Legacy of the Revolution - Gameplay Thread (Turn 2 - 1803)

[LAKISYLVANIA]

Sweden requests the Kingdom of Prussia to rescind the Treaty of Breslau. If not the Kingdom of Sweden will be forced to take consequences.

[windjammer]

We are pleased to announce the wedding between Princess Augusta of Bavaria and the Crown Prince of Spain Ferdinand.

X Manuel Godoy

[Senator Spiral]

Treaty of Cape Town

The French Republic, United Kingdom, and Batavian Republic hereby agree to the following:

1. The Batavian Republic shall apologize and cease hostilities with the United Kingdom surrounding Cape Colony, committing to peacefully withdraw forces from the colonial territory until Batavian ownership is effective.

2. The United Kingdom shall publicly commit to the full transfer of ownership of the Cape Colony to the Batavian Republic, per the Treaty of Amiens, to be completed no later than December 31, 1803.

3. The rights of peaceful British shipping in the vicinity shall be guaranteed by all parties.

4. The French Republic shall provide financial compensation to the widows of slain British soldiers as a result of prior confrontations in the Cape Colony.

X First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte, French Republic

[OBD]

Treaty of Cape Town

The French Republic, United Kingdom, and Batavian Republic hereby agree to the following:

1. The Batavian Republic shall apologize and cease hostilities with the United Kingdom surrounding Cape Colony, committing to peacefully withdraw forces from the colonial territory until Batavian ownership is effective.

2. The United Kingdom shall publicly commit to the full transfer of ownership of the Cape Colony to the Batavian Republic, per the Treaty of Amiens, to be completed no later than December 31, 1803.

3. The rights of peaceful British shipping in the vicinity shall be guaranteed by all parties.

4. The French Republic shall provide financial compensation to the widows of slain British soldiers as a result of prior confrontations in the Cape Colony.

X First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte, French Republic

x King George III Hanover

[OBD]

Statement from the British Foreign Ministry
to be distributed to domestic and international press

On April 18, a serious misunderstanding occurred off the shores of the Cape Colony, where an overeager Dutch commander fired upon British sailors preparing to evacuate the Cape Colony in line with the terms of the Treaty of Amiens. To our great regret, twelve of His Majesty's loyal sailors lost their lives defending against this reckless attack. Thankfully, the Dutch government has proven willing to apologize for the rash behavior of their commandants, and through France is providing compensation to the United Kingdom as recompense for their actions. His Majesty personally extends his condolences to the families of the fallen sailors, and hails the continuation of peace on the European continent.

British forces will begin the process of preparing for the transfer of ownership of the Cape Colony and we anticipate being in full compliance with the Treaty of Cape Town by the date outlined in clause 2.

[GoTfan]

Statement from the Court in Berlin

The Kingdom of Prussia, as a sovereign nation, has the right to pursue diplomatic agreements with any nation it desires to. It is not the business of any nation to force the diplomatic policy of another.

Should the Kingdom of Sweden desire discussions with Berlin, they would be most welcome. However, the Kingdom is obligated to defend its right to make treaties. The Treaty of Breslau-a primarily economic agreement-will remain in effect.

Once given, the Kingdom of Prussia stands by its word.

[OBD]

Treaty of Agrigento (1802)

In the spirit of camaraderie between like-minded powers, and in the interest of the pursuit of peace and prosperity on the European continent, the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Naples, henceforth referred to as the “High Contracting Parties”, hereby agree to the following terms:

i. The High Contracting Parties hereby agree to a mutual defense pact. An attack on one will be treated as an attack on the other, effective upon the defending party submitting a written request for aid.

ii. The United Kingdom, in its tremendous generosity, will provide the government of Naples with a significant annual stipend. This stipend shall be used to further economic and social development within the Kingdom of Naples.

iii. The United Kingdom will furnish economic advisors to the Kingdom of Naples, to assist with the administration of grant funds provided from the British Treasury.

iv. The United Kingdom shall, in the spirit of naval cooperation between the esteemed navies of Britain and Naples, dispatch select Admirals of the Royal Navy to Naples to disseminate the latest naval tactics, training methods, and shipbuilding technologies. Furthermore, the British and Neapolitan navies shall engage in periodic joint exercises in the Tyrrhenian Sea to increase preparedness and regional security.

v. The Kingdom of Naples, in the interest of mutual security in the Adriatic and Mediterranean seas, shall grant naval basing rights to the United Kingdom in the ports of Palermo, Catania, and Sorrento.

vi. The High Contracting Parties grant each other the right to conduct business and trade within their territories. This right shall include the establishment of trade missions, offices, and warehouses. This clause shall not be construed to preclude the implementation of domestic trade policy, including tariffs.

vii. The High Contracting Parties further guarantee the free passage of the other’s shipping within their territorial waters.

viii. The High Contracting Parties declare their mutual opposition to the forces of extremism and disorder, and pledge to work in concert to ensure sanity and tranquility prevail across their realms.

ix. This treaty shall enter into force upon domestic ratification by both of the High Contracting Parties

x King George III Hanover

[Spamage]

Treaty of Agrigento (1802)

In the spirit of camaraderie between like-minded powers, and in the interest of the pursuit of peace and prosperity on the European continent, the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Naples, henceforth referred to as the “High Contracting Parties”, hereby agree to the following terms:

i. The High Contracting Parties hereby agree to a mutual defense pact. An attack on one will be treated as an attack on the other, effective upon the defending party submitting a written request for aid.

ii. The United Kingdom, in its tremendous generosity, will provide the government of Naples with a significant annual stipend. This stipend shall be used to further economic and social development within the Kingdom of Naples.

iii. The United Kingdom will furnish economic advisors to the Kingdom of Naples, to assist with the administration of grant funds provided from the British Treasury.

iv. The United Kingdom shall, in the spirit of naval cooperation between the esteemed navies of Britain and Naples, dispatch select Admirals of the Royal Navy to Naples to disseminate the latest naval tactics, training methods, and shipbuilding technologies. Furthermore, the British and Neapolitan navies shall engage in periodic joint exercises in the Tyrrhenian Sea to increase preparedness and regional security.

v. The Kingdom of Naples, in the interest of mutual security in the Adriatic and Mediterranean seas, shall grant naval basing rights to the United Kingdom in the ports of Palermo, Catania, and Sorrento.

vi. The High Contracting Parties grant each other the right to conduct business and trade within their territories. This right shall include the establishment of trade missions, offices, and warehouses. This clause shall not be construed to preclude the implementation of domestic trade policy, including tariffs.

vii. The High Contracting Parties further guarantee the free passage of the other’s shipping within their territorial waters.

viii. The High Contracting Parties declare their mutual opposition to the forces of extremism and disorder, and pledge to work in concert to ensure sanity and tranquility prevail across their realms.

ix. This treaty shall enter into force upon domestic ratification by both of the High Contracting Parties

x King George III Hanover

X- Queen Consort Maria Carolina von Habsburg-Lothringen, on behalf of her beloved husband, His Majesty King Ferdinand IV de Bourbon of Naples

[Dereich]

Treaty of Cape Town

The French Republic, United Kingdom, and Batavian Republic hereby agree to the following:

1. The Batavian Republic shall apologize and cease hostilities with the United Kingdom surrounding Cape Colony, committing to peacefully withdraw forces from the colonial territory until Batavian ownership is effective.

2. The United Kingdom shall publicly commit to the full transfer of ownership of the Cape Colony to the Batavian Republic, per the Treaty of Amiens, to be completed no later than December 31, 1803.

3. The rights of peaceful British shipping in the vicinity shall be guaranteed by all parties.

4. The French Republic shall provide financial compensation to the widows of slain British soldiers as a result of prior confrontations in the Cape Colony.

X First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte, French Republic

x King George III Hanover

x Ambassador Schimmelpenninck on behalf of the Staatsbewind

[King Saul]

We are pleased to announce the wedding between Princess Augusta of Bavaria and the Crown Prince of Spain Ferdinand.

X Manuel Godoy

X Prince-Elector Maximilian Joseph IV .

[Lumine]

End of 1802

Bonaparte strikes west!

Anti-piracy coalition gives way to ambitious plans,
Multiple French expeditions storm Morocco, Western Africa,
Franco-American effort struggles in Saint Domingue hell

The Barbary War
The Bey of Tripoli, Yusuf Karamanli, knew instantly that his position could potentially be precarious. Though he dismissed the fledgling American navy as inexperienced and any Swedish naval commitment as "superfluous", he knew that a France not bound by the Royal Navy was to be a far tougher foe to put up it. If anything, there was a distinct lack of a fleet to defend Tripoli with, with the corsair fleets being excellent raiders but not having vessels designed for war. Against the Tripolitanian-aligned pirates, the French, Swedish and American squadrons gathered up in Marseilles for the big push. In the words of the First Consul in a proclaim to Europe, the odd coalition was sailing to defend Western civilization against barbarism and piracy.

