence stands in the way of total power in Stalin's mold. Thus the question: should further purges be enacted and the Congress beaten into total submission to establish absolute power... or will you tolerate this limited opposition to ensure the unity of the nation and preserve a measure of Soviet democracy?

The Soviet Union may not have the same capabilities that Britain showed with its blow against the heart of the Japanese Empire, but it now possesses a wide array of chemical and biological weapons to wield against the Axis to avenge its overreliance on nerve agents to kill or main millions of Soviet troops. And yet, with the current state of the frontlines, further use would necessarily poison Soviet citizens and Soviet ground in the same way that much of Poland, Hungary and Romania have been ruined for years to come. It is not an easy decision, made worse by the international backlash to Hungary, the Ulm attacks and the tactics employed in Moscow that have anti-Communists scrambling to send further aid to the Axis. The choice ahead, therefore, is just as clear as it is intimidating. Should the Soviet Union fight without any remaining restraint, even at the cost of inviting further death or destruction? Or is there a line to be drawn before all of Eastern Europe and European Russia goes down in ruins?

Kingdom of Italy

Duce,

The Red Hordes are beaten! Having smashed themselves against Graziani and the invincible Marius Line - the snickering of the foreign press aside -, the Soviets have been pushed away from Hungary and the vital threat to the League of Rome is removed from the scene. It is a victory for Italy and another accomplishment in the Crusade against Communism, but one that creates difficult questions about the future. Italy clearly has a stake in this struggle on account of the various exile forces it has fielded (including several Ukrainian and White Russian units) which could play an interesting role now that Soviet territory is occupied by the German-Polish Axis. On the other hand, multiple external challenges and commitments put into question whether Italy could - or should - take part in the actual liberation of Russia from Marxism. Will Italy take part in the Axis' crusade despite the recent crisis with Berlin? Or are your resources better spent elsewhere?

Just as there was much jubilation in the streets at the news that the Reds had been pushed back, the joy turned into despair due to the enormous economic losses sustained by the Kingdom as the result of German action. With the Mediterranean closed, key exports can only reach Italy through land routes and at far greater expense, coupled with major losses for Italian companies in the Paris and Berlin Stock Exchanges. The public has increasingly noted and suffered these shortages and economic pain, but it is only among the Fascist elites that Germany's role is clear enough, leading men like Balbo to demand immediate and urgent retribution for this insult on the nation inflicted by Hugenberg and his cronies. With Arturo Bocchini now dead, there is no major pro-German voice to counter Balbo. How should Italy respond to German actions? And how will you seek to reopen the trade routes closed by their carelessness?

It is now clear that the new Empire you've build has not just been under siege by internal forces, but by external powers as well. Greece has been caught playing a double game. Turkish troops have given King Zog the necessary force to liberate Tirana and open a new front across Albania. The Italian garrisons in Libya have been under the first armed attacks in a decade, which have been easily repelled thus far. Ankara has thrown down the gauntlet, so to speak, and you must now decide how to respond to this challenge to the League's hegemony in the Balkans. The internal rebels will also warrant a response: Tito and the remnants of his forces have disappeared into Croatia, the Chetniks and the HSS have acumulated strength during the past year, and the Ustashe - in stark contrast to the more stable Slovenian and Serbian regimes - stand on the brink of collapse after being broken by the Red Army. How should Italy respond to all of this?