Over the next few weeks and months, the Allied fleet systematically went about securing its hold on the Western Mediterranean, resulting in endless skirmishes and, whenever the occasion allowed, counter-raids by the pirates. Although the Allied squadrons could not be defeated in battle, pirate fleets could still harm merchants and even ambush and defeat isolated vessels, resulting in a long, drawn out naval campaign. In stark contrast to other French efforts during the year, the Mediterranean campaign was to be a source of much praise in European capitals, with the Pope himself offering words of encouragement in the struggle against piracy and the past enslavement of countless Christian souls.

The arrival of the Allied fleet to Tripoli to shell the port coincided with the arrival of envoys from Constantinople, which urged the Bey to reach some sort of settlement. Karamanli stalled, only for the shelling of several Tripolitanian ports and the escape of countless pirate squadrons to friendlier ports in Tunis and Algiers to turn the campaign into a hopeless prospect of sorts. The Bey, contrary to French expectations, refused to wave the white flag. Rather than surrender, Tripoli sent offers to Paris, Washington and Stockholm, proposing a settlement in which European hostages would be returned in return for a small ransom. Thus, the Allies face the issue of whether to settle with the Bey and avoid trouble with Constantinople, or gamble on an actual invasion of Ottoman Tripolitania.

The Invasion of Morocco
Bonaparte, alas, had far greater ambitions than a mere punitive expedition to Tripoli. Dreams of Empire were the talk of his inner circle, and the First Consul, already feeling a sense of an unfinished job after his dramatic expedition to Egypt, concluded that Africa was ripe for the taking. In unprecedented fashion, over 80,000 men were committed to a series of ambitious operations: twice the size of the original expedition to Egypt. General Berthier, Minister of War, and Gaudin, the Minister of Finance, were said to have gone pale just by picturing the logistical challenge and sheer financial cost of such an unexpected enterprise, which added to commitments in Saint Domingue and Tripoli entailed the mobilization of the military - and further recruitment - at a time of (technical) peace.

Carefully avoiding Spanish-owned Ceuta and Melilla, and aided by the earlier cleansing of the seas by the Allied fleet, General Bernadotte successfully landed the 50,000 strong Army of Morocco outside Rabat. Caught by surprise over the lack of a declaration of war - an act that harmed French diplomatic efforts elsewhere -, the Sultan of Morocco, Sulayman bin Mohammed, was forced to suspend his permanent feuds with local tribes to try and concentrate his forces. While challenged by the difficult terrain and unbearable heat, Bernadotte struck faster, all but destroying a 20,000 strong Moroccan army at the Battle of Meknes. Unable to hold Fez, one of the two capital cities, Sulayman fled south to Marrakesh.

Subsequent landings elsewhere during the rest of the year were slowed down by further piracy action, which only ended once the corsairs had to withdraw back to Algiers. Much of the Moroccan coastline was seized, but further advances proved impossible given the challenge of keeping such a large force fed and supplied from France. Sulayman has gathered his forces in Marrakesh and has successfully rallied the population in occupied zones, promising a religious war against the invader. Bernadotte, showing his skill as an administrator, has kept unrest to a minimum in occupied territory, but it remains to be seen for how long can that be sustained.

West African Tour
Perhaps the most spectacular - and incomprehensible to audiences - of Bonaparte's gambits took place across the Western African shores, with General Augereau being given 30,000 men and wide berth to conquer and colonize. European-held strongholds were left ignored as various African kingdoms, tribes and realms saw French bombardment followed by armed landings. Augereau, while puzzled by his task, proved every bit the aggressive commander, establishing multiple bases and leading daring raids inland. Multiple skirmishes have taken place, French expansion being mostly limited by terrain, disease and climate while the African monarchs - collectively outraged - desperately collect their armies in their deeper provinces.

Political efforts to divide and conquer, however, fell flat, the unexpected and unannounced French giving creating suspicions and distrust that papered over tribal differences. Europe, stunned by the unprecedented French assault on the African Continent, was to fail to notice more humble efforts by other powers, including a not-insignificant Portuguese expedition that expanded their Mozambique holdings before encountering significant native resistance.

To the shores of Saint Domingue
Undeterred by Louverture's desperate Declaration of Independence, the long-awaited French expedition to Saint Domingue sailed from Brest under General Leclerc, 30,000 men backed by the increasingly overstretched French Navy and, decisively from the logistical point of view, with ample backing and support by the American Navy. The encirclement of the island, expected to be a simple affair, proved a drawn out affair after the Allied navy encountered several corsairs flying under the new Saint Domingue flag. Not expecting the rebels to have even that, French and American admirals were forced to heavily guard their transport and supply convoys, successfully repelling most raids.

In another nasty surprise to Leclerc, the Saint Domingue forces were better armed than would have been expected, with artillery pieces at Cap Francais and Port-au-Prince preventing a swift capture. Instead of overrunning the island, the French General was forced into a long campaign. Still, overwhelming naval superiority and advantages in numbers and training enabled the French forces to win an early victory by expelling the rebels from the east of the island, a recent conquest of Louverture from the Spanish. Lengthy sieges of Cap Francais and Port-au-Prince, while costly, also resulted in surrender.

Louverture and the remnants of his armies fled deep into the island, biding their time. Yellow fever broke out almost instantly, drastically slowing down French movements as casualties mounted and skirmishes kept delaying any advance. By the end of the year, the return of slavery to the island had greatly bolstered the rebel President's will to resist, as well as the local population's will to endure. Though the American-backed French effort has the upper hand, it does not appear that there will be an easy victory in Saint Domingue.

Molasses to rum to slaves
Under normal circumstances, such expansive efforts across the world might well have bankrupted the French economy, which had only recently recovered from its nadir thanks to Bonaparte's early reforms. And though the prospect cannot be ruled out given the long-term nature of those commitments, and the relative unprofitability of many of the conquered lands, one major source of income has been found: human flesh. Rather than just bringing back slavery to Saint Domingue - an act that, while heavily resisted in the island, could be a major boon should the sugar plantations be restored -, the French Republic went all-in on the highly profitable yet somewhat controversial practice.

Replacing, co-opting, or engaging with the local African leadership that would originally handle such matters in areas like the Gold Coast, Augereau's conquests served as an umbrella for slave operations to act. Ships went in carrying troops, and they went out carrying precious slaves by the hundreds, crammed into overburdened cargo holds for their new destinations in Brazil, the Caribbean, and the American South. Although unforeseen consequences are already occurring, including the hardening of abolitionist sentiment in New England and Britain, and even accounting for the disruptions caused by the invasion and the backlash that has led African princes to resist, the aggressive French push has quickly gained a major foothold against the British, Spanish and Portuguese slave trade, helping fund much of Bonaparte's grand operations.

Absolutism and Reform

Reactionary backlash to surprise reforms in Europe,
Rulers challenged by nobility, clergy and even military,
In contrast, Naples and Sweden embrace White Terror

A perhaps unexpected and unintended effect of Bonaparte's achievements as a reforming First Consul has been the sudden drive by several European monarchies to pursue reforms of their own, perhaps in the hope of correcting past mistakes or address perceived weaknesses. However, many of these reforms have surprised and even shocked observers in several instances, particularly after being ordered from monarchs or ministers previously regarded as solidly conservative and/or even reactionary. Though the backlash varies from nation to nation and none appears yet to be threatening, headaches are soon to follow for a few crowned heads.

Austria: all eyes on the Archduke
Having suffered greatly at the hands of the late Emperor Joseph II (1765-1790) and his greatly resisted Josephinist philosophy and reforms, the bulk of the Austrian nobility and clergy greatly welcomed Emperor Francis's general reluctance to reform during the first decade of his rule. But the Emperor had seemingly concluded a different approach was required, with Archduke Charles - brother to the Emperor and a highly regarded commander - put in charge of a committee that was soon issuing enthusiastic recommendations.

Though the Emperor seemingly predicted that opposition could emerge, he was soon swamped by delegation upon delegation of irate noblemen and generals, complaining about the "meddlesome" nature of the Archduke. Many were mollified or temporarily assuaged through clever means, but many more demanded a halt to such "dangerous" acts. Ultimately, timely efforts by the Emperor and his entourage temporarily defused what could have been worse backlash, but it is undeniable that the nobility and clergy in Vienna has been thoroughly riled up under fears that their reliable monarch may be following on Joseph's footsteps.

Russia: Steady does it?
For Alexander I, it was to be a somewhat more muted affair than for many of his fellow monarchs. Buying time and understanding through neutrality in Europe and aggression in the Middle East, the latter of which being enthusiastically received by those who stood against the late Tsar Paul, Alexander was able to push through the replacement of the Collegium with new Ministries, all while making a series of private promises of his own that, seemingly, defused excessive tension directed towards his person. But if Alexander escaped the controversies on his own, his ministers got a worse deal out of it, with the Privy Committee being looked at with suspicion by the nobility, and Alexander Radishchev being outright hounded and harassed. Unable to show his face at certain social gatherings, many noblemen have began demanding that Radishchev be not just deposed, but sent into exile.

Prussia: Pride and Prejudice
In Prussia itself, the Hohenzollern King proved to be more cautious, but even he was not to escape the disappointment of conservative forces becoming suspicious. With the Junkers remaining utterly convinced of the nation's strong, perhaps even invincible standing, a demonstration of sorts presided over the Duke of Brunswick soon descended into a symbolic, mostly performative affair, with most of its participants questioning the need for it at such a promising time for the Kingdom. The barons, however, proved far more welcoming of other measures enacted in the new eastern provinces, an apparent sign that their King nonetheless understood where Prussia's place truly laid.

Naples: The White Terror
Maria Carolina would hear no tales of reform, liberty or anything with the stench of Jacobinism. In the Queen Consort's mind, any agreements signed Cardinal Ruffo were not binding to her if they betrayed the interests of the Kingdom, and being weak in the face of Jacobin threats was very much a betrayal. The Queen, ably backed by Sir John Acton, revived the secret police with ample funding and support, made plans, and, disgusting as it were to her, even looked for inspiration within Revolutionary France itself. Convinced that the Treaty guaranteeing amnesty would be upheld, liberals and former rebels were stunned and shocked by the Queen's day of retribution.

In a series of ferocious assaults by the secret police, terror was unleashed across Naples as scores of dissidents were beaten in the streets by loyalist gangs and publicly humiliated. High ranking dissidents were re-arrested, tried, and executed by the noose, the axe and the firing squad. Even more dissidents were pushed into Neapolitan merchants or Royal Navy vessels by the hundreds, shipped off for a months-long voyage to Australia not concluded by the end of the year. They would keep their heads, but they would also be sent as far away as possible from the King's pious sight.

Of course, there were limits to what could be done. Many dissidents fled into the French vassal states in Italy, begging the First Consul for refuge and rescue. A number of noblemen who were to have their properties seized rose in local revolts and press ganged their peasants into armed bands, forcing the army to intervene or engage in lengthy sieges. A few others fled with their fortunes to Etruria or the Papal States. The Queen Consort offered a few carrots through delivering conditional pardons and even making a point of asking for mercy in contrast to King Ferdinand, though few believed the King would act without the Queen's input and perhaps even encouragement.

Sweden: Absolutism Reigns
If there was ever a place were autocracy was alive and well, it seemed to be Sweden. Although liberal or republican sentiment lingered on even ten years after the murder of Gustav III, his son and heir remained ever more determined not to give an inch in terms of his power. Ably backed by the increasingly reactionary Fersen, Gustav drew a line in the sand. Soon liberal publications and gatherings were disrupted by the police amidst mass arrests, a crackdown on anything with a whiff of republicanism or even support for a return to constitutional government.

The King, infamously quoted as staying "I am the King, I am the State", also applied a liberal use of the noose. Many agitators would hang before the year was through.

A key advantage of the King proved to be his father's prescient embrace of some degree of meritocracy, softening what could have been far worse backlash while enabling the monarch to pursue his own reforms. Some were well received, including a strong push towards economic development and army expansion that nonetheless threatened to heavily burden the Swedish economy. Others, including educational reforms, were not as welcomed by the autocratic "Gustavian Party", though Gustav III retained the initiative for now.

Spain: A man ahead of time?
Manuel Godoy seemed to be a man in a hurry. Seemingly determined to repair his damaged public and personal reputation, attempts were made to create a new image for the controversial Spanish minister, including attempted changes to his personal behavior. Although this resulted in a more restrained persona, reports from Madrid indicate the strain of such a drastic attempt at a personality change soon took a toll on the minister's body and mind, resulting in a relapse in his prodigious womanizing. For the time being, nonetheless, Godoy was spared from further embarrassing or debilitating scandals.

Though not held to be an arch-conservative given his earlier willingness to embrace bold reforms when necessary, Godoy stunned the court with a sudden drive to embrace quite drastic change. Much like in Austria, he would encounter hostility and opposition. An unprecedented plan to reform the colonies in America has been temporarily stalled Council of Indies and the Council of Castille despite the support of King Charles, a process that threatens to take a while. Attempts to fund infrastructure and a military build up were far better received, but Godoy's inventive proposal to fund what would amount to heavy deficit spending utterly bewildered the financial experts of the court and the Bank of Spain. To them, as the Infante Ferdinand joked, the minister might as well be speaking Chinese.

In all this, Godoy has aroused opposition from the nobility and skepticism from the clergy, with a number of grandees reportedly complaining to the King and Queen over the minister's "dangerous agenda". Nonetheless, one area in which Godoy got his way was the enactment of male preference primogeniture, ditching Salic Law to return to Spain's traditional succession laws before the arrival of the Bourbons and completing an attempt suspended at the last moment in 1789. However, it is not certain whether this will be welcomed by the exiled French royal family or the Neapolitan Bourbons, both of which could interpret it as a sign of scorn or disdain.

[Lumine]

A Sultan on the Brink

Selim III gambles on strong push to restore authority,
New Grand Vizier backs reform agenda, armies march on provinces,
Janissaries besiege Constantinople, demand immediate reversal of reforms

A new Pasha, a new Council
If Manuel Godoy was a man in a hurry, Sultan Selim III was in a marathon for his life. The Sultan had seemingly had had enough of the chaos that had poisoned his early rule, as well as the steady, decades long deterioration of royal authority within the arguably decaying Empire. The more moderate Yusuf Pasha, Grand Vizier, was to be replaced by ardent reformer Alemdar Mustafa Pasha, a man loyal to his Sultan and keen to see change. The Imperial Divan, having degenerated into a pointless body, was brought back as a true Imperial Council, gathering key officers of the state.

In an open sign of defiance to the elites that had thwarted him thus far, the Sultan also made a point of embracing merit for the selection of the council. This was followed by serious attempts at domestic reform, ranging from military and naval academies, naval reform and expansion and bureaucratic reform. Step by step, the outraged elites, and particularly the Janissaries, saw imminent danger in the "brashness" of their Sultan, who seemed determined to move into a different age.

Regional Wars
In the Sultan's mind, however, reforms were but one of many steps. The restoration of authority seemed to be paramount to him and the Grand Vizier, resulting in the mass mobilization of military resources to restore order. Before most reforms could take hold, Alemdar Mustafa had left Constantinople at the head of the Army of the Balkans, seeking to smash the Janissary revolt in Serbia before turning his attention at the outrageous acts of Osman Pazvantoglu. With some regional power brokers and Jannissary offers alienated, the Grand Vizier found little logistical support, delaying his march into Serbia. Once in the region, Alemdar Mustafa showed a talent for command, defeating the Dahije's rebel forces at the battle of Kurchumli.

Victory was followed by the uprising of the Serbs in favor of the Grand Vizier, having been thoroughly alienated by the Dahije's heavy-handed methods and ruthless oppression. Led by the adventurer Karadorde, Serbian militias rose in revolt to expel the Janissaries from rural areas, forcing the Dahije to fall back into Northern Serbia and their stronghold of Belgrade. Karadorde, in the meantime, has begged the Ottoman commander for weapons and supplies, offering to assist in the crushing of the Dahije. The rest of the year would see the Grand Vizier occupy most of the country and prepare for the siege of the frontier city, being prevented from completely crushing down the uprising in one go due to the boycott of regional power-brokers and the cold neutrality of Ali Pasha in Albania.

Being unable to attend to Osman Pazvantoglu, the Ottomans nonetheless were able to prevent the outraged Pasha from aiding the Dahije through the intervention of the Prince of Wallachia, Alexander Mourouzis. Mourouzis, sick and tired of Pazvantoglu's raids and plunder, mobilized enough forces to contain the Pasha at the Olt River. Not having the resources to outright defeat him, Mourozis nonetheless managed to temporarily protect Bucharest from a raid and deter Pazvantoglu from crossing into Serbia.

In Egypt, an Ottoman Army arrived just as the British garrison withdrew in compliance with the Treaty of Amiens. Under orders to crush the Mamluks before following on a further campaign, the Ottoman forces were once again betrayed by logistics and local resistance. Though able to take over from the British and secure Alexandria, Cairo and the Delta, the Mamluk forces escaped their defeat at the Battle of  Damanhur almost intact. Through the rest of the year, the Ottomans made themselves strong in most of Lower Egypt, with the Mamluk rebels gathering their forces and consolidating their hold on Upper Egypt.

The March on Constantinople
The elites were angry, to put it mildly, and none more so than the Janissaries. The expedition into Serbia to punish their comrades was viewed as an insult, and so were the administrative and military reform efforts spearheaded by the hated Grand Vizier, and the mobilization of the military to restrict the privileges of men like Paznvantoglu and other regional power brokers. When the rumor reached the Jannisary Agha that the court intended to quietly remove anti-reform officers from the administration and expand the Sultan's personal guard, outrage gave way to action.

Morally backed by the religious Ulama - who described the reforms and mobilization as apostasy and heresy - as well as part of the Ayan elites, the Janissary corps seized Edirne and Izmir, and marched on Constantinople from both sides of the Bosphorus, a swift march aided by the deployment of armies far away from the capital. Thankfully for the Sultan, the presence of the Nizam-i Cedid prevented the swift fall of the city, and the strengthening of the Bostanci personal guard averted - for now - a potential assassination. Nonetheless, the Sultan finds himself besieged in his own capital, with over 40,000 Janissaries issuing a list of demands that range from the deposition and execution of Alemdar Mustafa, the reversal of the reforms, dissolution of the Nizam-i Cedid, and such other impositions.

The President and the First Consul

Franco-American alignment leads to historic, unprecedented state visits,
Bonaparte becomes First Consul for life, but the opposition shows in force,
Jefferson battles societal backlash as the Federalist Party regroups

Jefferson in Paris, Bonaparte in Washington

The Franco-American relationship, having only recently deteriorated to the brink of outright war under the Adams administration (1797-1801), had been drastically altered through the election of President Jefferson. Now America had a President who could be described as Francophile in nature, and even in spite of the distance both Jefferson and Bonaparte seemed to hit it off. And the Franco-American Treaty of the Seas, which committed America and France into the struggle against the Saint Domingue slave revolt and the Tripoli based Barbary pirates, was just the beginning. In both men's minds, there was a need for a powerful symbol that the nascent Republics would stand together.

President Jefferson took the first step, announcing to an utterly bewildered nation that he'd sail to Paris for a state visit. Leaving behind a political inferno, the President undertook the month-long trip without trouble, landing in Brest to a cheering crowd. Even as American politics burned, Jefferson got a hero's welcome in Paris, a city he'd learned to love during his long stint as Ambassador. Received with full honors by Bonaparte, the President was also heavily courted by Republican forces distrustful of the First Consul, which included a heavily emotional meeting with General Lafayette. As far as French society, and particularly Paris, was concerned, the Americans were a friend.

The trip back to America, conducted in the second half of the year, saw Bonaparte traveling alongside Jefferson. Over the strong criticism of those who found it a dangerous, reckless enterprise, the First Consul resolved to do the unthinkable as well and visit America. As the Franco-American squadron sailed across the Potomac and landed in the capital, the duo found the political upheaval somewhat lessened, if still critical. Even amidst all the criticism of Jefferson's trip, Bonaparte encountered a mixture of polite applause and genuine enthusiasm by the crowds, ranging from a spectacular entry into Philadelphia from a more lukewarm reception in New York City. As the French leader departed, some of the backlash had been lessened by his tour, with Bonaparte remaining respected in spite of the toxic debate in Congress.

First Consul for Life
The marching orders for Second Consul Cambaceres - who held the fort during the American tour - were clear: the Consulship would no longer be up to chance and future elections. After some haggling, Fouché and Talleyrand presented a joint front before the Senate, stating that the Consulship for life was not just a worthy reward for the Citizen General's accomplishments, but a needed show of unity for the French nation. The Senate carried the motion, and the French public was urged to vote in a referendum to confirm the will of the nation. Unlike the 1800 one, ably rigged by Lucien at the height of his powers, the 1802 referendum would allow some opposition to take place.

Unexpectedly for Cambaceres, that avenue was rapidly and unexpectedly exploited by Republican-minded opponents. The massive surge in popularity experienced after the Peace of Amiens turned into disappointment when the nation was called into war right away, with the public - particularly in Paris - failing to grasp the point of such sudden and massive commitments into Africa. Carnot spoke against, and in this he was joined by Lafayette, Benjamin Constant, and the circle surrounding Madame de Stäel in the capital. Only prudence, it was rumored, prevented Lucien from jumping ship as well. Amidst reports of a substantial opposition vote, which may have been as high as 40% in Paris proper, Fouché took it upon himself to issue "corrections" to fix a number of "voting irregularities".

As Bonaparte landed back from the American tour, the official results showed a participation of almost 4 million, an undeniable accomplishment. Cambaceres announced the final tally as being 81% Yes and 19% No. Even though the Parisian crowds were somewhat indifferent, a contrasting response was found as Bonaparte's entourage went over other cities and towns. There, the crowds hailed what the official newspaper's Le Moniteur described as the start of "empire of new frontiers".

A Divided America
Thomas Jefferson would not have it as nicely. Having cornered the Federalist Party and solidified the South behind him in one brilliant stroke over the Saint Domingue intervention, the announcement of the trip to France threw all calculations into chaos. Though unspoken, the mere idea that the President would visit a foreign country was an unthinkable taboo, only briefly lessened by the notion of visiting a fellow Republican authority and not a Monarch. In one stroke, the Federalists had found what they needed to rally again: Jefferson's Francophilia and, as they put it to print, "shameful subservience to Bonaparte". As the President left, Congress debated bitterly over whether the office of the Presidency should be barred from leaving the country at all, a poisonous debate in which even many Democratic Republicans - particularly in the West - joined hands with their Federalist enemies.

Making matters worse was a brief succession crisis of sorts, as Vice President Aaron Burr attempted to assert that, on the President's absence, the Constitution mandated to preside over the government. In this he was firmly resisted by Secretary of State Madison, who ran the White House alongside Gallatin in strict, unyielding loyalty to Jefferson. The conflict threatened to escalate to the hostile Supreme Court, remaining unresolved when the President returned alongside Bonaparte. The damage, nonetheless, was done. Former President Adams took pleasure in denouncing Jefferson over Saint Domingue, arguing that the President had become "a slave to slavers", and former Secretary Hamilton took it further by attacking Jefferson as a "petty, Jacobin tyrant".

Indeed, a sudden influx of inflammatory publications seem to take over public opinion, badly polarizing the nation and even the regions. The result of this has been ugly polarization and an important hit to Jefferson's popularity, though his foes have not been left unscathed. The Federalist Party remains deeply split over issues of slavery and abolitionism, with the recent increase of abolitionist sentiment in some corners of New England remaining deeply at odds with the majority opinion of the nation. With Congress up for grabs and a Presidential election in two years time, the President may have to navigate perilous waters from now on.

Amiens on the Brink

Uneasy European peace threatened by multiple incidents,
Violent developments in Lübeck, Sardinia and Switzerland stun observers,
Can statesmen preserve the Treaty of Amiens?

A Profitable Interlude

Few were so enthusiastic about the Peace of Amiens as European merchants were, the endless years of blockades, naval action and general disruption of trade having taken a serious toll on profit and prosperity. But even as political tension rose, the preservation of the Treaty during 1802 gave the world economy much needed respite and room to recover, a boost that was further expanded through the temporary reduction in the activity of the Barbary pirates, and somewhat more controversially, by the significant expansion of the African slave trade.

Indeed, most European economies benefited greatly from peace, with only a few that engaged in substantial expenditures or deficit spending seeing their gains somewhat limited. And even in those cases, less healthy state finances did not mean the private sector was not doing well, with French industry and Spanish trade in particular taking off in a significant way. Strongly backed by the government through aggressive protectionism, French industry started firm competition against British factories, a development that greatly concerned businessmen in the British isles.

Still, even as most of the Treaty has been complied with, the British decision not to evacuate the key island of Malta, Bonaparte's quest for an African empire, as well as dangerous incidents in areas like Sardinia and Switzerland, threaten to blow up the entire process. Ultimately, even as Amiens finds itself under siege, the economic incentives of peace open up the awkward question of how much European states should pursue or avert a renewed general conflict. Even so, the incidents that were to follow were not insignificant.

1802 British General Election
In Prime Minister Addington's mind, the time was overdue for an election, the first to be held since the Act of Union between Britain and Ireland. Having gained consent for a dissolution of Parliament, Addington rapidly found himself in a very awkward position over the Cape of Good Hope Incident, with William Pitt's howling calls for a response threatening to derail the government's strategy. Thankfully for Addington, Fox's Whigs were in an awkward position as well given their leader's kind words to Bonaparte, recently coupled with a triumphant visit to Paris. The resolution to the conflict, however, proved to be a major boon to the Prime Minister.

Though the Cape would be returned - a fact Pitt bitterly lamented -, public Batavian apologies and French compensation satisfied the outraged public, allowing the Prime Minister to take a victory lap of sorts. In the end, and despite another scare caused by Bonaparte's Mediterranean and African dash, the Tory government machine prevailed. Though precise counts were a self-defeating exercise, Addington could broadly count on some 350 MPs, an outright majority that nonetheless masked diverse political groupings and personal loyalties. Some 40 MPs joined Pitt and Grenville's so-called "New Opposition", tireless campaigners for war against France. The Whigs returned as much as 240 MPs fueled through significant gains in the new Irish seats, with the caveat that many of those were more likely to back the government than Fox himself.

The surprise was provided by the abolitionist grouping led by the firebrand anti-slavery crusader William Wilberforce, an independent who had campaigned in Parliament since 1787 to abolish the slave trade in Britain. Fueled with the growth of the slave trade and undeterred by previous failures to get the ban through Parliament, Wilberforce gathered anywhere from 30 to 40 likeminded MPs, all determined to see an end to slavery. In this they continue to encounter the steadfast opposition of several economic interests and, more decisively, of the elite of Caribbean colonies, who threaten drastic action should such an unprecedented decision - at a time in which the slave trade is legal across the European monarchies - ever be taken.

The Sardinian Coup
There was no shortage of resentments in the island of Sardinia, itself held under a traditional, autocratic form of feudalism that housed the exiled House of Savoy. Only eight years ago, an uprising demanding autonomy and meritocracy had seized the island and held it for some time before the Piedmontese had restored order. In the time since then, the grievances had not been addressed, and a year of inactivity and lack of visibility by King Charles Emmanuel added more fuel to the fire. Close to the end of 1802, Sardinian revolutionaries struck hard, attempting an uprising in Cagliari that would swarm the Piedmontese court and arrest the King.

For a moment, the revolutionaries seemed to be on the verge of total victory. It was only the timely intervention of the Duke of Aosta, the King's brother and heir, and his dragoon squadrons that contained the revolutionaries outside the Palazzo Regio in a bloody struggle. After a couple of days of infighting, the concentration of Piedmontese military resources sealed the fate of the revolt in the capital, enabling the Savoyard princes to retain control. Unfortunately for them, the revolt spread like wildfire in the rural parts of the island, most of which has fallen to a self-proclaimed Sardinian Republic. With both the Republicans and the House of Savoy likely to seek outside intervention, the potential for war in Italy has suddenly multiplied.

Lübeck runs to Sweden

Despite no longer having the power it once held as a key component of the Hanseatic League, the Free Imperial City of Lübeck remained one of the key trading ports in the Baltic, as well as a strategic point between British Hanover, Danish Holstein, and Mecklenburg-Schwerin. It's well-regard Burgmeister, the experienced merchant Johann Georg Boehme, had been a persistent advocate of neutrality, even amidst fears that the reorganization of the Holy Roman Empire could see Lübeck consumed by some greedy neighbor. It was therefore a brutal shock to the city and its citizens when Boehme was ambushed in the streets while returning to his home, being brutally gunned down six times.

Amidst the mourning, intense talks took place across the City Council and key commercial guilds, with a majority expressing a keen sense of danger over Lübeck's future autonomy. In the mind of this new majority, the city needed a protector, with the Emperor being summarily dismissed as the proper man for the job. Boehme's successor as Burgmeister, Nicolaus Jacob Keusch, pointed towards a protector that did not neighbor the city: Gustav IV of Sweden. Soon afterwards, a defensive pact was signed between Lübeck and Stockholm before Vienna was even notified, enabling the Swedish fleet to dock in the city and establish a protective garrison.

The Swiss Uprising
The French invasion of Switzerland in 1798 had led to the utter collapse of the old Swiss order, based upon a highly decentralized, loose confederation of independent small states that often struggled to reach agreement. The Directorate's attempt to replace the confederation system with a centralized Helvetic Republic as well as the abolition of cantonal sovereignty outraged much of the nation, particularly the more conservative and localist half. Since then, the centralizing and progressive Unitaires battled the conservative, decentralizing Federalists, throwing the Helvetic Republic into permanent chaos, instability, and an ever worsening financial situation.

Once the Federalists under Alois von Redding, the new Landamann - Chief Magistrate - resolved to fix the financial crisis by restoring feudal taxation, the Unitaries were swift to respond with localized uprisings, burning through financial records to prevent the implementation of such taxes. Forced to resign under pressure, the new Unitary Landamann, Johann Rudolf Dolder, welcomed in a small French peacekeeping force to reestablish order. In the minds of the Federalists, a line had been crossed. Zürich rose in revolt and proclaimed Redding the legitimate Landamann, calling for the overthrown of the Unitaries and the removal of all French elements from the country.

Caught off-guard, Dolder's authority was struck a heavy blow as Redding seized Bern and much of central Switzerland, with only the daring intervention of the small French continent of General Soult averting outright collapse. As both parties gather up their armies, Switzerland has suddenly emerged as another dangerous flashpoint for hostilities.

[Lumine]

Rise of the Ambassador
By all accounts, the apology imposed by the Treaty of Cape Town was initially badly received by the Batavian populace, which blamed the British for the outrageous initial refusal to comply with the Treaty of Amiens. Ambassador Schimmelpenninck, seen as the main promoter of the original expedition, took initial flak for the apparent humiliation before the court of public opinion, even as business interests praised his ability to avoid a potentially damaging war. The Patriot press soon fired back against the opposition with scurrilous and damaging claims against the British diplomatic position and the need for a man like the Ambassador.

Ironically, it was London itself who repaired much of the damage to Schimmelpenninck's position by complying with the Treaty of Cape Town, evacuating the Cape Colony much like Egypt earlier in the year. The withdrawal seemingly vindicated the Ambassador's strategies and reinforced his position as an indispensable man before the Staatsbewind, shielding him from further personal backlash even as the victory lap undertaken by the Addington government stung hard. This, in turn, has placed the Ambassador at a position to assume power with the apparent support from Paris, though it remains to be seen whether the Staatsbewind will offer something... or whether it will force Schimmelpenninck to ask for it.

Death of an Infanta
It should have been a happy year for the Portuguese Royal Family. The betrothal of the Duke of Kent to the Infanta Maria Teresa seemed to herald the full restoration of the strong Anglo-Portuguese bond, even if the marriage was only to be consummated in six years time given the sheer youth of the bride and the apparent disinterest of the British prince. And yet, unfortunately for the Portuguese Regent, he was to be widowed before the year was through. The Infanta Carlota Joaquina, who betrayed her minute size through her prodigious political activity, suddenly disappeared from view after entering the Palacio de Belem in Lisbon.

She was not to be seen for the next few months and weeks, sparking rumors of ill health that reminded many of the speculation ten years ago that her constitution would prevent her from bearing children. Matters took on a more distasteful turn when the Spanish ambassador, the Godoy-loyalist appointee Manuel Negrete de la Torre, Marquis of Torremanzanal reported a lack of an official answer to his persistent demands for an audience with the Infanta. Before Torremanzanal's requests got a reply, the Court and the Regent announced their entry into mourning: the Infanta was dead, victim to a sudden illness that had sapped her vitality and taken her from this world.

The news of the Infanta's death were, morbidly enough, warmly received within the Kingdom itself with a sense of relief given her unpopularity, with a perception that the widowed Regent Joao would now be able to seek a more advantageous and popular match with his succession secured with one living son. The matter, however, has been far more controversial in Spain proper, with Torremanzanal writing an incendiary report that implied that foul play could not be ruled out given the secretive nature of the affair. Although the mere suggestion has outraged the Portuguese court and led to demands to expel the offending Torremanzanal, Maria Luisa, Queen of Spain, was said to have thrown herself at Minister Godoy in tears over the sudden demise of her daughter, demanding answers of her powerful confidant.

The Bear rises in the East

Alexander I rejects ultimatum, stuns Persian vassals with invasion,
Circassian revolt grows in size, Russian officers accuse Ottomans of meddling,
Persia to declare war after initial Russian successes

Race to the South
After the start of the Circassian revolt, ever larger Russian armies began moving south, a consequence of the Empire being seemingly freed from any commitments in Europe thanks to its proclaimed neutrality. The Tsar made a point of not engaging with the Circassian resistance other than by securing the Georgian Military Road to support operations in the south, sparing his men from any embarrassing short term defeats while drastically reducing, at least for now, the extent of Russian influence in the rebellious region. The Circassians soon embraced guerilla warfare and ambushes, a tactic that field to made much headway against the heavily guarded road.

By the end of the year, the rebels demonstrated far greater firepower than would have otherwise been expected, leading Russian officers in Georgia to openly accuse the Ottoman Empire - or at the very least, it's eastern vassals - of supplying weapons to anti-Russian rebels. The Ottoman governors in Eastern Anatolia, backed by the recent arrival of reinforcements to guard against Russian aggression, have in turn disputed the claims and accused Governor General Tsitsianov of wanting to force a confrontation between St. Petersburg and Constantinople.

Tsar Alexander I had little time or patience for the Qajar ultimatum, which was unceremoniously turned down. Instead, the local khans who served the Persians as vassals were outright targeted for invasion without a formal declaration of war, an act that - much like Napoleon in Africa - was to significantly stiffen future resistance. Tsitsianov invaded the Khanate of Ganja first, leading to the siege of the key fortress of Ganja. Having refused surrender or changing sides, Javad Khan fought Tsitsianov for well over three months before the city was forced to yield. The Khan paid with his life. While delayed for longer than expected, Tsitsianov followed the collapse of Ganja with an invasion of Erivan before being stopped at the mountains by the arrival of enemy reinforcements.

To the East, General Ivan Gudovich led a separate army of his own to overrun the Khanate of Derbent, a successful yet painfully slow task that was further complemented with an invasion of Azerbaijan. Ever increasing resistance by the Khans - who now saw the conflict as existential - halted further Russian operations for the year, but even so, several of the Persian vassals have already been overrun. The outraged Shah, Fath Ali, is expected to declare war as soon as the new year begins, fully determined to back Prince Alexander's dreams to return to Georgia. For all purposes, a bloody Russo-Persian war for domination over the Caucasus appears inevitable.

[Lumine]

Turn II:

January - December 1803

Popularity:
First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte: High
Ambassador Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck: High
King George III Hanover: High
Prince Regent Joao IV Braganza: High
Tsar Alexander I Romanov: High
King Frederick Wilhelm III Hohenzollern: Moderate
King Gustav Adolf IV Vasa: Moderate
Prince-Elector Maximilian Joseph IV: Moderate
Emperor Francis II Hapsburg: Moderate
Queen Consort Maria Carolina Hapsburg: Unpopular
President Thomas Jefferson: Unpopular
Prince Regent Frederick Oldenburg: Unpopular
First Secretary Manuel Godoy: Unpopular
Sultan Selim III Osman: Very Unpopular
Charles Philippe, Count of Artois: Very Unpopular
King Charles Emmanuel IV Savoy: Very Unpopular

Economic Performance:

Kingdom of Prussia: High
Kingdom of Norway-Denmark: High
Kingdom of Portugal: High
United Kingdom: High
Batavian Republic: High
United States of America: Moderate
French Republic: Moderate
Russian Empire: Moderate
Electorate of Bavaria: Moderate
Hapsburg Monarchy: Moderate
Spanish Empire: Moderate
Kingdom of Sweden: Moderate
French Royalists: Low
Kingdom of Naples: Low
Kingdom of Sardinia: Very Low
Ottoman Empire: Very Low

Army Level:
Merit-based, leveé en masse: France
Merit-based, conscription:
Wealth-based, conscription: Britain
Ancien Régime, traditional: Austria, Russia, Portugal, Denmark, United States, Sweden, Batavia, Naples, Bavaria, Spain
Feudal, obsolete: Sardinia, Ottomans
Special (Mercenary): Prussia
No Military: French Royalists

Naval Level:
United Kingdom: Hegemonic, Innovative
French Republic: Large, Modern
Spanish Empire: Large, Modern
Russian Empire: Large, Traditional
Kingdom of Sweden: Large, Modern
United States of America: Medium, Modern
Kingdom of Portugal: Medium, Modern
Kingdom of Norway-Denmark: Medium, Modern
Batavian Republic: Medium, Modern
Ottoman Empire: Medium, Traditional
Kingdom of Naples: Small, Modern
Hapsburg Monarchy: Small, Modern
Kingdom of Sardinia: Small, Modern
Kingdom of Prussia: Non-existent
Electorate of Bavaria: Non-existent
French Royalists: Non-existent

Army Information:

Logistical Limits: Armies that exceed 65,000 men per side in an individual theater or region will trigger severe logistical penalties. A dice roll will further determine the impact of attrition.

French Republic:
Army of the Interior (Paris): 80,000
Army of Morocco (Fez): 46,700
Army of West and Central Africa (African Coast): 28,100
Army of Hispaniola (Cap-Francais): 26,700
Army of Tripoli (Marseilles): 20,000
Garrison Duty: 40,000
(Can raise 20,000 men, and expand mobilization in Coalition War)

United Kingdom:
Army of Britain (London): 30,000
Army of Ireland (Dublin): 20,000
Army of the East Indies (Calcutta): 18,000 (plus Indian auxiliary forces)
Army of Canada (York): 2,000
Garrison Duty: 50,000
(Can raise 35,000 men, and call for active militias if the British isles are invaded)

Russian Empire:
Imperial Russian Army (St. Petersburg): 110,000
Army of Ukraine (Kiev): 30,000
Army of the West (Erivan): 35,300
Army of the East (Derbent): 28,500
Army of Circassia (Georgian Military Road): 9,100
Garrison Duty: 60,000
(Can raise 50,000 men, and call for Cossacks if main Russian territory is invaded)

Hapsburg Monarchy:
Imperial Army (Vienna): 120,000
Garrison Duty: 30,000
(Can raise 62,500 men)

Spanish Empire:
Army of Spain (Madrid): 70,000
Garrison Duty: 70,000
(Can raise 50,000 men)

Ottoman Empire:
Army of the Balkans (Krusevac): 28,300
+Serbian Militias (Krusevac): 6,000
+Wallachian Auxiliaries (Bucharest): 10,000
Army of Anatolia (Erzurum): 10,000
Army of Egypt (Alexandria): 9,100
Nizam-i Cedid: 5,000
Bostanci: 1,000
(Can raise 32,000 men directly, and/or call on the armies of the regional power-brokers)

Kingdom of Prussia:
Royal Prussian Army (Berlin): 100,000
Garrison Duty: 20,000
(Can raise 60,000 men)

United States of America:
Army of the United States (Washington DC): 3,000
Garrison duty handled by state militias, forbidden from crossing state lines.
(Increases require Congressional Approval)

Batavian Republic:
Batavian Army (Amsterdam): 19,000
Army of the Cape (Cape Town): 1,000
Garrison Duty: 30,000
(Can raise 10,000 men, until such a point in which France authorizes further mobilization)

Kingdom of Sweden:
Swedish Royal Army (Stockholm): 12,500
Swedish Army - Russian Frontier (Helsinki): 6,250
Swedish Army - Prussian Frontier (Stralsund): 6,250
Garrison Duty: 20,000
(Can raise 25,000 men)

Kingdom of Naples:
Neapolitan Army (Naples): 20,000
Garrison Duty: 15,000
(Can raise 18,000 men)

Kingdom of Sardinia:
Royal Piedmontese Army (Cagliari): 2,400
Garrison Duty: 1,800
(Can raise 4,000 men)

Electorate of Bavaria:
Bavarian Army (Münich): 15,000
Garrison Duty: 5,000
(Can raise 11,000 men)

Kingdom of Norway-Denmark:
Danish Royal Army (Copenhagen): 25,000
Garrison Duty: 20,000
(Can raise 22,000 men)

Kingdom of Portugal:
Royal Portuguese Army (Lisbon): 15,000
Garrison Duty: 15,000
(Can raise 23,000 men)

[Lumine]

French Republic:

Citizen General,

As you return to Paris from a long and controversial sojourn in the Americas, a sense of awkwardness pervades your close entourage. You are now Consul for Life, but the opposition, particularly the more Republican or Jacobin-leaning, has shown strength in the recent plebiscite. Opinions are split. Many point fingers at Cambaceres for botching the plebiscite, Carnot has joined the “loyal opposition”, Madame de Stael agitates from her salon, and Lucien has just defied you by marrying an unimportant widow, ruining any prospect of a useful matrimonial match for your goals. A smug Talleyrand praises your victory as another step to the throne yet begs you to preserve peace in Europe. And Fouché, who either acted decisively when no one else would or unwittingly cast an unforgivable shadow over the results, requires reward or punishment. How do you handle this newfound opposition?

Over the past year, France has been successfully building up an Empire outside of Europe proper. Much of Saint Domingue is occupied, Bernadotte chases the Moroccan Sultan, Tripoli lays open for conquest, and France has opened up the gate to the West African slave markets. And yet problems remain. For one, the massive development of troops outside France has proved both heavily unpopular and astoundingly costly, which on top of new expenditures is rapidly emptying the nation’s coffers. As Gaudin puts it, if the Republic is to remain financially afloat and maintain such commitments, the alternatives could be unappealing: ranging from finding new sources of taxation or raising current taxes, or seriously competing with Portugal, Britain, the Batavians and the Danes for the slave trade, with all the diplomatic fall-out this may entail.  What should be done?

Against the odds, peace with Britain has held for an entire year, but it has not been without complications. Though Talleyrand praises your defusing of the Cape Colony crisis, many believe the French concessions have injured the honor of France. To add insult to injury, perfidious Albion refuses to withdraw from the key island of Malta, yet another violation to the treaty that makes your blood boil. Adding to the fragility are the ongoing revolutions in Switzerland and Sardinia, the Lübeck incident, and most spectacularly of all, armed rebellion in the Ottoman Empire. Although relations with neutral countries have taken a major hit after your undeclared African invasions, there is a key role for France to play. Will you seek to preserve peace with Britain above all, or are you prepared to gamble on the continent’s struggles?

United Kingdom:

Your Majesty,

Parliament is back after a somewhat rocky election, and Prime Minister Addington and his large-tent government stands firm despite ceaseless hostility from the Whigs, Pitt’s men, MP’s loyal to the Prince of Wales, and now Wilberforce’s abolitionists. A burning question for this Parliament will indeed be that of slavery, and of Wilberforce’s relentless crusade against the slave trade. He has narrowly come up short thus far, but France’s large investment in said trade opens up a very difficult question going forward. To ban the slave trade or even more, slavery itself, would be cheered in liberal circles, give Britain powerful moral authority, and perhaps even significantly disrupt French efforts. On the other hand, it would also end a highly profitable source of income right as the British slave trade is the largest in the world, cause much pain and strife to the Caribbean colonies, and antagonize many influential men who benefit from trading in flesh. With the House of Lords presenting the largest stumbling block to Wilberforce, your personal influence will be decisive. Will you take action?

Amiens has held, but only just. Parliament is outraged at the Franco-American alliance and Bonaparte’s colonial warfare, and though the Cape Colony incident bolstered English pride, it almost led to open war. To make matters more complex, the House of Savoy is on the brink of collapse in Sardinia, the Swiss may face French intervention, the Ottoman Empire is at the brink, and even the Holy Roman Empire is undergoing great tension right next to your precious Hanover. Though Britain has already played a successful role in bolstering old and new allies, all these questions pose enormous challenges to be addressed, with little consensus on the path to follow. Should Malta be used as the bargaining chip for a new settlement? Will Britain intervene in one or more of these conflicts? Or will you outright give up on the Treaty and seek war with France?

As if a burning Europe were not enough cause for concern, the Royal Family has given you additional headaches this year, threatening to cause harm to the prestige of the Crown. George, Prince of Wales (“Prinny”), famous for his dissolute ways, inexplicable popularity, and Whig sympathies, is covered in debts, an embarrassing problem that has forced Parliament to increase his personal allowance. And yet more money is required, raising the awkward question of you having to ask the new Parliament for yet another increase. To make matters worse, Prinny is in open warfare with her estranged wife Caroline over custody of their seven-year-old daughter Charlotte. For Prinny, Caroline is little more than a garrulous, adulterous wench. For Caroline, the Prince is little more than a depraved knave, if not worse. And sitting in the middle is your dear granddaughter, who stands to inherit the throne after Prinny and whose education is an open question. What do you do, Your Majesty?

Hapsburg Monarchy:

Your Imperial Majesty,

State Chancellor von Trauttmansdorff and Count von Perger have come to visit, bearing complex news. There is great uncertainty and resistance over the recent push towards reforms, which to many has revived the spirit of Joseph II all while officers and noblemen rally against any whiff of meritocracy. Archduke Charles is snubbed and belittled by his own generals, the Hungarian liberal nobility has begun talking of a Hungarian Diet to pursue reforms, and Vienna is abuzz with political talk and great uncertainty where to go next. Of course, there are roads open to you. Trauttmansdorff is a moderate willing to explore concessions and Perger has shown a willingness to brutally promote enlightened absolutism the same as conservative autocracy. Ultimately, you must decide whether the Crown can risk internal conflict in the hereditary lands at this point, or whether you’d rather withdraw and fight another war. What will it be?

The Holy Roman Empire, already under tension over the process of reorganisation and compensation, sees even more intrigue these days. Though no longer a member, the uprising in Switzerland and a possible French intervention could lead to shockwaves in Germany proper. The sudden increase of Swedish influence in Lübeck seems suspect, there being questions of whether Stockholm should be engaged over this matter. Finally, the Extraordinary Imperial Deputation has released its first tentative report, suggesting a moderate settlement that preserves the bulk of the prince-bishoprics that Vienna holds dear, offering only limited compensation to Prussia, Baden, Württemberg and Bavaria based on absorbing a number of Free Cities. Will you move forward with this settlement and save the bishoprics, at the risk of alienating other nations? Or is it time to set up a different standard?

Kingdom of Prussia:

Your Majesty,

Surprising news from the west, as the City of Lübeck, traumatised following the assassination of its Burgmeister, runs off to Sweden for aid and assistance. The landing of a Swedish force could alter the calculations in Northern Germany, raising the question of whether you ought to approach Stockholm and collaborate with your fellow autocratic neighbour… or take action against this sudden development. Making matters somewhat more complex is the final process of the reorganisation of the Holy Roman Empire, with current proposals stopping short of the ambitions of the Junkers regarding expansion in Germany proper. Imperial politics seem like a treacherous path to follow, but it has been one Prussia has managed to profit from for the past few decades. Where do you stand on this?

Recent developments after Amiens have led to foreign policy dominating discussions, and Bonaparte’s grand African enterprise has suddenly raised a few eyebrows ever hungry for glory. Leading among them is the aged, enterprising Captain Joachim Nettelbeck, who ceaselessly petitioned Old Fritz and your late father to pursue a Prussian colonial empire that sought profit by trading slaves. Of course, Brandenburg and then Prussia gave up on such dreams a century ago, leading to the lack of a war fleet. But there are those who begin to wonder: if the upstart Corsican could, why not the Hohenzollerns? Still, and outside the nobility, the bureaucracy tends to oppose such projects due to heavy short-term expenses. Should Prussia try to expand beyond Europe, or should all efforts be focused on Germany?

Russian Empire:

Your Imperial Majesty,

A decision to seemingly extricate yourself from European affairs, while initially much resisted and resented by foreign ambassadors in St. Petersburg, has paid off. Several Russian armies march south to the Caucasus, and while logistics and the Circassian revolt rob you of the opportunity of a swift conquest, it is clear that the Russian Bear has firmly planted itself in the region. But of course, with a Persian declaration of war now imminent, a war is sure to follow. You must now decide how to fight what promises to be a long and difficult war due to the geography involved, as well as consider your options regarding the elephant in the room: the Ottoman Empire. Should all attention be put in Persia regardless of outside events? Or is the Sultan’s weakness so tempting that Europe requires being given attention again?

You’ve managed to clear a first hurdle of basic reforms with the abolition of the Collegium and the establishment of several ministries, but the court remains rife with conflict and some very un-subtle jockeying for influence. For one, a man must be chosen to chair the Council of Minister, a role that could potentially be seen as your most senior powerful advisor. Popular choices for the role include the somewhat pro-French Nikolay Rumyantsev against the somewhat pro-British Alexander Vorontsov, both men willing to pursue moderate reform. There’s also the option of choosing your personal friend from the Privy Committee, Count Czartoryski, though his “closeness” to your neglected Tsarina might make for an awkward situation. Radishchev, in the meantime, continues to be the chief target of conservative elements disaffected even with your moderate reforms, with ceaseless demands that any royal protection be withdrawn from him. What to do?

Ottoman Empire:

My Lord Emperor,

Grim news as your stare from the Palace to the outskirts of Constantinople. The disgraceful Janissaries have had enough of reform, and they have mobilised in full force in a coup only temporarily held back by the loyal men who hold the city. Their list of demands is long, ranging from the execution of your Grand Vizier to the end of these initiatives of yours. A painful decision emerges. Is this the time to surrender and hope to fight another day? Should you bring back the Grand Vizier and his army back to try and break the siege? Could help be found in the powerful regional power-brokers, even if their price may be steep? The fate of your reign stands on the balance, but your fate is not yet written. What shall it be, my lord?

Even as you fight for your life, the question of foreign affairs remains a painful puzzle to solve. Under other circumstances, all attention would be placed on Russia’s eastern aggression, and/or Bonaparte’s strike against your nominal vassals in Tripoli. And yet, with the Janissary revolt there is the twin prospect of foreign powers wanting a piece of the Empire… or having to rely on one of said powers to relieve you from this rebel ring of death. Opinions are divided. Many would consider Britain a natural ally with an interest to preserve the balance of power, but it is uncertain whether London could even afford an intervention with so many other distractions. Then there’s the Austrian Emperor, though his limited navy poses a problem. Or should you seek help from more unexpected corners? Whichever it is, my lord, beware of any vulture!

[Lumine]

Kingdom of Spain:

Your Excellency,

Though the Empire has greatly benefited from a year of peace and the vital resumption of trade, the inability of Europe to hold itself together once again pushes you into the dangers of war. The Queen cries in your lap after Torremanzanal’s reports imply foul play in the death of the Infanta in Portugal, a crisis in need of a response. From Etruria, King Louis warily eyes the revolution in Sardinia, terrified of the prospect of it growing out of control. And while the French invasions across Africa have left Spanish possessions untouched and undisturbed, many courtiers are alarmed at the growth of your neighbour. One final piece of the foreign puzzle is the thorny issue of slavery, with Spain having a small share of the market while foreign merchants provide most of the flesh to their own profit. Should Spain stir itself in some corner of the globe? Or are the advantages of peace too tempting to ignore?

It has been a very rocky year domestically, and your body feels the sheer strain from unsuccessfully trying to change your entire lifestyle. Nobility and clergy are up in hostility towards very ambitious reforms to the colonies, making for a very slow passage through the Council of Indies and the Council of Castille. Of course, there are alternatives to speed things up. For the most ardent reformers, there would be enthusiasm to call the Spanish Cortes into session. Though stripped of all powers minus taking the oath of allegiance to any heir, you could empower them, if at the risk of an experience like the French Estates-General of 1789. The financial issue is also a problem, as the treasury is being drained by new military and infrastructure spending while the Bank of Spain struggles to comprehend your proposals for funding, let alone implement them.

United States of America:

Mr. President,

These are complex times, with partisan politics being just as heated as they were back in 1800. Still, you’ve been able to implement your agenda thus far, all while Secretary Gallatin slashes spending and Secretary Madison presides over the Franco-American understanding. But the Federalist Party is back with a vengeance despite their split over slavery, rallying against you over the “extravagant” and highly controversial visit to France. Their hold over the Supreme Court has even delivered a major challenge in Marbury v. Madison, with Justice Marshall ruling that the Court has the power of judicial review. In a year in which voters elect a new House of Representatives and part of the Senate, you must decide how to respond. How should the DRs battle the Federalists in the election? And will you take action against the Supreme Court, or let it slide?

While heavily divisive, the first results of the Franco-American understanding are plain to see. The Barbary pirates reel from the naval offensive in a clear surge of prestige for the fledgling US Navy, and it is now to be decided whether Tripoli should be invaded and/or occupied. American vessels battle Saint Domingue corsairs while providing logistics for the French Army in the island, there being the question if the army should be expanded to allow American forces to land there as well. And out west, just as Ohio joins the Union as its newest state, Indiana Territory Governor William Henry Harrison has been trying to sign new treaties with local tribes to expand US territories. However, Harrison reports that previously approachable chiefs have been turning sour, and an increase in Indian raids. How should the Republic - if at all - handle these affairs?

Kingdom of Sweden:

Your Majesty,

The nation is in movement again as Fersen struggles to find enough nooses to hang dissidents, Republicans, and - most enthusiastically - liberal college students. Burgmeister Keusch presides over the arrival of Swedish ships and troops into Lübeck, strongly reinforcing the Kingdom’s standing in Northern Germany and any future claims to influence within the Holy Roman Empire. And the expedition to the Far East is on its way, but not likely to return in several months or even years. But there are burning questions still plaguing the court. For one, the ongoing expansion of the Army is proving very costly, pushing Sweden towards the need for more sources of income. For another, many liberal elites are trying to flee the country for London or Copenhagen. And lastly, with Sweden now defending Lübeck, will you seek to intervene with the plans for reorganisation of the Holy Roman Empire?

Kingdom of Norway-Denmark:

Your Royal Highness,

For nineteen years now you’ve held the regency over your insane father, who, in his early fifties, gives no sign of giving up the throne. But so be it, for you are used to the hardships of politics, having been forced to stage a coup to even get the regency. One year after Admiral Nelson engaged and defeated the Danish fleet for having the audacity to want free and uninterrupted trade with France, the question of alignments has risen yet again. Sweden looms as a threatening neighbour ever hungry for Norway, and there are strong voices at court wishing to seek a firm protector in Paris or St. Petersburg. Others still push for neutrality in hopes of avoiding another British raid, provided the Treaty of Amiens ensures the flow of trade the nation depends on. Will Denmark seek such an alignment? Or is the nation better protected through firm neutrality?

Kingdom of Naples:

Your Majesty,

The White Terror has been implemented, and the realm has been cleansed. Traitors hang from the walls and countless more are on their endless voyage to Australia, if they can survive the rough seas. Jacobinism has been thoroughly purged, but it wasn't all smooth sailing. The Royal Family will pay a price with the populace, Cardinal Ruffo is disgusted, and not insignificant groups of noblemen have staged rural revolts or fled to neighboring states. And perhaps just as disquieting, the revolution in Sardinia and the filling of the Western Mediterranean with French vessels makes you rather uneasy, perhaps reinforcing the belief that more must be done so that Naples is forever secured from the ghosts of 1789. Thus the question is: should Naples lead the fight against Jacobinism elsewhere, or is the risk of overreaching too high?

Kingdom of Portugal:

Your Royal Highness,

Sincerest condolences on the unfortunate demise of the Infanta Carlota Joaquina. Though the public mourns her not, it is a death whose unfortunate timing has now become a diplomatic incident thanks to the outrageous insinuations of Spanish ambassador Torremanzanal. Alongside the question of whether to seek out an advantageous marriage now that you're a widower, there is now the thorny issue of how to handle any backlash from Madrid. Adding to this, and even as the economy shows record profits from renewed peace, is the concerning French dash to enter the slave market, in what could be a serious threat to Portugal's commanding position - matched only by Britain - in shipping slaves to the American continent. What are your commands?

Kingdom of Sardinia:

Your Majesty,

The House of Savoy stands at a decisive moment. Godless Jacobin rebels, not having learned the lesson taught by your troops a few years ago, have revolted all across Sardinia, coming close to seizing Cagliari and your family before the Duke of Aosta’s dragoons turned them around. As it stands, the northern part of the island has been overrun. It is now up to you to decide how to salvage your dynasty and beat back the rebels. Most decisively, you must also consider whether to seek out allies to support Sardinia-Piedmont, and perhaps more perversely, whether you could or should find ways to stop others from exploiting this situation.

Electorate of Bavaria:

Your Highness,

Peace in the Empire has held for now, and with it, Bavaria has benefited as trade between Austria and France resumes more freely. You have a clear diplomatic goal in mind, but there are also other issues requiring your attention. In foreign policy terms, to decide whether you can live with the potential reorganisation plan that would see Bavaria gain only limited territory as compensation, and of course, whether Münich has any stance to take on the Lübeck situation and the Swiss uprising. Domestically, the most urgent decision is whether funds ought to be directed to building up a stronger army, or to the reconstruction of lands and cities ruined by the past few invasions. This, of course, in addition to the question of whether you should try to increase government revenue, and through which means.

Batavian Republic:

Ambassador,

Although the perceived humiliation was badly received in the mainland proper, the resolution to the Cape of Good Hope Incident has ultimately bolstered the Dutch colonial empire. The Cape Colony is back into the fold, restoring the vital sea arteries that connect with the precious colonies in East Asia. Even with the perception of allowing the Republic to debase itself to Britain, you've established yourself as the commanding personality of the Batavian state. Even so, no formal offers come from the Staatsbewind to formalize your position or grant a much deserved title, the body seemingly unable to take a hint. Whilst you decide what to do, the question of the administration of the surviving Asian colonies comes at the forefront. Should the defunct Dutch East India Company be revived to try and compete with the British East India Company? Should it be centralized rule under the Governor-General? And how exactly should the Dutch colonies be run?

French Royalists:

Your Royal Highness,

At the most recent party at Holyrood Palace, you marvel yourself at the size of the crowd. Steadily but surely, the ranks of your entourage have swelled as many true and loyal Royalists have gathered in Scotland, even many new faces. And in Paris, the Coriscan Ogre has humiliated himself with his sham referendum, proof that there is an opposition that clamors for its rightful King. With Louis XVIII still in Warsaw, the cause remains yours to command, and there is no shortage of adventures wanting to strike a blow for the Emigré cause. But how? Some talk of reviving the Emigré Army, perhaps funded by some fellow-minded monarch. Others of going to Sardinia to fight for the Royalist cause in solidarity with the House of Savoy. And others would have you formally set up a court in exile, though all of these might surpass the stipend the British Parliament has allocated. Should more dramatic actions be taken, or do you trust the plan to go as expected?

[windjammer]

Declaration of War:

A state of war is now declared against the socalled "Sardinian republic".

[GoTfan]

A statement from Berlin

All Swedish forces must leave Lubeck immediately or the Kingdom of Prussia will be forced to take action in order to ensure stability within the German states.

[DKrol]

A Public Proclamation from the Portuguese Court

It brings Us great sorrow to announce the untimely death of Her late Majesty the Infanta Carlota Joacquina. The Infanta had fallen ill in recent months with consumption and was removed to the Palacio de Belem to receive care and recuperate. Isolation was recommended for her, given her grave state, and a desire to ensure an epidemic of consumption did not sweep across Our realm. Sadly, her illness overtook her and she has now joined the Lord in Heaven. We weep deeply for her death and ask the prayers of all people of the Faith, for her soul, her eternal life, and for the safety and health of the Royal Children.

His Majesty the Prince Regent had declared a year-long period of mourning, suspending all sporting events, banquets, and public entertainment, and urging all Portuguese to dress modestly and lament. We shall also commission a series of portraits and statues of the late Infanta to be displayed in public squares across Our realm. 

[LAKISYLVANIA]

A statement from Stockholm

Once again, Berlin shows exactly why the northern German states are in need of protection. After the rape of Danzig, Sweden will not allow further Prussian agression on its fellow brethren.

[LAKISYLVANIA]

Ultimatum

Sweden immediately requests Berlin to drop its agressive language within 24 hours, if not, a full naval blockade and trade embargo will be enforced on the Kingdom of Prussia.

[LAKISYLVANIA]

Given the threat of war is looming, Sweden mobilizes!

[Devout Centrist]

Imperial Decree regarding Developments in Lübeck

Dated: 20th of January, 1803 A.D.

We, his imperial majesty Francis II, by the grace of God elected Roman Emperor, decree that a just and fair settlement must be reached regarding the sovereignty and rights of the Hanseatic City of Lübeck. The Emperor offers his resources and assistance to help all sides reach a fair settlement.

This decree, signed in the Schloss Schönbrunn, on the 20th of January, Anno Domini 1803

X Franz II

[LAKISYLVANIA]

Statement from Stockholm

Sweden withdraws their military presence from the Hanseatic City of Lübeck in an effort to alleviate tensions in the Holy Roman Empire.

[GoTfan]

Statement from Berlin

The resolution of Lubeck has been in favour of Prussia's policy of security and integrity of the German states! We extend thanks to the Kingdom of Sweden for having the foresight to avoid war, and to the Holy Roman Empire for brokering the final agreement.

Gott Mit Uns!